Anthropology of Eastern Europe
Author(s): Joel Martin Halpern and David A. Kideckel
Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 12 (1983), pp. 377-402
Published by: Annual Reviews
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2155653
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Ann. Rev. Anthropol. 1983. 12:377-402
Copyright ? 1983 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN
EUROPE
Joel Martin Halpern
Department of Anthropology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst,
Massachusetts 01003
David A. Kideckel
Department of Sociology/Anthropology, Central Connecticut State University,
New Britain, CT 06050
INTRODUCTION
Objectives
This essay presents an overview of East Europeanist sociocultural anthropological
research concentrating on the work of American anthropogists. Given the
relatively late maturation of this field, most work has been published during the
past decade. In recent years, the field has been marked by a great diversity in
theoretical and methodological approaches.
This survey concentrates on research by Americans and, with few exceptions,
materials published in English in Western journals are considered. The
contributions of East European ethnologists have been crucial to defining the
field, and the works of a few selected scholars form an integral part of this
survey.
We define the region surveyed by this article as the Slavic states of Europe
outside the U.S.S.R. and the geographically contiguous states of Albania,
Hungary, and Romania, excluding East Germany for sociocultural historical
reasons. National and even regional boundaries severely restrict work as they
frequently tend to be self-conscious entities, often with strong feelings of
ethnocentrism. Anthropological research, since it does tend to concentrate on
locally defined cultural units, is particularly susceptible to these influences.
Aspects of this situation are apparent in certain titles cited. For the most part,
377
0066-4294/83/1015--0377$02.00
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378 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
books and articles deal with individual states or ethnic groups and lack a
comparative perspective.
This is only one of a number of difficulties facing the anthropology of
Eastern Europe as it attempts to penetrate into a general anthropological
consciousness (31, 32, 69). Though East European data is of great potential
significance for anthropology, it has had a limited impact. Therefore, an
additional objective of this essay is to develop an understanding of the dimensions
of this problem and present some possible solutions.
Confronting East Europe's Marginality Within Socioculturual
Anthropology
Marginality develops from the status of both European and peasant studies
within anthropology and, from a broader persepective of culture history, the
position of Eastern Europe within Europe. Because of its cultural heritage, with
a long-standing scholarly tradition, Eastern Europe has been of restricted
interest to an anthropology focused on the "other," the non-European world
(97, 98).
Though the anthropological literature on the region by Western scholars is
significant, it remains relatively sparse when compared to areas of traditional
anthropological interest as, for example, Africa and native North America.
This situation presents both obstacles and opportunities for East Europeanist
anthropologists. It forces researchers to justify their anthropological identity
and the legitimacy of some of their research topics. Yet it affords the opportunity
for anthropology to become that which it purports: a holistic approach to the
human condition.
Marginality and Indigenous Research Traditions
Eastern Europe has long been characterized by its own vigorous social scientific
research traditions. This means that American anthropologists working in
this region must come to terms not only with a new culture but also with a fully
developed system of scholarly investigation. This scholarship is integrated with
historically based national identities derived from the dominant peasant cultures
(71, 100). The nature of these research traditions and their dominant ideas
can differ greatly from Western anthropological thought and practice (17, 48).
As Hofer (97) suggests, in paraphrasing Wallace with analogs from agricultural
techniques, the carefully plowed field of studies of European society is
uninviting for the "slash-and-burn" oriented (American) anthropologist bent on
the cultivation of the new and unexplored. In contrast, East European ethnography
demands long-term, painstakingly detailed research to establish the specifics
of the interrelationships of specific aspects of local life and national
identity. The two approaches often find themselves on different paths.
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 379
Criteria of East European Unity
Our definition of this area is based on its peasant nature, peripheral politicaleconomic
position to a series of empires, the conflicting ethnic diversity of its
populations, and, since World War II, the commonality of its socialist institu-
tions.
Unlike Western Europe with its well-developed urban tradition and Greece
with its heritage of Classical civilization, the bases of East European national
identities have resided historically with the rural folk. Its relatively small-scale
urban centers were principally inhabited by cultural groups from outside the
region until well into the nineteenth century. During the period between the two
World Wars, politically organized Peasant Parties, based on articulated concepts
of cultural heritage, were especially active throughout the region (17,
147).
The incorporation of the peasant societies of Eastern Europe as peripheries to
imperial systems (Ottomans, Habsburgs, Russians, Western capital, Soviets)
has encouraged a great degree of structural commonality and is reflected in
recent research (23, 24, 30, 207-208a). This work has drawn on the earlier
writings of both Western (212) and Eastern scholarship (198).
The region is also an ethnic shatter zone marked by a multiplicty of competing
groups and overlapping population boundaries both in the past and continuing
to the present. To a great extent, East European ethnicity is coterminous
with religious identification since church organizations were the chief means by
which national identities were maintained while the region was controlled by
various imperial powers. The historical dynamics of this region form an analog
in terms of cultural processes to Southeast Asia. The latter is also an ethnically
diverse marginal area where the cultural traditions of the major world civilizations
of India and China have interacted (55, 56).
Since World War II, socialist-communist states with centrally planned
industrializing economies have characterized the region. Associated features of
socialist political economy also encourage cultural commonality: collective
farms, mass cultural institutions, and centralized political parties, among
others. In the four decades since these governments have come to power, there
have emerged great differences in the ways in which these socialist systems
organize their populations and attempt to innovate change.
HISTORICAL TRENDS IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
The roots of contemporary anthropological studies go back to the ethnographically
oriented travel descriptions or occasional scholarly accounts which were
published up to World War II. These accounts, which have some retrospective
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380 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
value, present local cultures as colorful human scenery for the interest of
Western readers. There were also books by Westernized politicians and intellectuals
who presented their way of life to Western audiences. These people
also tended to dwell on the exotic. Doreen Warriner's anthology (212) offers a
useful compendium of these writings combined with socioecnomic analyses.
Indigenous research traditions developed early in the nineteenth century.
Part of their motivation grew from emerging national consciousness. Resulting
research institutions initially concentrated on collecting folklore and oral tradi-
tion.
The flowering of national peasant parties in the interwar period provided a
base for the development of political economic research interests (17). There
are also cases where the folkloric and economic overlap with Western anthropology
as in the works of Josef Obrebski, Malinowski's student in London,
who carried out field researches in Poland and Yugoslavia during the 1930s
(147, 148).
The Formative Period of Western Anthropological Research
Prior to World War II, there were a number of anthropologically oriented
researchers who worked in Eastern Europe. Interestingly, Albania, which has
been inaccessible for research since the war, was then one of the principal areas
studied (33, 96).
The scholar who had the greatest institutional impact was the historian Phili
Mosely, a colleague of Margaret Mead (142). He proved instrumental in the
development of Soviet and East European area studies at American universities.
After training with Malinowski, Mosely hiked through the Balkans,
interviewing peasants on socioeconomic aspects of extended family organization,
the zadruga, the joint family characteristic of the Balkans. His comparative
research in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia was facilitated by
the relative openness of pre-World War II frontiers (21).
Mosely's work (21) is important for defining the cultural and ecological
sources of regional variation in the zadruga throughout the Balkans. The
volume of essays in his honor provides evidence of his scholarly collaboration.
On his Balkan travels, he met the Romanians Gusti and Stahl and the Yugoslav
Filipovic, whom he helped come to Harvard in 1952 (48, 198).
Parallel to Mosley's work was that of his contemporary Vera Erlich, who
published a pre-war survey of Yugoslav family relationships in 1966 after
studying at Berkeley (44).
At Columbia, Mosely collaborated with Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict
at the Institute of Contemporary Cultures, where Eastern Europe was a focus
within the program. Benedict wrote a paper on Romanian national character
(8). Related materials were published in Mead & Metraux's The Study of
Culture at a Distance (7). This contribution calls attention to a related unifying
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 381
theme in East European societies, the impact of distant historical events on
contemporary individual identity and behavior. This has also been stressed by
Ehrlich (45). Another important work which grew out of the same auspices was
Zbrowski and Herzog's treatment of the culture of the East European Jewish
shtetl (221). During the same period, Geza Roheim also published on Hungarian
values and religious ideology (161, 162) while Irwin Sanders pursued his
village study in Bulgaria (176).
Research in the Postwar Period
In the postwar period, the orientation of East European anthropological research
has mirrored general trends in sociocultural anthropology. That is, its
focus has gradually moved from a concern with cultural description for the
purpose of defining national and ethnic traditions to one focusing on the
explication of particular questions.
Still, many contemporary themes in East European research were first dealt
with by interwar scholars: social structure of domestic groups (21, 48, 176),
economic relationships of peasant society (17, 198), function and meanings
inherent in religious ritual (9, 147), problems of innovation and migration
(147). Today, however, a number of new research foci are apparent: analyzing
the historic growth of regional capitalism and the structure, potentials, and
problems of contemporary East European socialist societies. Present consciousness
of political economy is linked to work associated with peasant
parties in the interwar period. Yet the concern with socialism per se represents a
significant departure.
CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES
Theoretical Orientations: Contrastive or Complementary?
Since World War II, there have been two overlapping research orientations in
the anthropology of the region. These approaches, which for purposes of
discussion we distinguish as the "social structural" and "political economic,"
are (or ought to be) complementary. In many instances they deal with the same
topical considerations and share a number of similar theoretical outlooks. We
draw a distinction between them here, in part, for heuristic reasons but also
because they illustrate some major tendencies in the analysis of Eastern Europe
as well as force us to focus on key categories of the East European culture area.
Social structural research, as we define it, is more concerned with East
European peasant society as reflected in community, family, related local
institutions, symbols, oral traditions, and value systems. This approach emphasizes
a notion of cyclical time with its emphasis on recurrent events. Certain
aspects of the future then are anticipated only in terms of past developments. It
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382 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
also recognizes the transformations taking place in Eastern Europe
fore considers the related effects of industrialization, urbanization
tion on peasant society. Attention is increasingly paid to new social groupings
developing from this transformation, such as peasant workers and immigrant
communities abroad.
Though modernization is recognized as a potent force of change, most social
structural research emphasizes the continuity and adaptability of peasant institutions
and values, even as they are encapsulated in the larger socialist
political economy. The overriding stress is on the transitory nature of political
systems compared to centuries-old cultural patterns. Social structural views
more readily encourage us to look at the conditions of individual and community
life to understand the historical cultural systems of Eastern Europe.
In contrast to this orientation, political economic research strategies have
gained in popularity among American anthropologists over the past decade.
They place greater emphasis on the interaction of local cultural units and
national or supranational ones for understanding the formation of East European
cultural systems. For example, greater weight is given to the influence of
capitalist and socialist political economies. Production relations, economic
exchange, and class systems are seen as more determinant with emphasis on
change rather than continuity. This approach focuses on linear time: present
developments can represent qualitative departures from previous patterns and
so may not be readily predictable in terms of past events. Socialism and
socialist institutions, especially planned social change, are considered to have
an enduring effect on East European life.
Despite these differences, political economic research considers many of the
same specific topics as the social structural approach. Their different emphases,
rather than being diametrically opposed to each other, help unify the
field. Combined, they can better address the question of continuity and change
in East European cultural systems. Bibliographic Surveys
Contemporary work on Eastern Europe is informed by a series of literature
reviews. The most comprehensive multidisciplinary coverage is found in
Horecky (104, 105). The works of Sanders and his colleagues specifically
concern social science research, but are limited to periodical articles (177,
178). Specifically anthropological are the surveys edited by Salzmann (168)
and Maday (136). Included are contributions on the individual countries. A
more recent one limited to the Balkans for the 1970s is that of Halpern &
Wagner (76). Individual country surveys include Howell (106), Maday (135,
137, 139), and Sozan (196) for Hungary; Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa (121) for
Poland; Salzmann (170, 171a) on Czechs and Slovaks in Romania, and Patterson
(153) on Romania; Halpern (61) on Yugoslavia; and Wagner (210) on
Serbia.
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 383
Community Studies
The community study in Eastern Europe takes its impetus from Sander's
interwar research, although the orientation was sociological because interaction
between social groups was stressed rather than cultural institutions. The
works of the Halperns on Serbia [Halpern and Kerewsky-Halpern (54, 59, 73,
112)], Winner (216) on Slovenia, Salzmann & Scheufler (172) on a Czech
village, and, to a significant extent, Lockwood's monograph on Bosnia (127)
fit this category as they attempt to delineate the culture of a particular people.
These works use history to explain cultural phenomena and exemplify
regional patterns as manifested in specific communities. Each of these works,
in somewhat different ways, attempts to articulate the compelx net of relationships
existing between community, region, and nation. The word attempts
is used advisedly because it is not possible to accomplish this task easily. A
useful critical article using a Balkan village and a Serbian village delineates
some of the problems in community comparison (107).
By contrast, recent community monographs often focus more specifically on
how village communities have been transformed by the advent of socialism,
particularly via collectivization. Bell (6a) considers how collectivization transforms
social hierarchy and individual perception. He contrasts the egalitarian
principles of the collective farm with both the hierarcy necessitated by largescale
formal organization and the traditional forms of hierarchy. Hann (95)
focuses on the social differentiation growing out of the economic alternatives
now available in a formerly isolated tanya settlement. Salzmann & Scheufler
(172), however, are more concerned with collectivization as a general vehicle
for modernization. Each of these monographs is notable for contrasting the
presocialist era with current socialist realities. This framework allows us to
gauge more accurately the possibilites and processes of the linear socialist
transformation and/or, conversely, the cyclical time dimension of peasant
cultural continuity.
Lockwood's monograph (127) is also distinctive in its focus on peasant
market relationships among multiethnic populations, taking as his point of
departure a Moslem community. Migration, tourism, and associated socioeconomic
changes in a community on the Dalmatian coast are dealt with in a
monograph and related publications by B. C. Bennett (10-12).
Citing individual volumes does not, of course, exhaust the number of
research projects, most of them doctoral dissertations, which have focused on
individual rural communities. These investigations have been published as
articles focusing on a variety of topics apart from community description (2, 4,
26, 103, 113, 146, 154, 155, 173, 193, 194).
Discussion of East European community studies is incomplete without
mention of some significant works by East European scholars available in
English translation. In particular, Fel & Hofer's "Proper Peasants: Traditional
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384 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
Life in a Hungarian Village" (46; see also 47, 99) stands out as a milestone of
"thick" cultural description.
Kinship and Social Structure
Although the situation has changed during the last decade with increasing
publication on Hungary, Poland, and especially Romania, the predominant role
of Yugoslav based research is nowhere more apparent than in the study of
family and kinship. Historically, the study of the zadruga has been a main focus
of research. Some of the writings of East European ethnologists, notably
Yugoslavs, have recently appeared in English. Prominent is an edited posthumous
monograph on the work of the Serb Milenko Filipovic (48).
In addition to writing on the zadruga, he also dealt with various forms of
lineage organization, symbolic adoption, marriage, divorce, and on property
communal to social groups and functions of reciprocity. His objective was to
explain in historical terms the social structures that he observed. In describing
domestic units, he was particularly interested in nonkinship links and spatially
separate residences. One of his most interesting articles deals with women as
leaders of kin units (48). A general view of the extended family in Southeast
Europe is given by his Croatian colleague Milovan Gavazzi (49). A parallel
article by Gunda (52) deals with Hungary. These writings make no specific
reference to any of the works enumerated below. Their value may be perceived
from an emic perspective unlike the analytically etic articles of Hofer. A unique
contribution combines the experience of growing up in a Hercegovinian upland
community with the perspective of an American historian (209). Similar
autobiographical data is found in Byrnes (21). Unique in its comparative
approach to Balkan data is Stahl's article on the household domestic group
(199).
Beginning in the 1960s, Hammel and his students Denich, Lockwood, and
Simic have worked among Orthodox and Moslem populations in Yugoslavia
(80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 92, 93; (40, 123, 124, 192). Taken together with the
Halperns' work in Serbia, this has meant that other regions have been studied
comparatively little.
Outside Serbia, Baric's writings on Catholic Croatia deal with instrumental
uses of village kin ties in the process of modernizations (2, 3). Rheubottom's
work on Orthodox Macedonia is concerned with ritual observances, dowry,
and the zadruga as they relate to community-based social structures (158-160).
Publications on Slovenia (143, 144, 216) emphasize the nuclear family, while
Vincze (208b,c) deals with kin terminology among Magyar Romanians.
The sole monograph dealing with kinship is Hammel's (79), analyzing
godparenthood as a component of a system of social exchange and detailing the
functioning of South Slavic kinship systems, with discussions of household
organization, marital patterns, and lineage groups.
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 385
Another aspect of Hammel's work is historical demography (85); he takes
the social structural typology of the zadruga and transforms it into a methodological
framework for understanding process in household cycles, using (Ottoman)
census documents in place of field data. Writing on the same topic,
Halpern (63), using historic (1863) records from the Serbian community he
studied, makes the point that while the extended family was the ideal prototype
many individuals passed at least part of their lives in nuclear or small family
households.
The appearance of these articles in a volume also dealing with Western
Europe, NorthlAmerica, and Japan is significant in that the East European data
is considered analytically in a worldwide comparative context. While the
precise categories used in demographic analysis facilitate comparison, it is
nevertheless important to stress that the publication of East European anthropological
data has seldom been part of an explicit comparative framework,
although there is a descriptive comparison for the Balkans (199).
Hammel and Halpern continue to publish results of their historical demographic
work. Hammel uses a variety of Yugoslav census records, including
medieval data (87, 89-91), while Halpern focuses on records from a Serbian
village (65, 67, 70, 77). They have also published jointly, combining the
results of field research and computer processing of nineteenth century archi
data (72). They find that the zadruga represents a social unit which is flexible
and adaptive, suited to rapid geographic expansion and exploitation of land
resources but also to quick dispersal and reassembling under trying political
situations. Some of these processes were explored previously by Hammel (80,
81, 93, 94). The methodological problems encountered in the use of oral and
census data for reconstructing past social structures are set forth by Wagner
(211), demonstrating that Serbian oral genealogies only recount males who left
descendants, but not others present in archival census lists.
Both the zadruga and lineage are core social structures among the South
Slavs. In a joint article, Hammel & Soc (92) develop the concept of lineage
density based on demographic, economic, and cultural factors. Simic (182)
discusses the role of blood feuds. In an analysis of lineage structure in Albania,
Whitaker (213, 214) deals with kin units in prewar politics and the extended
family within larger patrilineal units. Grossmith's research on contemporary
ethnic Albanian rural households in Macedonia (50) describes units of approximately
the same size as those recorded a century ago for Serbia but with a
structure corresponding to a culture where fertillity has remained high. Social
conflict in an isolated Macedonia village, since abandoned, was dealt with by
Balikci (1).
The greatest shift in social relationships has occured as a result of the postwar
processes of urbanization and industrialization. Hammel (83), using survey and
interview data from modem Belgrade, shows interrelationships between
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386 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
structural alignment of traditional Serbian kinship and the more individualized
affective relationships between parents and children. Another monographic
study (82) considers a number of variables influencing mobility within the
cyclical nature of Yugoslav industrial growth.
The role of corporate kin groups in coping with modernization processes is
examined in Simic's volume on Belgrade (184) and in a number of supporting
articles (185-187). The relationships between networks of rural-urban kinlinked
reciprocity is examined against the development of new urban social
networks based on shared interests and experience. Simic's focus on problems
of aging is unique, placing it in comparison with similar problems among South
Slav migrants in the United States (188, 190).
Sex roles have been studied extensively for Yugoslavia. Hammel (78) points
out that the romantic aspects of marriage have not been emphasized, and that
spouses are not regarded as kin. Affinal ties in a Moslem setting are dealt with
by Lockwood (126), with bride theft a flexible and manipulative mechanism
for forming household alliances.
Denich (36, 37, 40) has been concerned with the general role of women in
society and less with the specifics of family and kinship relations. She has
focused on the ramifying consequences of the concentration of property,
residence, and descent in the male line which minimizes the formal structural
role of women. However, her research on migrants to an industrializing town in
Serbia reveals that there is now an equivalence of parental aspirations for sons
and daughters. This is radically different from the past where girls were
enculturated in dependence on the economic base provided by male-dominated
kin units. Through contemporary employment she sees women gaining an
autonomy as individuals.
For Albania, Whitaker notes parallel perceptions about women (215).
Doubtless there have been equally dramatic changes here too. These are found
fragmentarily in travel accounts, but there are no postwar scholarly studies by
Westerners.
A comparative study of changing marital relationships in five different
cultural areas of Yugoslavia presents the results of survey research undertaken
in the early 1960s. While all regions have changed, the agnatic ideology was
still strongly apparent in the southern and eastern regions (74).
Oral Tradition, Ritual, and Symbolism
Research on values and expressive behavior can be complimentary to socioeconomic
studies, but these researches can also proceed on separate paths. Both
the integration and separation can be seen in the two long-term studies of
individual communities by Fels and Hofer in Hungary and Halpern and
Kerewsky-Halpern in Serbia.
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 387
Much of the literature on these themes has appeared in journals within the
last 5 years (19, 42, 108, 109, 111, 144, 166). It should be mentioned,
however, that Hungarian scholars have considered related problems (51, 100).
To date there are two monographs (117, 143). Kligman's study of the Romanian
Whitsuntide ritual goes beyond the description of folklore performance in
the context of contemporary secularization in a socialist state. She provides
insights into ritual behavior and folk healing in a sociolinguistic framework in
which silence and secrecy are potent communicators. In a symbolic analysis of
a Macedonian winter solstice ritual, Sachs (166) considers how men are
transformed into metaphoric women, reflecting honor/shame polarities. The
prewar research of Obrebski (148) approaches sex roles in a Macedonian
village in terms of secular and sacred performances.
Using psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic analyses, Kerewsky-Halpern &
Foley (111) explicate oral charms in Serbian folk healing. A related article
deals with lament as catharsis (109). For Macedonia, Rheubottom (158) writes
of the household patron saint, emphasizing the symbols of openness, peace,
and community.
Minnich (143, 144) considers the practice of pigsticking in Slovenia for
defining local community and regional identity. In contrast to those who
employ a political-economic approach, he refers only briefly to the local
modern hog farm which provides employment for many villagers. He views
identity as based in a peasant society which devolves on assocation with a way
of life, grounded in the farnstead, subsistence farning, and the nuclear family.
His analysis of ritual provides a link to the community study approach.
Both social structural and political economic approaches are reflected in the
volume on Political Rituals and Symbolism in Socialist Eastern Europe. Included
are contributions on all countries in the area except Albania and
Hungary [Bulgaria (181), Czechoslovakia (164), Poland (22), Romania (116,
118), and Yugoslvaia (43, 206)]. Each article discusses a particular ritual
activity or symbolic domain illustrating how presocialist forms have been
incorporated into socialist realities or how new, specifically socialist rituals are
transformed by the unique cultural features of the communities in which they
are practiced.
Oral performance is the theme in the work of Dubinskas (42) and KerewskyHalpern
(108). The former is concerned with the dynamics of a contemporary
folkore performance group, and the latter deals with male recollections of
lineages as personal history and as epic (75, 108, 112).
A relatively neglected category is life history and personal narrative. Davis
(34) provides a biography of a Slovene laborer, and Y. Lockwood (134)
describes a dramatic death as seen through individual narratives. The autobiographical
reflections of a young Serbian woman who left her village to seek
education in town is given by Halpern (66).
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388 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
Salzmann's monograph on value orientation among Czechs and Slovaks
(167) draws on the work of the Kluckhohns and relates to contemporary studies
of ethnicity and nationalism. Emic perspectives on the pan-Mediterranean
themes of honor and shame, especially as they apply to male behavior, are
considered by Boehm (19). A decade earlier, Simic (183) compared the value
patterns of males in the southern regions of Yugoslavia with styles of behavior
in Mexico. In both areas there is a shared concern with respect to the role of face
presented to the outside world. His concern with this approach has continued
(191). A 1978 article explored values in commericalized folk music (189).
An anticipatory integration of these diverse perspectives to provide a view of
a civilization was attempted by the social historian Stoianovich (204). Many of
his conceptions do not stand close anthropological scrutiny, but the idea of
combining perspectives in an integrative approach remains attractive.
World Systems and the Region
CLASS, ETHNICITY, AND EMPIRE The study of regional ethnicity has long
been a prominent feature of anthropological investigation. Until recently such
analyses have focused on the symbolic and behavioral content of ethnicity in
order to understand the dimensions of particular identities and the processes of
boundary maintenance (80, 124, 127-129, 131, 157, 169, 171, 180, 204,
213). These studies have helped explain the historical persistence and intense
sentiment associated with East European ethnicity and how these markers of
identification developed out of collective religious consciousness. However,
content analysis of ethnic identity alone does not provide a total explanation of
the intensity of regional interethnic relations.
Recent works consider ethnicity as the medium for structuring political and
economic relations. Therefore, ethnicity is considered complementary to classbased
action in the East European historical process (5, 6, 28, 163, 205,
207-208a). In this way, the content and symbols of ethnicity, which comprise
the universe of previous analyses, now become the means by which conflict
over key resources is carried out.
This conception views East European ethnicity as a variable phenomenon,
waxing and waning in response to other stimuli. Ethnicity is only one component
in the individual's identity; whether it is mobilized depends on its utility
compared to other accessible identity components. For example, McArthur's
work among Transylvanian Saxons (141) shows, among other things, how
Saxon identity is often emphasized as a strategy for emigration, paralleling th
stress on Turkish identity among Serbo-Croatian speaking Moslems in Macedonia
(64). For multiethnic Yugoslavia, ethnicity is seen as the rationale for
regional development (62) and a basis for political struggle (133). Reining
(157) writes of the demise of the German minority in Hungary, while Salzmann
(171) has studied a Czech village in Romania.
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 389
Ethnicity has predominated in the East European cultural landscape at the
expense of other markers of identity. It remains a source of conflict because it is
often a chief factor in unresolved territorial issues. These grew out of the
dissolution of empires and the formation of nation states based on ethnic
identities but with spatially mixed multiethnic populations (e.g. Transylvania,
Macedonia, Kosmet). The intensity of ethnic sentiment in the region also
carries over into scholarship. On occasion, ethnic partisans have taken others to
task for failing to support the claims of their particular reference group (163,
195).
A chief concern of current research is to explicate the intensity and persistence
of ethnic sentiments as compared to others such as class. World systems
theory provides the intellectual framework by which a number of contemporary
researchers have addressed these questions. The region's incorporation as the
hinterland of contending empires is seen as a primary source of intense ethnic
identity and its resulting intergroup conflict (130, 205). Ethnic identity is not so
easily neutralized even under the onslaught of socialism's class-based policies.
DEPENDENCY AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT East Europe's experience as
political-economic periphery not only promoted ethnic sentiment but, in
lary fashion, was also a chief factor in the region's underdevelopment. A
number of works focus on the debilitating effects of the penetration of capita
(23, 24, 119, 198, 212), while Verdery's recent volume (208a) is noteworthy
for its linking ethnicity and underdevelopment in a "world systems" perspective.
She shows how the differential integration of Transylvania into a shifting
field of competing states and their dominant classes not only "underdeveloped"
this multiethnic region but fostered particular kinds of interethnic relations and
socioeconomic behaviors at the local and regional levels.
Chirot's and Stahl's work, also on Romania, describes how economic
dependency sets in motion a chain of events which transform relations among
state, peasantry, and nobility. It emasculated the indigenous state and fostered
a stratum of dependent nobility living off an impoverished peasantry. Communal
lands, their basis of subsistence, were alienated from them in varying
degrees, facilitating the differentiation of the peasantry into separate and
competitive economic strata.
The effects of economic dependency are not consistent throughout the region
but are modified by cultural circumstances. For example, Mouzelis (145)
discusses variations in peasant political action in Greece and Bulgaria in the
interwar period. Its relative absence in Greece is traced to earlier and more
intensive urban development, the growth of an indigenous merchant class, and
large-scale overseas migration.
The overwhelming agrarian nature of all the East European nations except
for Czechoslovakia, their lack of significant urbanization and industrialization,
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390 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
and the often impoverished circumstances of local peasantries formed the
baseline for programs of centrally planned development begun after World War
II (17, 27, 114, 115, 147, 154). The desire to overcome dependency-related
structural problems thus contributed to the extraordinary comprehensive policies
adopted by postwar socialist governments. Viewed from the perspective of
the 1980s, the enormous external debt of many East European nations to
Western banks is definitive evidence of the revival of economic dependency in
the socialist epoch (146). As past dependency undermined the lives of East
Europe's peoples, fostering rigid class structures, it threatens to do so today.
The Transformation of Peasant Society
Research on socioeconomic change in Eastern Europe falls into two general
categories: the integration of rural communities with regional and national
processes, in part through the transformation of peasant agrarian systems, and
the complex of behaviors associated with industrialization, urbanization, and
related patterns of labor migration.
PLANNED AGRARIAN CHANGE AND COLLECTIVIZATION The nature of prewar
East European peasant society grew directly from its agrarian mode of
livelihood. As agriculture was the principal defining characteristic of peasant
life, its transformation, represented chiefly by collectivization and statesubsidized
farms and cooperatives, has engendered considerable research.
Certain works see state-planned agrarian change as the vehicle for rural
economic growth. Class structures have been transformed (95, 178a, 193, 194)
and living conditions improved by the economies of scale and the freeing of
labor that agrarian modernization introduces (151). Still, the verdict on socialist
agrarian systems and their ability to transform rural life is a mixed one.
Greater research effort has been focused on the interrelationships of local
communities with processes of socialist agrarian change. Hollos's analysis of
two Hungarian collectives (103) attempts to explain variations in the economic
performance and degree of local acceptance of these organizations largely by
reference to management styles. Kideckel's work in a lowland Transylvanian
community details how local class structure and land use patterns force change
in the implementation of national collectivization policy (115). He also discusses
how the persisting strength of local household organization and attitudes
toward technology are manifested in collective farm production organization
(113). Bell (6a), Salzmann & Scheufler (172), and Hann (95) also detail the
influence of local social and ecological factors on collective farm organization.
Investigation of the agrarian transformation is also directed to understandin
its mutually influential relationship with peasant families and local social
networks in Hungary (103a), in Romania (4, 26, 29, 155, 200), and in Poland
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 391
(146,154). This work considers the implications of changing agrarian practices
on family structure and division of labor. Collectivization and other features of
socialist modernization are seen to provide a range of economic opportunites,
access to which is assured by the elaboration of suitable domestic strategies.
Although family structures may remain the same throughout the socialist
transformation, their functions change in accordance with the availability of
resources.
Further work on the socialist agrarian transformation is necessary. None of
the studies currently available is cross-culturally comparative, though Maday
& Hollos (140) offer such a perspective within Hungary itself. Comparative
research would be particularly fruitful for analyzing the sources of similarity
and variation in East European socialism, especially since agriculture in Poland
and Yugoslavia has remained largely private.
INDUSTRIALIZATION, URBANIZATION AND THE PEASANT WORKER As the
agrarian transformation rationalized agricultural labor, workers were freed for
participation in urban-industrial employment networks. Both ends of this
process have been analyzed: changing occupational patterns and cultural styles
in the rural communities (4, 60, 125), as well as rural migration to cities,
urbanization, and the cultural circumstances of workers (34, 37, 39,41,58, 82,
84, 120, 120a, 138, 173-175, 184-187, 197). A related body of work specifically
considers the migration patterns engendered by this transformation (12,
35, 64, 125).
Research on peasant workers is crucial for this region since the massive
industrialization of the postwar period has made this a pervasive social category.
Certain research centers on the behavioral variations between peasant
workers and their more agriculturally oriented co-villagers (73). The consumption
ethic of the peasant-worker is frequently noted (95), while Lockwood
(125) points to the interesting anomaly that industrially oriented rural folk,
generally the poorer segment of a village community, are often those with
greater access to prestige goods.
Other researchers discuss the contradictory roles of the peasant-worker
associated with their simultaneous participation in agrarian and industrial
work. A chief drawback of this situation is that the excessive demands on such
individuals may result in poor labor performance in both spheres of activity
(57). Cole (29) stresses the benefits derived by industrializing states, such as
those of Eastern Europe, when much of the industrial labor force continues to
reside in rural areas and remains connected to the resources of an agrarian based
network.
There is a reciprocal effect connected with these processes. Not only do
urban influences change rural life, but peasant migrants have historically
transformed urban life, resulting in the simultaneous urbanization of the village
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392 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
and peasantization of the town (37, 58, 101, 120a, 122, 185). Subsequent
research has also analyzed the strategies adopted by rural migrants in urban
areas. Simic's monograph (184) is notable for its analysis of the adaptiveness of
peasant behaviors and institutions to cities through rural-urban networks.
A subsequent and different approach to urbanization is Sampson's work on
Romania, focusing on the specifically socialist nature of the urbanization
process by examining it as an aspect of centralized planning. While Simic and
others tend to emphasize continuity in urbanization, Sampson stresses contradictions.
Examining both a village as it develops into a small regional town
(173, 175) and a major urban industrial center (174), Sampson depicts the
conflicting nature of urbanization growing from the often divergent needs an
interests of state planners, long-term residents, and recent in-migrants. Spangler
(197), in his review of the literature on Yugoslav urbanization, also finds the
process more stressful than previous researchers. The writings in the recent
volume compiled by the Winners (220) probe the historical dimensions of East
European urbanization.
Despite the sizable research effort on peasant-workers and urbanization,
there are no systematic discussions of socialist industry from an anthropological
perspective. This is a significant gap given the growth of industrial enterprises
in the area. There are, however, certain topics on which there is useful
initial research. The role of education in socialist society is faced with dual
expectations: to provide the model of collective behavior necessary for the
creation of socially conscious individuals (102), and to serve as the vehicle for
the homogenization of class structure. Thus far educational results are ambiguous.
In Romania we see the persistence of differences in educational access
for various population segments and a definite process of tracking, albeit into
socialist institutions (156).
Another lack in area research concerns elites, leadership, and sources of
political legitimacy. One work available is Denich's analysis of local leadership
in the Yugoslav civil war and socialist revolution (38). Recognizing the
inability of the peasantry to organize a revolution by themselves, she analyzes
the characteristics of a revolutionary urban elite which enabled them to attract
and keep a sizable peasant following.
East European Communities Abroad
A recent focus in East Europeanist anthropology is on communities outside the
region. As in cultural anthropology in general, this interest can be traced
partially to the uncertainties of fieldwork abroad. This research does, however
provide an important comparative perspective on ethnic identities and their
transformation in new cultural settings. Winner & Susel, in their edited volume
(219), provide a variety of perspectives with a special focus on America. The
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 393
contribution by Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa considers the rural exodus from Poland,
providing a newer perspective on the interwar situation analyzed by Obrebski
(147).
Degh's view of a Hungarian-Canadian community finds regional identities
derived from the Old World stronger than a common Hungarian identification.
Schuchat (179) describes pressures for assimilation in an urban setting, while
Patterson has written on Romanian communities in Canada (152), considering
processes of adaptation over four generations. Studies of Slovene communities
in Cleveland (217-219) conclude that future Slovene ethnic persistence in the
United States will be in a progressively more truncated form. L. Bennett
(13-16) focuses on the ritual associated with the feast day of the family's patron
saint among Serbian Americans as a form of continuing ethnic identification
supplemented by association with Orthodox church parishes. Halley (53)
writes about her Croatian and Serbian maternal kin from the Chicago area and
considers the similarities between Old and New world structures, and the
survival of ethnic values in visibly assimilated individuals. Padgett (149, 150)
researched the Serbian community of Milwaukee and found it culturally
homogeneous yet factionalized and facing a future of reduced and more
permeable group boundaries; she found that the core values are religious
orthodoxy, kinship, and nationalism.
Kerewsky-Halpem (110) examines continuity and change in BulgarianAmerican
oral traditions, giving examples of new forms for older speech
events. Halpern (68) writes about the changing forms of identification among
Bulgarian-Americans and correlates these changes with cycles of ethnic community
development. Stein is concerned with kinship, life cycle, and ritual
among Slovak Americans (201-203). Bloch (18) ties the experience of two
worlds together, considering the changes in the role of women as they move
from a village in Poland to an American community. The Harvard Encylopedia
of American Ethnic Groups (1980), utilizing anthropological perspectives,
contains articles on all of the East European ethnic groups.
Research on the East European Hasidic religious community, survivors of
the Holocaust, is summarized in a bibliographical survey by Burack (20). In
addition to citing studies using semiotic, symbolic, and structural analyses, she
discusses the role of photography as a research tool. Despite anthropologists'
interest in ethnic conflict, the Holocaust has not been a topic for anthropological
research.
Writing about the geographically contiguous community of Burgenland
Croats in Austria, Lockwood (132) finds an increasing ethnic assertiveness
reinforced by a growing sense of identification with the Croats of Yugoslavia.
At the same time, he finds that eventual assimilation may be inevitable,
occurring at about the same rate among socialist workers and conservative
peasants.
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394 HALPERN & KIDECKEL
Unlike research on Eastern Europe proper, studies of its immigr
tions deemphasize the political aspects of ethnic identity, concentrating on
processes of boundary maintenance, assimilation, variations in generational
behavior, and the interpenetration of cultural systems. This seems a natural
response to widely differing cultural conditions.
ON THE RELEVANCE OF EAST EUROPEANIST
ANTHROPOLOGY
In this review of the literature we have tried to comprehensively view the
diverse interests of the increasingly numerous researchers in the field. We are
encouraged by the expansion of interest in the region and the growing delineation
of Eastern Europe as a legitimate category of anthropological inquiry. In
addition, the quality of methods and the range of themes expressed in the
literature are significant both for the understanding of East European cultural
systems and for a general sociocultural anthropology.
Methodologically, the exchange of views with indigenous scholars (e.g. 25)
and publication by East European scholars in Western journals (Bicanic,
Filipovic, Gavazzi, Gunda, Hofer, Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa, Markus, and H.
Stahl) tends to distinguish East Europeanist anthropology from studies of othe
culture areas where anthropology sets itself apart from those people studied.
The existence of journals such as Collegium Antropologicum, published in
English in Zagreb, while focusing on physical anthropology does contain
articles of sociocultural interest. Some are colloborative between Eastern
European and Western researchers (165).
Thematically, the transformation of East European society has provided a
laboratory for the study of rapid and directed social change succeeding conditions
of extreme underdevelopment. These circumstances are being duplicated
in the developing world.
Despite the growing body of literature, we are nonetheless concerned about
the limited impact of East European materials on general anthropology. This is
not without reason. As stated earlier, the relative absence of regionally and
cross-culturally comparative analyses is particularly inhibiting. The field also
lacks general theoretical perspectives and integrative works.
While the political economic perspective has proved useful, local, regional,
and national foci still dominate, as do the research agendas of particular
scholars. One of us has been working in this field for over 30 years. During this
time it has been possible to see a universe of cultural problems within the
confines of a single village community (112). But the needs of the field of East
European studies clearly are not identical with individual research priorities.
Groups of scholars share theoretical and methodological approaches. There
are growing numbers of edited volumes of collections on particular topics,
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ANTHROPOLOGY OF EASTERN EUROPE 395
including contributions by East European scholars, but articulated sets of
questions for the region as a whole remain to be developed. If there is to be
viable East Europeanist anthropology, there needs to be integrating perspectives
consistently addressed on multinational, regional, and cross-culturally
comparative levels. Perhaps the pressure of regional identities is too strong for
East Europeanist anthropologists who have gone native and become Balkanized
in the process.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This essay has benefited from the cooperation of many East Europeanists. We
wish to thank especially Linda Bennett, Barbara Kerewsky-Halpern, William
Lockwood, Bela Maday, Steven Sampson, Andrei Simic, and Richard A.
Wagner.
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