Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
1
Chapter 7
The Evolution of Campaign Communications
Many accounts have noted the decline of traditional forms of party
campaigning, like local rallies and door -to-door canvassing, and new
developments like the growth of spin -doctors and political consultant s. A
growing series of case studies has documented these trends in a range of
established and newer democracies 1
. Different accounts have interpreted these
changes as representing the ‘rise of political marketing’, if the techniques
have been borrowed from the private sector, or the ‘Americanization of
campaigning’, if these forms of electioneering originated in the United
States2
. Building upon this literature, the core argument of this chapter is
that changes in campaign communications can best be underst ood as an
evolutionary process of modernization that simultaneously transforms party
organizations, the news media, and the electorate. This typology can be
illustrated schematically in Figure 7.1 and Table 7.1.
In this theoretical framework, pre-modern campaigns are understood to
display three characteristics: the campaign organization is based upon direct
forms of interpersonal communications between candidates and citizens at
local level, with short-term, ad-hoc planning by the party leadership. In
the news media the partisan press acts as core intermediary between parties
and the public. And the electorate is anchored by strong party loyalties.
During this era, local parties selected the candidates, rang the doorbells,
posted the pamphlets, targeted t he wards, planned the resources, and
generally provided all the machinery linking voters and candidates. For
citizens the model is one that is essentially local-active, meaning that most
campaigning is concentrated within local communities, conducted throu gh more
demanding political activities like rallies, door -step canvassing and party
meetings.
Modern campaigns are defined as those with a party organization
coordinated more closely at central level by political leaders, advised by
external professional consultants like opinion pollsters. In the news media,
national television becomes the principle forum of campaign events,
supplementing other media. And the electorate becomes increasingly decoupled
from party and group loyalties. Politicians and professio nal advisors conduct
polls, design advertisements, schedule the theme de jour, leadership tours,
news conferences and photo opportunities, handle the press, and battle to
dominate the nightly television news. For citizens, the typical experience of
the election becomes more passive, in the sense that the main focus of the
campaign is located within national television studios, so that most voters
become more distant and disengaged spectators in the process.
Lastly post-modern campaigns are understood as those where the coterie
of professional consultants on advertising, public opinion, marketing and
strategic news management become more co -equal actors with politicians,
assuming a more influential role within government in a ‘permanent’ campaign,
as well as coordinating local activity more tightly at the grassroots. The
news media fragments into a more complex and incoherent environment of
multiple channels, outlets and levels. And the electorate becomes more
dealigned in their voting choices. For some citize ns, the election may
represent a return to some of the forms of engagement found in the pre -modern
stage, as the new channels of communication potentially allows greater
interactivity between voters and politicians.
[Figure 7.1 about here]
The essential features of this model can be expected to vary from one
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
2
context to another. Rather than claiming that all campaigns are inevitably
moving into the post-modern category, this view emphasizes that contests can
continue to be arrayed from the pre -modern to the post-modern, due to the
influence of a range of intermediary conditions such as the electoral system,
campaign regulations and organizational resources. And instead of a
specifically American development, with practices like negative advertising,
personalized politics, or high campaign expenditures which are subsequently
exported to other countries, it seems more accurate to understand the changes
in campaigning as part of the modernization process rooted in technological
and political developments common to many post-industrial societies. This
chapter aims to develop the main elements in this theoretical framework and
then to compare evidence of the main channels of direct and mediated
campaigning to see how far we can characterize contemporary European
elections along these dimensions. To understand longitudinal trends the next
chapter builds on this framework by comparing case studies of the United
States and Britain illustrating how campaigns have evolved since the war. We
can then summarize the conclusions and consider the implications of these
developments for the core issues of political trust and civic engagement that
lie at the heart of this book.
The Pre-Modern Campaign
Pre-modern campaigning originated in the 19 th
century with the expansion
of the franchise, and continued in recognizable form in most post -industrial
societies until at least the 1950s, when the advent of televised campaigns
and the publication of regular opinion polls started to transform the
process. In general elections the pre-modern era was characterized by a
campaign organization with the party leader at the apex, surrounded by a few
close political advisers, running a relatively short, ad hoc national
campaign. The base was a loose organizational network of party volunteers
dispersed in local areas. The party organization was predominately
constituency-oriented, involving politicians, party workers and citizens in
direct, face-to-face contact through activities like town -hall hustings,
canvassing and branch party meetings. In m ass-branch party organizations the
grassroots membership provided the unpaid labour, helping the local
candidate, advised by the constituency party agent. Pre -modern campaigns
relied heavily upon the partisan press as the main source of mediated
information, either directly owned and subsidized by party organs, or
independently owned and managed but providing sympathetic partisan -spin
through editorial columns and political commentary. Newspapers were
indirectly supplemented in the 1920s by radio and movie s, important sources
of news in the interwar period, and these media started to nationalize the
campaign even prior to the age of television. The classic theories of voting
behaviour stressed the stability of the electorate during this era, anchored
by social and party loyalties. Lipset and Rokkan stressed that European
parties were based on stable sectoral cleavages in the electorate, with the
divisions of class, religion and region providing the solid bedrocks of
electoral support3
. The earliest studies of campaign communications in
America, by Lazarsfeld and colleagues, emphasized that the primary impact of
elections was to reinforce partisan supporters, rather than to produce new
converts4
. Classic accounts of American electoral behaviour, by V.O.Key 5
, and
Campbell et al.6
, argued that voters were guided by partisan identification,
representing an enduring loyalty or ‘standing decision’ influencing voting
decisions over successive contests. If voters were largely stable, the main
function of party organization was to energize and mobilize their traditional
base of electoral support.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
3
[Table 7.1 about here]
Today these direct forms of campaigning have essentially been
supplemented, not replaced. The traditional campaign, built on personal
networks of volunteers and face-to-face candidate-voter communications,
continues to be common when mobilizing voters in no -frills contests for
local, municipal and state-level elected office, for minor parties without
generous financial resources, as well as in countries like Britain where
mass-branch party organizations maintain networks of active party members 7
.
Electoral systems where politicians compete in multimember seats with others
within the same party often emphasize the importance of local campaigning to
maintain support. This pattern is evident in Ireland under STV as well as in
Japan where LDP politicians, when competing under STNV, traditionally relied
upon a local association, or koenkai, acting as an election machine
maintaining contact with voters 8
. Direct campaigning also remains
characteristic of elections in developing countries like India and South
Africa, with relatively low levels of literacy and television access. Even in
the United States, ‘retail’ politics continues in the New Hampshire
primaries, in district and state caucuses, and in general elections, with
candidates meeting activists in local living rooms and diners, and displays
of yard signs and bumper stickers 9
. Huckfeldt and Sprague emphasize the
political importance in presidential electio ns of local mobilization efforts,
party canvassing and discussion networks within American communities 10
. In
chapter 13 we examine long-term trends in the proportion of Americans engaged
in campaign activism and the results show no consistent and substanti al
decline across most dimensions (other than the display of buttons and bumper
stickers). Figure 7.3 shows no decline in the proportion contacted by the
major U.S. parties, either face -to-face or, more commonly today, by
telephone; if anything recent indi cators point towards more contacting
activity. Nevertheless technological changes, notably the rise of television
and of opinion polls, meant that in post -industrial societies direct forms of
campaigning have became ancillary in general elections to mediat ed channels
of party-voter communication.
[Figure 7.3 about here]
The Modern Campaign
The gradual evolution of the modern campaign from the early 1950s to the
mid-1980s was marked by several related developments: the move from dispersed
state and local party organizations to a nationally coordinated strategic
campaign; from party officials and volunteers contributing time and labor to
paid professional consultants specializing in communications, marketing,
polling, and campaign management; the shift from mo re partisan newspapers
towards national television news; and the development of a more detached and
instrumental electorate, less strongly anchored to party loyalties and social
cleavages. The 'long campaign' in the year or so before polling day gradually
became as important strategically as the short 'official' campaign.
In most postindustrial democracies the critical shift towards the modern
campaign developed with the rise of television, as well as the publication of
regular opinion polling, during the 1 950s. This process gradually shifted the
primary location of political communications, from the print media towards
broadcasting, particularly the mainstream national evening news on the major
television channels. The printed press remains politically impo rtant,
particularly in newspaper-centric systems, and as we have seen in Chapter 4 the
per capita circulation levels of newspapers in OECD countries has not declined.
Nevertheless there is evidence to suggest that many countries have experienced a
dealignment in traditional press-party linkages, as newspapers have become
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
4
increasingly politically independent, selecting news on the basis of the
commercial logic to maximize sales rather than following the political logic of
party support11
. In the Netherlands, for example, at least until the 1960s there
were strong sectoral cleavages, producing ‘polarization’ as people within a
community attended the same schools and churches, joined the same social clubs,
sports clubs and community associations, tended to vote for the same party, and
therefore bought the party newspaper. The ‘zuillen’ or pillars were formed
around Protestant, Catholic and labor mass movements, which mobilized
politically in the early 20th
century, at the same time as mass circulation
newspapers developed in the Netherlands, creating stable cleavage sub -cultures.
A limited number of papers reflected the Protestant, Catholic and Socialist
pillars12
. The process of de-pillarization started in the mid -1960s, and one
major consequence has been the decl ine of the partisan press in the Netherlands.
Many other countries seem to have followed a similar process, producing greater
internal diversity within newspapers, such as balanced pro -con op-ed columns,
but thereby reducing the degree of external diversit y available between
different print media. As discussed later, even Britain, which has long
exemplified the partisan press, experienced press -party dealignment in the
1990s.
As with direct forms of personal communications, newspapers did not
necessarily decline in importance as sources of political communications, but
increasingly they became supplemented by television. The main effort of party
campaign organizations, from the morning party press conferences through the
day’s events, visits and photo oppo rtunities to the evening rallies and speeches
became increasingly focused on achieving favourable coverage through the main
evening news, current affairs programmes and leadership debates on television.
The effort was exacerbated by the mainstream audience for these programmes,
given that until the early 1980s there were only two or three television
stations broadcasting in most OECD countries, major news programs occurred at
regular prime-time slots in the evening rather than on a 24 -hour cyclical basis,
and most countries offered no opportunities for paid political advertising on
television. To a large extent, therefore, what was reported on the flagship news
programmes on Britain’s BBC and ITN, on Sweden’s SVT, or on Japan’s NHK, to a
largely captive electorate, was the heart of the modern election campaign,
setting the agenda for the following morning’s newspapers. The role of
television news heightened the party leadership’s control over the campaign,
which became increasingly nationalized.
Commentators suggest that the focus on television campaign has
strengthened the spotlight on the party leadership, moving from cleavage -based
and issue-based conflict towards a ‘personalization’ of politics 13
. Case studies
suggest that this trend is particularly marked for presidential elections, such
as those in Latin America, but it is also apparent in parliamentary elections as
well, such as recent elections in Israel 14
, Germany and Italy15
. It seems
plausible that the shift in emphasis from newspapers to television ha s probably
heightened the visibility of leaders, especially those like Tony Blair and Bill
Clinton who seem most comfortable in this medium, although we lack systematic
evidence to confirm whether this is a general trend in Western democracies.
Moreover it is not clear from the available research whether the focus on
leaders in campaign coverage has necessarily led to the increasing importance of
party leaders in determining votes in parliamentary systems 16
.
In the modern campaign, following the rise of tel evision, parties
increasingly developed a coordinated national and regional campaign with
communications designed by specialists skilled in advertising, marketing, and
polling. The adoption of these practices did not occur overnight; rather one
recent study of European political marketing terms this process a ‘shopping
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
5
model’, as parties grafted particular practical techniques which seemed useful
or successful in other campaigns onto the existing machinery on a more ad hoc
basis17
. Party adaptation was particularly evident following extended periods
out of power. The move from amateur to professional campaigns was marked by
more frequent use of specialist experts, PR consultants, and professional
fund-raisers influencing decisions formerly made by candidates or party
officials18
. Ever since the expansion of the franchise there have always been
some ‘professional’ campaigners, in the form of full -time local agents or
party managers, along with permanent staff like press officers at central
headquarters. The new professionals, however, were essentially ‘hired guns’
external to the party organization, often working on campaigns in different
countries, like advertising consultants at Saatchi and Saatchi. Increased use
of paid consultants, public opinion polls, dire ct mail, and professional
television broadcasts during the long campaign, led to rising costs and the
shift from labour-intensive towards more capital-intensive campaigns.
The professionalization of the political consultancy industry has
developed furthest in the United States, with demand fuelled largely by the
traditional weakness of American party organizations, the rise of the
candidate-centered campaign in the 1960s, the capital -intensive nature of
advertising-driven campaigns, and the number and freq uency of American primary
and general elections19
. Outside of America the rise of independent political
consultants has been slower, mainly because parties have incorporated
professionals within their ranks 20
, but recent years may have seen the
development of a more distinctively European style of political marketing 21
.
Organizations like the International Association of Political Consultants
(IAPC) and the World Association of Public Opinion Research, along with
regional affiliates, bring together polling ex perts, advertising specialists
and campaign consultants.
The rise of the modern campaign was also related to major changes in the
electorate. Many studies highlighted how dealignment had eroded traditional
social cleavages and partisan loyalties, produced a more instrumental
electorate supporting parties on a more contingent basis based on their
policies and performance. The familiar cleavages of class and religion, which
had long anchored the European electorate, proved weaker predictors of voting
behaviour in many countries as party competition over issues, images and
leadership became increasingly important 22
. Under the new campaign the
electorate became less likely to encounter the more demanding forms of local
political communications, such as direct fac e-to-face discussions on the
doorstep or in local meetings, and were more likely to experience elections
via more passive and indirect forms of spectatorship, like watching
television. Earlier theories suggested that dealignment was largely a product
of long-term socioeconomic secular trends gradually transforming the mass
public, stressing rising levels of education, class mobility, and cross cutting
cleavages like race and gender, whereas more recent accounts have
emphasized that parties have both contrib uted towards, and sought to benefit
from, these changes in the electorate by developing more ‘catch all’
strategies, designed to attract voters from outside their core constituency 23
.
The modern campaign evolved into a familiar pattern from the early fiftie s
until the mid-eighties, with similar, although not identical, changes becoming
evident in many general elections across post -industrial societies.
The Post-Modern Campaign
Accounts commonly identify only two steps in this historical sequence,
regarding the age of television as the culmination of the modernization
process. But during the last decade we can identify the transition from this
familiar world to the 'post-modern' campaign marked by several related
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
6
developments: the fragmentation of television o utlets, with the shift already
discussed from national broadcasting towards more diverse news sources
including satellite and cable stations, talk radio and 24 -hour rolling news
bulletins; the opportunities for newer forms of party -voter interaction caused
by the rise of the internet; and the attempt by parties to reassert control in
a more complex, fragmented and rapidly changing news environment through
strategic communications and media management during the permanent campaign
with the continuous feedback provided by polls, focus groups and electronic
town meetings to inform routine decision -making, not just campaigns. This last
stage of the modernization process remains under development, and it is more
clearly evident in some societies than in others, but it seems likely to
represent the future direction of political campaigning in post -industrial
societies. Like another layer of the onion, news forms supplement, rather than
displace, older forms of campaigning.
In the extensive literature on ‘post modernism’ the concept is understood
as a complex phenomenon, open to multiple interpretations 24
. Yet the
commonalities of post-modernism are usually understood to include greater
cultural pluralism, social diversity and fragmentation of sources; increased
challenges to traditional forms of hierarchical authority and external
standards of rational knowledge; and a more inchoate and confused sense of
identity. For these reasons, the term does seem to capture many of the
developments that are currently transform ing the context and process of
political campaigning in postindustrial societies.
In anticipating potential ambiguities, two points of clarification need
to be made to this argument. First, the conceptualization in this book refers
to campaign not societal modernization. As Swanson and Mancini argue 25
many
other factors may well be transforming society in general, like a greater
differentiation of roles, rising educational levels and cognitive skills, and
more complex social identities, but these factors re main well outside of the
scope of this book. The focus here is restricted only to the developments
within political communication, defined narrowly within this chapter to
communications in election campaigns.
Secondly, many others have characterized recen t changes as the rise of
political marketing, placing primary emphasis on the strategic activities of
parties, politicians, and campaign advisers in their attempt to maintain or
expand their share of the electorate. The heart of the political marketing
concept is a shift from sales of existing products (advertising party
policies, leaders, and images) towards a focus that puts the ‘customer’ first,
using research into voter’s needs, wants and drives as revealed through polls,
focus groups and similar techni ques, and subsequently adopts strategies like
developing a dependable reputation for reliable service delivery on key policy
issues that aim to maximize votes 26
. This approach does provide useful insights
but in contrast the conceptualization of the post -modern campaign in this
study places greater importance on the way that technological and socio economic
developments have altered the context of political communications,
like the rise of the Internet, to which all actors - parties, campaign
professionals and journalists - have been forced to respond. After all polls
were available for at least twenty years before they became widely used
internally to shape party strategies. Even in recent campaigns, the use of
systematic marketing to inform party policies h as often proved very limited;
for example the Conservative party commissioned few opinion polls in the run
up to the 1997 campaign, in large part because they were short of funds, and
their strategic plan was scrapped when John Major tore up the script the night
before an election broadcast and made an impromptu plea for internal unity
over Europe. The post-modern conceptualization sees politicians as essentially
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
7
lagging behind technological and economic changes, and running hard to stay in
place by adopting the techniques of political marketing in the struggle to
cope with a more complex news environment, rather than driving these
developments.
[Figure 7.2 about here]
Instead of a linear development, the post -modern campaign symbolizes a
return to some of the more localized and interactive forms of communication that
were present in the pre-modern period. As shown in Figure 7.2, new technology
allows forms of political communication that can be located schematically
somewhere between the local-activism of the pre-modern campaign (with direct
town hall meetings or political rallies) and the national -passive forms of
communication characteristic of the modern television campaign. The development
of political discussion user-groups on the net, party intranets, interactive
political sites by government agencies, community associations or interest
groups, and the political use of email or list -serves to mobilize and organize,
as well as ‘traditional’ news media on the web, represents a mid -way point in
the model. These formats continue to evolve, along with the political uses of
the web27
. As already observed, at present access to the Internet varies widely
across post-industrial societies and is particularly low in Southern Europe.
Nevertheless as political use o f the Internet expands, the post -modern campaign
does seem destined to add yet another distinctive layer of communications to the
process, supplementing existing channels.
Mediating Conditions
The way these changes become manifest in different countries, and the
pace of change over time, is heavily dependent upon mediating conditions.
Post-modern campaigns are exemplified most clearly by contests, like US
presidential and Congressional elections, characterized by two major catch -all
parties with minimal ideological baggage in winner-take-all elections, with an
army of technical consultants for hire, widespread use of capital -intensive TV
ads in a fragmented multi-channel environment, the rapid expansion of
political uses of the internet, and an electorate w ith weakened party
loyalties. Such an open environment is ideal for an entrepreneurial approach
designed to maximize electoral support. In contrast, pre -modern campaigning
continues to characterize many other types of contest, such as British local
elections which are second-order, low-salience contests where the major
parties rely primarily upon volunteer grassroots members, activists and
candidates in each local constituency to canvass voters and mobilize partisan
support, there is minimal national covera ge on television or in newspapers,
the chief means of publicity remains a matter of handbill displays and printed
pamphlets, and financial resources are restricted.
Four major factors can be identified as important mediating conditions
affecting the modernization process, namely:
? ? The regulatory environment, including the electoral system
(whether single member majoritarian or proportional party list);
the type of election (including the frequency of elections, the
type of office, such as presidential or pa rliamentary, and
whether sub-national, national or supra-national levels); and the
laws governing campaigning (such as rules on party funding and
state subsidies, campaign expenditure, the publication of opinion
polls, and access to political broadcasts or ads).
? ? The party system including the structure, organization,
membership and funding of parties (such as whether elite -led,
mass-branch, ‘catch-all’, or cartel); and the system of party
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
8
competition (such as one party predominant, two -party, moderate
or polarized pluralism).
? ? The media system, including the level of development of the
political consultancy industry, (including the availability of
professional market researchers, opinion pollsters, advertisers,
and campaign managers); and the structure and culture of the news
media (such as the contrasts already discussed between newspaper centric
or television-centric systems, between the partisan leaning
or ‘objective’ models of journalism, and whether
broadcasting reflects a public service or commercial et hos).
? ? The electorate, including the pattern of voting behaviour (such
as whether electors display strong or weak party loyalties, and
whether there is limited or extensive electoral volatility).
Previous chapters have discussed some of these factors so he re we can focus
on comparing the regulatory framework and party campaign organizations.
The Regulatory Framework
The regulations governing television coverage during elections concern
three main areas: the purchase of paid commercial advertisements, the
allocation and contents of free party political broadcasts, and rules
governing political balance in campaign debates, news coverage and current
affairs. During the era when public service channels predominated in most
countries there were severe restrictio ns on the ability of political parties
to purchase any airtime on television. A comparative survey of Western
societies in the late 1970s found that only 5 of the 21 countries had
commercial channels, and paid political advertising on television was only
allowed in Australia, Canada, Japan, and the United States 28
. By the mid-
1990s, following deregulation and the explosion of commercial channels
already documented, about half the OECD countries allowed paid political
advertising on television (see Table 7.2) . In practice the use of this
facility varied substantially between countries, as well as between public
service and commercial channels 29
. In the Netherlands, for example, although
political commercials are now allowed, and were used for the first time in
1994, in practice few have been aired mainly because of limited financial
resources by Dutch parties30
. In contrast, United States campaign ads are
employed for every level of office, producing capital -intensive campaigns;
for example, about 60% of expendi ture in recent presidential campaigns has
been devoted to paying for producing and airing TV and radio commercials 31
.
[Table 7.2 about here]
Following the long tradition of public service broadcasting, all OECD
countries other than America allocate some fr ee airtime to parties, either on
a legal basis or by virtue of a long -standing agreement with broadcasters.
The length of these slots varies substantially, from the 30 or 60 second ads
common in Italy, to 2.5 minutes in Germany, 4 minutes in France, and an
allocation of up to 10 minutes (usually only partially used) for British
party political broadcasts. Three formulas are commonly used for allocating
time between contestants. Strict equality between all parties is used in
countries like the Czech Republic and Mexico; in the latter the Federal
Electoral Institute buys 15 minutes per month of advertising on television
and radio for each party. Other countries provide allocations based upon the
results of the previous general election, for example Greek part ies are given
airtime based on the size of their membership in the previous parliament,
with a modest allocation for parties with no representatives but with many
candidates. Lastly countries like Australia and Britain divide the time
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
9
according to an agreement between parties and the broadcasting authorities;
in Britain, for example, in line with many previous contests, the allocation
in the 1997 election was a 5:5:4 ratio whereby the major parties each
received five 10 minute party election broadcasts duri ng the campaign, the
Liberal Democrats got 4 slots, and other minor parties with at least 50
candidates got one each, with additional arrangements for the regions 32
.
In addition, all the countries where we have information have some fair
balance rules, either formally or informally regulating the balance of
political coverage on television news, current affairs programmes, and
leadership debates during election periods. In Britain, for example, the
5:5:4 ratio used in party political broadcasts is also used to allocate the
time balance of coverage of the parties on the news, following the ‘stop watch’
principle33
. In the US presidential debates have followed different
formats and schedules, for example the questions have been asked either by
selected journalists or by members of the public in an invited audience, or
by a mix of both. But all debates follow a strict allocation of time designed
to be impartial to all candidates 34
.
Party Campaign Organizations and Funding
An extensive literature has documented cha nges in the structure,
membership and finance of party organizations, including the Katz and Mair
Party Organizations project35
. Drawing primarily on party documents and
reports, Katz and Mair conclude that the role of parties has evolved or
adapted since the 1960s in Western democracies, rather than simply weakened.
Documenting trends in party membership in ten European countries from the
early 1960s to the end of the 1980s, the study recorded a decline in the
proportion of electors who are party members i n eight nations, ranging from a
very modest slippage (in Sweden) down to far sharper falls (in Denmark, from
21.1% of the electorate in the early 1960s down to 6.5% in the late 1980s).
The decline was strongest in relative terms, meaning that party members hip
failed to keep up with the expansion in the population. Studies based on
survey evidence in fifteen West European countries reach similar conclusions
about a modest long-term erosion of party membership in many established
democracies, although not a steep or uniform decline36
.
In counterbalance Katz and Mair also found that since the 1960s
countries had experienced a substantial increase in the proportion of staff
employed by parties, most notably parliamentary party staff paid by state
funds, as well as a considerable rise in central party income. Where these
personnel and resources are derived from state subventions, this may signal,
they suggest a shift from ‘mass -branch’ parties based primarily upon voluntary
labour towards a ‘cartel’ party organiza tion, more dependent upon public
resources37
. This pattern is clearer in some countries rather than others;
state subsidies towards parties are far more generous in Germany, Sweden and
Norway, for example, than in Ireland, Britain and the Netherlands, wher e party
income remains more dependent on membership dues. Table 7.2 shows that by the
mid-1990s direct funding provided for parties or candidates has become common;
15 out of 20 countries provided public funds, although at different levels of
subsidy. In some countries like Canada, France and Australia public subsidies
are designed to reimburse some election expenditure, while in others like
Netherlands, Ireland and Denmark such funds are designed for other purposes,
such as general administration, policy r esearch, political education, or to
promote the participation by young people or women 38
. Public funding is often
justified to lessen the risk of parties and candidates becoming dependent upon
large donations or falling under the influence of lobby groups.
The question whether the ‘cartel’ party represents the emergence of a
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
10
new and distinctive type of party organization that is evident in many
countries remains controversial 39
. There are also important questions
concerning how we interpret the consequences o f the decline of party
membership, and in particular whether the fall has been concentrated mostly
among the less active older members, or whether it involves an across -theboard
contraction. Nevertheless, what does seem well established by these
studies is that many European countries experienced a gradual shrinkage in
grassroots party membership from the 1960s to the late 1980s, probably
reducing the pool of voluntary labour available for traditional local
campaigning. In counterbalance parties have grow ing numbers of professional
staff, employed in parliament and at central party offices, as well as more
generous financial resources from public funds. These developments,
accompanied by the technological and economic changes in the news system, have
contributed towards the shift from direct to mediated forms of campaigning.
To examine the consequences of these organizational developments on
campaign activity, we can compare the most common ways that European voters
were contacted directly by parties or re ceived alternative sources of
mediated information, during campaigns in the 12 -member states for the
elections to the European Parliament in 1989 and 1994. It should be noted
that the European elections are second -order contests, and in this regard the
results can best be interpreted as a referendum of the performance of the
national government, rather than reflecting genuine policy divisions over
European issues or a reaction to the performance of the EU 40
. As a low-key
contest, we would expect campaigning to reflect a ‘mixed’ model, combining
elements from both the direct and mediated channels of communications, with
variations between countries reflecting their electoral, political and media
environments, and this is indeed what we find. The European Elect ion Surveys
(EES) asked voters about their activities during the two or three weeks
before polling day, how the campaign came to their attention, and also what
information sources they found most useful in making up their minds how to
vote. Campaign activities can be ranged along a rough continuum from direct
forms of communication (such as talking to friends or family about the
election, trying to persuade someone how to vote, speaking to a party worker,
attending a party rally, reading election materials sent to their home and
reading an election poster) to indirect or mediated forms of communication
(reading an advertisement in a newspaper, reading a newspaper report on the
election, watching a television program or listening to a radio program on
the election).
[Table 7.3 about here]
The results in Table 7.3 show considerable variations across different
items. The single most common type of campaign activity was watching a
television program about the election, experienced by half the respondents,
although this activity proved far more popular in Germany (61%) than in
Luxembourg (43%) or Portugal (30%). The other mediated forms of
communication each tapped smaller audiences, such as reading a newspaper
report about the election (26%) or hearing a radio p rogram (16%), and again
there were considerable cross-national variations in these activities. Some
of the more direct forms of party -voter communication proved popular,
including discussing the election with friends or family (38%), reading
election posters (22%) or reading election materials sent to people’s homes
(17%). But the results also show that in these election few people reported
more active forms of personal engagement such as speaking to a party workers
(6%), attending a party meeting or rall y (6%), or trying to persuade others
how to vote (6%). There were some interesting variations between nations, for
example rallies were more popular than average in Greece and Italy, while
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
11
campaign leaflets were a more common form of communication in Irela nd and the
UK, both characterized in these elections by non -party list electoral
systems. Similar patterns were confirmed in the 1994 European elections,
where again few of the electorate (7%) reported being contacted by party
workers during the campaign, while at the other extreme almost two -thirds
(65%) were aware of the campaign on television and radio.
[Table 7.4 about here]
Voters were also asked about the most useful source of information
when making up their minds how to vote in the European electi ons. The results
in Table 7.4 confirm the preeminence of television in most countries,
nominated as most helpful by half the respondents, although in Luxembourg
newspaper coverage is preferred, while in Greece evaluations of the press tie
with those of television coverage. One fifth of the electorate regards
personal discussions as useful, with particularly high evaluations in Greece
and Italy, two countries where we have already noted the importance of
traditional campaign rallies. Radio (15%) and opinion polls (4%) are seen as
the least useful sources. The overall pattern in the late 1980s confirms the
way that traditional forms of campaigning persist throughout Europe but how
these channels have been supplemented by mediated communications, with
television predominant.
Conclusions: Understanding Campaign Change
Many commentators have noted the transformation of traditional forms of
political campaigning and a growing literature has started to distinguish the
key features of these developments. Much of this has been conceptualized
these changes as involving an ‘Americanization’ of campaigning. Swanson and
Mancini provide one of the most ambitious theoretical accounts along these
lines, suggesting that the ‘Americanization’ of campaigning has produced
similar developments across postindustrial societies: “Around the world, many
of the recent changes in election campaigning share common themes despite
great differences in the political cultures, histories, and institutions of
the countries in which they have oc curred. Increasingly, we find such common
practices as political commercials, candidates selected in part for the
appealing image they project on television, technical experts hired to
produce compelling campaign materials, mounting campaign expenses, and mass
media moving center stage in campaigns.” 41
The key features of
‘Americanization’ in this account are certain features of campaigning that
are understood to have originated first in US elections, which were
subsequently ‘exported’ to other countries. S wanson and Mancini stress four
major developments: the ‘personalization’ of politics as leaders and
candidates rise in importance; the ‘scientificization’ of campaigning as
technical experts like opinion pollsters come to take decisions formerly
exercised by party officials; the detachment of parties from citizens as
politicians come to be increasingly reliant upon opinion polls rather than
direct contact with grassroots activists and voters; and the development of
more autonomous structures of communicatio ns, as the modern news media are
more determined to pursue their own interests rather than to serve the needs
of politicians.
Yet the impact of these practices varies substantially between nations
depending upon the institutional context of election campai gns, such as the
legal rules governing campaigning, the strength of traditional mass -branch
party organizations, and the structure of the electorate. Previous chapters
have demonstrated the major contrasts between newspaper -centric and
television-centric news environments, as well as the differences between
broadcasting systems that are predominately commercial, mixed or public
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
12
service oriented. As we have seen the predominance of almost purely
commercial television in America is atypical of most democracie s. The
regulation of campaign ads or party political broadcasts, and systems of
campaign finance, also vary substantially cross -nationally42
. As a result of
such structural contrasts, rather than following the American model, election
campaigns in different post-industrial societies continue to display striking
differences43
. The rise of television-dominated, personality-driven and moneydriven
campaigns, often seen as characteristic features of the
‘Americanization’ of campaigning, has probably gone further in Italy,
Venezuela and Israel, for example, than in Britain, Germany and Sweden.
National case studies suggest complex and varied patterns of campaigning
worldwide, rather a simple and uniform ‘Americanization’ of campaigning 44
.
Instead this chapter has proposed that the major developments can be
understood as a process of modernization with campaigns evolving through the
pre-modern, modern and post-modern stages. These changes did not displace
local constituency activity, as the ritual of canvassing and l eafleting
continued in many countries characterized by mass -branch party organizations.
Dedicated party volunteers and candidates continue to engage in the day -today
activity of organizing, canvassing, leafleting, telephone polling and
mobilizing support45
. Nevertheless, due to new technology central campaign
headquarters can now tightly coordinate even local activity 46
. As mentioned
earlier, many of the features of traditional pre -modern campaigns also
continue in America; retail face -to-face politics remains important for
presidential candidates in the Iowa caucus and the New Hampshire primary, as
well as in local and state races. In the same way the printed press remains a
vital channel of political communications, particularly in newspaper -centric
societies characterized by high readership. Nevertheless the primary focus of
campaign activities shifted during the 1950s towards national television news
and then subsequently into a wide range of venues like talk shows, internet
web sites and cable stations in a more fragmented electronic environment. The
shift towards the ‘most-modern’ campaign has moved towards the permanent
campaign, in which the techniques of electioneering become intertwined with
those of governing. To understand this process further the n ext chapter
considers case studies of the evolution of campaigning in the United States and
Britain, and then considers the possible consequences of these developments.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
13
Figure 7.1:
The Evolution of Campaign Communications in Post -Industrial Societies
Modern Political Communications
[National-Passive]
Post-Modern Communications
[Mixed]
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
14
Pre-Modern Communications
[Local – active]
Note: Adapted from Ronald Inglehart. 199 7. Modernization and PostModernization.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Figure 3.1
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
15
Figure 7.2: The Typology of Campaign Media
PASSIVE Local TV/Radio Regional TV/Radio National TV/radio
Local papers Regional papers National papers
Party web sites
Talk radio
Internet User-groups
Party Intranets
Town hall/Community Meetings
Local political rallies Party conferences
Branch party meetings
Email
Telephone
Interpersonal political discussions
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
16
ACTIVE
LOCAL NATIONAL
Note: Modern Media Post-Modern media
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial Societies.”(NY:
Press, Fall 2000)
17
Figure 7.3
% People Contacted by Major Parties, US 1956-96
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 1998
Q: Did anyone of the political parties call you up or come round to talk to you about the campaign
this year? Source: NES 1956-96
%
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial Societies.”(NY:
Press, Fall 2000)
18
Table 7.1: Typology of the Evolution of Campaigning
Premodern Modern PostTime
period Mid-19thC to 1950s Early 1960s-late 1980s 1990s+
Campaign Organization Local and decentralized
party volunteers
Nationally coordinated
with greater
professionalization
National
but
operatio
Preparations Short-term, ad hoc Long campaign Permanen
Central coordination Party leaders Central party
headquarters, more
specialist advisors
Special
units
professi
Feedback Local canvassing and
party meetings
Occasional opinion polls Regular
plus fo
interact
Media Partisan press, local
posters and pamphlets,
radio broadcasts
Television broadcasts
through main evening news
Televisi
casting,
mail, ta
Campaign events Local public meetings,
whistle-stop leadership
tours
News management, daily
press conferences,
controlled photo-ops
Extensio
manageme
politics
Costs Low budget Moderate Higher
professi
Electorate Stable social and
partisan alignments
Social and partisan
dealignment
Social
dealignm
Source: Adapted from Pippa Norris. 1997. Electoral Change Since 1945. Oxford: Blackwell.
Table 7.2: Campaign Indicators OECD Countries, mid -1990s
Country Paid
Political
Ads on TV
Free TV
Airtime to
Parties
Fair
Balance
Rules
Leader
Debate last
Election
Ban on
publication
of opinion
US
Consultants
involved in
Direct
Funding
Subsidy
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial Societies.”(NY:
Press, Fall 2000)
19
Ads on TV Parties Rules Election polls prior
to election
recent
campaign
parties
candidat
Australia ? ? ? ? ?
Austria ? ? ? ? ?
Belgium ? ? ?
Canada ? ? ? ? ?
Denmark ? ? ? ?
Finland ? ? ? ? ?
France ? ? ? ? ? ?
Germany ? ? ? ? ?
Greece ?
Ireland ? ? ? ?
Italy ? ? ? ? ? ?
Japan ? ? ? ? ? ?
Mexico ? ? ? ? ?
Netherlands ? ? ?
NZ ? ? ?
Norway ? ? ? ?
Poland ?
Portugal ? ?
Spain ? ? ? ?
Sweden ? ? ? ? ?
Switzerland ? ? ? ?
Turkey ? ? ? ?
UK ? ? ? ?
US ? ? ? ? ?
OECD Total 11/21 21/22 18/18 16/18 5/16 13/18 15/20
Sources: Lawrence LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi and Pippa Norris (eds). 1996. Comparing Dem
Oaks, CA: Sage
Table 7.3 Campaign Activities European Elections, 1989
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial Societies.”(NY:
Press, Fall 2000)
20
Direct Party-Voter Communications Mediated Party-Voter Communicati
(% ‘yes’) Talked to
friends,
family or
workmates
Tried to
persuade
someone
to vote
Spoke to
a party
worker
Attended
a public
meeting
or rally
Read
election
material
sent to
my homes
Read an
election
poster
Read an
advertisement
in a
newspaper
Read a
newspaper
report
about the
election
Belgium 19 4 4 3 11 17 16 14
Denmark 42 6 6 3 14 17 25 33
France 39 8 5 3 18 25 14 26
Germany 40 4 9 7 16 35 23 32
Greece 53 4 6 13 11 11 10 46
Ireland 36 3 11 4 25 18 17 30
Italy 47 8 8 11 10 27 17 19
Luxembourg 40 0 7 7 21 29 21 36
Netherlands 37 3 4 3 14 14 15 34
Portugal 26 2 3 4 5 16 8 15
Spain 31 2 3 3 13 15 10 17
UK 32 7 4 1 32 11 15 30
EU12 38 6 6 5 17 22 16 26
Note: Q “Which of the following did you do during the two or three weeks before the Europea
Source: Eurobarometer 31A European Elections N.11819 EU12 June -July 1989.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial Societies.”(NY:
Press, Fall 2000)
21
Table 7.4 Most Useful Sources of information, EU Elections, 1989
(%) Television Newspapers
and
magazines
Personal
Discussions
Radio Polls
Belgium 26 14 13 7 2
Denmark 54 32 14 12 2
France 44 23 15 14 4
Germany 56 37 26 20 11
Greece 40 39 36 25 5
Ireland 50 29 15 16 5
Italy 47 25 27 6 2
Lux 43 47 21 29 0
Netherlands 51 42 13 14 4
Portugal 45 14 13 12 2
Spain 59 21 10 26 4
UK 53 30 19 12 2
EU12 50 28 20 15 4
Note: Q: ”Which of the following sources of information do you consider to be the most he
up your mind at the time of the elections?”
Source: Eurobarometer 31A European Elections N.11819 EU12 June -July 1989.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
22
1
For recent accounts of campaigning in different nations see Frederick
Fletcher. Ed. 1991. Media, Elections and Democracy. Toronto: Dundurn Press;
David Butler and Austin Ranney. (Eds). 1992. Electioneering Oxford: Clarendon
Press; Shaun Bowler and David M. Farrell. (Ed). 1992. Electoral Strategies
and Political Marketing. New York: St. Martin's Press; Richard Gunther and
Anthony Mughan. 2000. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective . NY:
Cambridge University Press; Bruce I. Newman. Ed. 1999. The Handbook of
Political Marketing. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
2
For the debate on ‘Americanization’ see Dennis Kavanagh. 1995.
Electioneering. Oxford: Blackwell; Ralph Negrine and Stylianos
Papathanassopoulos. 1996. 'The "Americanisation" of Political Communications:
A Critique'. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 1(2): 45-62;
David Farrell. 1996. ‘Campaign Strategies and Tactics.’ In Comparing
Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective edited by Lawrence
LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi and Pippa Norris. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; David
Swanson and Paolo Mancini. (Eds). 1996. Politics, Media and Modern Democracy .
New York: Praeger; Margaret Scammell. 1997. ‘The Wisdom of the War Room: U.S.
Campaigning and Americanization.’ The Joan Shorenstein Center Research Paper
R-17. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.
3
Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan. 1967. Party Systems and Voter
Alignments. New York: Free Press.
4
Paul F. Lasarsfeld, Bernard R. Berelson and H. Gaudet. 1948. The People's
Choice. New York: Columbia University Press; Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F.
Lasarsfeld and William N. McPhee. 1963. Voting. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1963.
5
V.O.Key
6
Angus Campbell, The American Voter
7
David Denver and Gordon Hands. 1997. Modern Constituency Electioneering .
London: Frank Cass
8
Scott C. Flanagan, Shinsaku Kohei, Ichiro Miyake, Bradley M. Richardson and
Joji Watanuki. Eds. 1991. The Japanese Voter. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
9
John Aldrich. 1995. Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party
Politics in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. On caucuses see,
for example, William G. Mayer. 1996. ‘Caucuses: How they Work, What
Difference they Make.’ In In Pursuit of the White House edited by William G.
Mayer. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House.
10
Robert Huckfeldt and John Sprague. 1995. Citizens, Politics, and Social
Communications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
23
11
David L. Altheide and Robert P. Snow. 1979. Media Logic. Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage; Gianpietro Mazzoleni. 1987. ‘Media Logic and Party Logic in Campaign
Coverage: The Italian General Election of 1983.’ European Journal of
Communication. 2(1): 81-103.
12
Val Lorwin. 1971. ‘Segmented Pluralism: Ideological Cleavages and Political
Cohesion in the Small European Democracies.’ Comparative Politics. 3:141-175;
Kees Brants. 1985. ‘Broadcasting and Politics in the Netherlands: From Pillar
to Post.’ West European Politics. 8: 104-121; Cees van der Eijk. ‘The
Netherlands’ in Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective eds.
Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan. NY: Cambridge University Press.
13
David Swanson and Paolo Mancini. (Eds). 1996. Politics, Media and Modern
Democracy. New York: Praeger.
14
Although it should be noted that Israel now has direct elections for the
prime minister making it a semi -presidential system.
15
For example there is evidence in Britain that coverage of the main party
leaders more than quadrupled from 1970 -1997, as measured in Nuffield studies
by the number of times they were quoted in BBC1 or ITN television news during
the campaign. This is calculated from David Butler and Michael Pinto Duschinsky.
1971. The British General Election of 1970 . London: Macmillan.
P208. David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh. The British General Election of 1997 .
London: Macmillan. Table 8.4.
16
See the literature review in Ian McAllister. 1996. ‘Leaders.’ In Comparing
Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective . Edited by Lawrence
LeDuc, Richard Niemi and Pippa Nor ris. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
17
Fritz Plassner, Christian Scheucher and Christian Senft. 1999. ‘Is There a
European Style of Political Marketing?’ in The Handbook of Political
Marketing, edited by Bruce I. Newman. Thousand Oaks,CA: Sage.
18
See, for example, Tom Patterson. 1976. The Mass Media Election. NY:
Praeger; Wilson Carey McWilliams. 1995. The Politics of Disappointment:
American Elections 1976-94. NJ: Chatham House; Larry Sabato. 1981. The Rise
of Political Consultants. New York: Basic Books; Dan Nimmo. 1990. Mediated
Political Realities. New York: Longman; Frank Luntz. 1988. Candidates,
Consultants and Campaigns. Oxford: Basil Blackwell; Mathew D. McCubbins.
1992. Under the Watchful Eye. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
19
See for example Larry Sabato. 1981. The Rise of Political Consultants . New
York, Basic Books; Barbara G. Salmore and Stephen A. Salmore. 1989.
Candidates, Parties and Campaigns . Washington, DC: CQ Press; Frank I. Luntz.
1988. Candidates, Consultants and Campaigns . Oxford: Blackwell; John Aldrich.
1995. Why Parties? The Origins and Transformation of Party Politics in
America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
20
Angelo Panebianco. 1988. Political Parties: Organization and Power .
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
24
21
Fritz Plassner, Christian Scheucher and Christian Senft. 1999. ‘Is there a
European Style of Political Marketing?’ In The Handbook of Political
Marketing edited by Bruce I. Newman. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; Philip J.
Maarek. Political Marketing and Communication . London: John Libbey. See also
Margaret Scammell. 1995. Designer Politics: How Elections are Won . London:
Macmillan; Dennis Kavanagh. 1995. Election Campaigning: The New Marketing of
Politics. Oxford: Blackwell; Nicholas J. O;Shaughnessy. 1990. The Phenomenon
of Political Marketing. New York: St Martin’s Press; Nicholas Jones. 1995.
Soundbites and Spindoctors. London: Cassell; Margaret Scammell. 2000.
‘Political Marketing: Lessons for Political Science.’ Political Studies.
Forthcoming.
22
Russell J. Dalton, Scott C. Flanigan and Paul Beck. Eds. 1984. Electoral
Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Princeton: Princeton University
Press; Mark Franklin. 1992. Electoral Change. Ann Arbor, MI: University of
Michigan Press; Ivor Crewe and David Denver. Eds. 1985. Electoral Change in
Western Democracies. London: Croom Helm.
23
See Geoffrey Evans and Pippa Norris. 1999. Critical Elections: British
Parties and Voters in Long-term Perspective. London: Sage. For the earliest
attempt to conceptualize the catch -all party see Otto Kirchheimer. 1966. ‘The
Transformation of Western Party Systems’. In Political Parties and Political
Development eds. J. La Polambara and M. Weiner. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
24
See Jean-Francois Lyotard. 1979. The Post-Modern Condition. Minnesota,
University of Minnesota Press; Jean Baudrilland. 1983. Simulations. New York:
Semiotext; Jurgen Habermas. 1987. T he Philosophical Discourse of Modernity .
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Krishan Kumar. 1995. From Post-Industrial to PostModern
Society. Oxford: Blackwell.
25
David Swanson and Paolo Mancini. (Eds). 1996. Politics, Media and Modern
Democracy. New York: Praeger.
26
Margaret Scammell. 2000. ‘Political Marketing: Lessons for Political
Science.’ Political Studies. Forthcoming.
27
See Elaine Kamarck and Joseph S. Nye, Jr. 1999. democracy.com. Hollis, NH:
Hollis Publishers; Richard Davis and Diana Owen. 1998. New Media and American
Politics. New York: Oxford University Press; Kevin A. Hill and John E.
Hughes. 1998. Cyberpolitics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet.
Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield; Edward Schwartz. 1996. Netactivism: How
Citizens Use the Internet. Sebastapol, CA: Songline Studios; Richard Davis.
1999. The Web of Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
28
Anthony Smith. 1981. ‘Mass Communications.’ In Democracy at the Polls
edited by David Butler, Howard R. Pennimann and Austin Ranney. Washington DC:
AEI Press.
29
See Lynda Lee Kaid and Christina Holtz -Bacha. 1995. Political Advertising
in Western Democracies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
25
30
Cees van der Eijk. 2000. ‘The Netherlands.’ In Democracy and the Media: A
Comparative Perspective, edited by Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan. NY:
Cambridge University Press
31
Darrell M. West. 1992. Air Wars: Television Advertising in Elect ion
Campaigns, 1952-1992. Washington, DC: CQ Press. See also Lynda Lee Kaid, Dan
Nimmo and Keith R. Sanders. 1986. New Perspectives on Political Advertising .
Carbondale, Il: Southern Illinois University Press.
32
For details see Pippa Norris, John Curtice, David Sanders, Margaret
Scammell and Holli Semetko. On Message: Communicating the Campaign . London:
Sage.
33
See Pippa Norris, John Curtice, David Sanders, Margaret Scammell and Holli
Semetko. On Message: Communicating the Campaign . London: Sage.
34
James B. Lemert, William R. Elliott, James M. Bernstein, William L.
Rosenberg and Karl J. Nestvold. 1991. News Verdicts, the Debates and
Presidential Campaigns. New York: Praeger.
35
Robert Harmel and Kenneth Janda. 1994. ‘An Integrated Theory of Party Goals
and Party Change.’ Journal of Theoretical Politics . 6:259-87; Richard Katz
and Peter Mair. Eds. 1992. Party Organization: A Data Handbook . London: Sage.
36
Anders Widfeldt. 1995. ‘Party Membership and Party Representatives.’ In
Citizens and the State edited by Hans-Dieter Klingemann and Dieter Fuchs.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
37
Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair. 1995. ‘Changing Models of Party
Organization and Party Democracy: The Emergence of the Cartel Party.’ Party
Politics. 1(1):5-28.
38
Herbert E. Alexander and Rei Shiratori. 1994. Campaign Political Finance
among the Democracies. Boulder, CO: Westview. For a useful recent comparative
review of practices see also The 5th
Report of the Committee on Standards in
Public Life: The Funding of Political Parti es in the UK, Volume 1, chaired by
Lord Neill. October 1998. Cm 4057 -I.
39
Ruud Koole. 1996. ‘Cadre, Catch -All or Cartel? A Comment on the Notion of
the Cartel Party.’ Party Politics 2(4): 507-524.
40
See Cees van der Eijk and Mark Franklin. 1996. Choosing Europe? The
European Electorate and National Politics in the Face of Union . Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press; Michael Marsh and Pippa Norris. 1997.
‘Political Representation in the European Parliament.’ Special Issue of the
European Journal of Political Research. 32(2).
41
David Swanson and Paolo Mancini. (Eds). 1996. Politics, Media and Modern
Democracy. New York: Praeger. P.2.
42
Lynda Lee Kaid and Christina Holtz -Bacha. 1995. Political Advertising in
Western Democracies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; Herb ert E. Alexander and Rei
Chapter from Pippa Norris “A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Post-Industrial
Societies.”(NY: Cambridge University Press, Fall 2000)
26
Shiratori. 1994. Campaign Political Finance among the Democracies . Boulder,
CO: Westview.
43
David Butler and Austin Ranney. (Eds). 1992. Electioneering Oxford:
Clarendon Press; Shaun Bowler and David M. Farrell. (Ed). 1992. Electoral
Strategies and Political Marketing. New York: St. Martin's Press; Richard
Gunther and Anthony Mughan. 2000. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative
Perspective. NY: Cambridge University Press.
44
See Dennis Kavanagh. 1995. Electioneering. Oxford: Blackwell.
45
David Denver and Gordon Hands. 1997. Modern Constituency Electioneering .
London: Frank Cass.
46
Pippa Norris, John Curtice, David Sanders, Margaret Scammell and Holli
Semetko. On Message: Communicating the Campaign . London: Sage.