ChapterS + Juvinile Delinquency and Urban Areas 105 Jt is clear from the data included in this ^1 (•■me that there is a direct relationship be- *■ __3 J 4-1 1-1 r* mri r-4-i -1-1 «-r in nnra nnm m 11 ween conditions existing in local commu- "■'•ties of American cities and differential tes of delinquents and criminals. Communities with high rates have social and ■'■'-onoinic characteristics which differentiate them from communities with low rates, delinquency—particularly group delinquency, ^/liich constitutes a preponderance 0f all officially recorded offenses commit-'"ted'hy boys and youn g men—has its roots in if " the- dynamic life of the community, ft It may be observed, in the first in- U ■stance, that the variations in rates of offi-ff - ' 1 cially recorded delinquents in communities fcfe " -gfthe city correspond very closely with vari-ations in economic status. The communi-' JlJes with the highest rates of delinquents are occupied by those segments of the popula-•-(jon whose position is most disadvantageous in relation to the distribution of economic, social, and cultural values. Of all the communities in the city, these have the few-^esf^facilities for acquiring the economic i-gnods indicative of status and success in "Out conventional culture. Residence in the r community is in itself an indication of infe-* - jrjor status, from the standpoint of persons gresidmg in the more prosperous areas. It is •^•handicap in securing employment and in fmajdng satisfactory advancement in fndus-.-try and the professions. Fewer opportuni-;ues are provided for securing the training, seHucation, and contacts which facilitate ad-" "vancement in the fields of business, indus-',t try, and the professions. [ J*<~IS. The communities with the lowest rates of ("jj^L* * 4^nquents, on the other hand, occupy a 1 3p i 9jkhvely high position in relation to the ^ , economic and social hierarchy of the city. _3|^~t;Herethe residents are relatively much more ^cure, and adequate provision is offered to ^•^.^rjaung people for securing the materia! pos-e -u.SESi,I0ns symbolic of success and the educa-/(1$ --Jf11 ^ram'nBi an(i personal contacts which j if ""^^cililate their advancement in the conven-1 'V"£-' '.tonal careers they may pursue.... 7 Differential Systems of Values In general, the more subtie differences between types of communities in Chicago may be encompassed within the general proposition that in the areas of low rates of delinquents there is more or less uniformity, consistency, and universality of conventional values and attitudes with respect to child care, conformity to law, and related matters; whereas in the high-rate areas systems of competing and conflicting moral values have developed. Even though in the latter situation conventional traditions and institutions are dominant, delinquency has developed as a powerful competing way of life. It derives its impelling force in the boy's life from the fact that it provides a means of securing economic gain, prestige, and other human satisfactions and is embodied in delinquent groups and criminal organizations, many of which have great influence, power, and prestige. In the areas of high economic status where the rates of delinquents are low there is, in general, a similarity in the attitudes of the residents with reference to conventional values, as has been said, especially those related to the welfare of children. This is illustrated by the practical unanimity' of opinion as to the desirability of education and constructive leisure-time activities and of the need for a general health program. It is shown, too, in the subtle, yet easily recognizable, pressure exerted upon children to keep them engaged in conventional activities, and in the resistance offered by the community to behavior which threatens the conventional values. It does not follow that all the activities participated in by members of the community are lawful; but, since any unlaurful pursuits are likely to be carried out in other parts of the city, children living in the low-rate communities are, on the whole, insulated from direct contact with these deviant forms of adult behavior. In the middle-class areas and the areas of high economic status, moreover, the similarity of attitudes and values as to social control is expressed in institutions and voluntary associations designed to perpetuate 106 Part III + The Chicago School and protect these values. Among these may be included such organizations as the parent-teachers associations, women's clubs,. service clubs, churches, neighborhood centers, and the like. Where these institutions represent dominant values, the child is exposed to, and participates in a significant way in one mode or life only. While he may have knowledge of alternatives, they are not integral parts of the system in which he participates. In contrast, the areas of low economic status, where the rates of delinquents are high, are characterized by wide diversity in norms and standards of behavior. The moral values range from those that are strictly conventional to those in direct opposition to conventionality as symbolized by the family, the church, and other institutions common to our general society. The deviant values are symbolized by groups and institutions ranging from adult criminal gangs engaged in theft and the marketing of stolen goods, on the one hand, to quasi-legitimate businesses and the rackets through which partial or complete control of legitimate business is sometimes exercised, on the other. Thus, within the same community, theft may be defined as right and proper in some groups and as immoral, improper, and undesirable in others. In some groups wealth and prestige are secured through acts of skill and courage in the delinquent or criminal world, while in neighboring groups any attempt to achieve distinction in this manner would result in extreme disapprobation. Two conflicting systems of economic activity here present roughly equivalent opportunities for employment and for promotion. Evidence of success in the criminal world is indicated by the presence of adult criminals whose clothes and automobiles indicate unmistak-ably that they have prospered in their chosen fields. The values missed and the greater risks incurred are not so clearly apparent to the young. Children living in such communities are exposed to a variety of contradictory standards and forms of behavior rather than tD a relatively consistent and conventional pattern.1 More than one type of moral institu- tion and education are available to them a boy may be familiar with, or exposed e, ther.the system of conventional activities n the system of criminal activities, or both1"7 Similarly, he may participate in the activi. ties of groups which engage mainly in dehn" quent activities, those concerned with can ventional pursuits, or those which alternate, between the two worlds. His attitudes anf habits will be formed largely in accordance.-with the extent to which he participates m t and becomes identified with one or the ~ other of these several types of groups Conflicts of values necessarily arise whetr boys are brought in contact with so manv:1" forms of conduct not reconcilable with conv\, ventional morality as expressed in church. *3 and school. A boy maybe found guilty of de linquency in the court, which represents the1*? values of the larger society, for an act which J£\ has had at least tacit approval in the cora-^" munity in which he lives. It is perhaps com. mon knowledge in the neighborhood that: public funds are embezzled and that favors and special consideration can be received1^] from some public officials through the pay JL ment of stipulated sums; the boys assume jfj that all officials can be influenced in this: way. They are familiar with the location at illegal institutions in the community and, with the procedures through which such in-^£ stitutions are opened and kept in operation1*"1'-*' they know where stolen goods can be said^ and the kinds of merchandise for which ^ there is a ready market; they know what tbc^ rackets are; and they see in fine clothes ex?** pensive cars, and other lavish expenditures-^ the evidences of wealth among those whern openly engage in illegal activities. All hays in the city have some knowledge of these m tivities; but in the inner-city areas they arej known intimately, in terms of personal rela-, tionships, while in other sections they ento the child's experience through more lmpeiy.-; sonal forms of communication, such as mo tion pictures, the newspaper, and the radio. 7 Other types of evidence tending to sup-- _ port the existence of diverse systems of vai ^ ues in various areas are to be found in the -1 data on delinquency and crime. . . War iations by local areas in the number M(Jut rates of adult offenders were presented-i. Tel ^•L en translated into its signifi ' tArm the presence of a large r cance for V tjjen, the presence of a large number of jjOit criminals in certain areas means that *u. ^lldren there are in contact with crime as a if"rareer md with the criminal way of life, -' IrtMibolized by organized crime. In this type sr1 forganizati°n can be seen the delegation * f authority, the division of labor, the spe-.T^^ization of function, and all the other J'"characteristics common to well-organized business institutions wherever found. - * Suniiarly, the delinquency data presented at eniDhically on spot maps and rate maps in tjTjjje preceding pages give plausibility to'the -gjistence of a coherent system of values ~* ^supporting delinquent acts. In making ^ these interpretations it should be remem-b&red that delinquency is essentially group ■^V-behavior. A study of boys brought into the rx Juvenile Court of Cook County during the i$X vear 192 82 revealed that 81.8 per cent of ^■s-vpiese boys committed the offenses for "t'V&bich they were brought to court as mem-!T ij burs oE groups. And when the offenses were ^ limited to stealing, it was found that 89 per JJs&ntof all offenders were taken to court as fi* j^oup or gang members. In many addi-^""Ijonal cases where the boy actually commit-~* ted his offense alone, the influence of com-'panions: was, nevertheless, apparent. This f^point is illustrated in certain cases of boys i^charged with stealing from members of o Jfheir own families, where the theft clearly T> reflects, the influence and instigation of -^bmpanions, and in instances where the ^problems of the boy charged with incorrigi-- bihty reveal conflicting values, those of the J; family competing with those of the delin-X'■quent group for his allegiance. " c i ^The heavy concentration of delinquency f^m certain areas means, therefore, that boys living in these areas are in contact not only "HWilh individuals who engage in proscribed _ activity but also with groups which sanc-(l( tarn such behavior and exert pressure upon jheir members to conform to group standards. Examination of the distribution map -t reveals that, in contrast with the areas of Poticentration of delinquents, there are * - many other communities where the cases |'-| ^es° widely dispersed that the chances of a [ \ °ov s having intimate contact with other de- Chapter 8 ♦ Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areat 107 linquents or with delinquent groups are" comparatively slight. The importance of the concentration of delinquents is seen most clearly when the effect is viewed in a temporal perspective. The maps representing distribution of delinquents at successive periods indicate that, year after year, decade after decade, the same areas have been characterized by these concentrations. This means that delinquent boys in these areas have contact not only with other delinquents who are their contemporaries but also with older offenders , who in turn had contact with delinquents preceding them, and so on back to the earliest history of the neighborhood. This contact means that the traditions of delinquency can be and are transmitted down through successive generations of boys, in much the same way that language and other social forms are transmitted.... The way in which boys are inducted into unconventional behavior has been revealed by large numbers of case studies of youths living in areas where the rates of delinquents are high. Through the boy's own life-story the wide range of contacts with other boys has been revealed. These stories indicate how at early ages the boys took part with older boys in delinquent activities, and how, as they themselves acquired experience, they initiated others into the same pursuits. These cases reveal also the steps through which members are incorporated into the delinquent group organization. Often at early ages boys engage in malicious mischief and simple acts of stealing. As their careers develop, they become involved in more serious offenses, and finally become skilled workmen or specialists in some particular field of criminal activity. In each of these phases the boy is supported by the sanction and the approbation oE the delinquent group to which he belongs.... Taken together, these studies indicate that most delinquent acts are committed by boys in groups, that delinquent boys have frequent contact with other delinquents, that the techniques for specific offenses are transmitted through delinquent group organization, and that in his officially proscribed activity the boy is supported and 108 Pan HI + The Chicago School sustained by the delinquent group to which he belongs. Differential Social Organization Other subtle differences among communities are to be found in the character of their local institutions, especially those specifically related to the problem of social control. The family, in areas of high rates of delinquents, is affected by the conflicting systems of values and the problems of survival and conformity with which it is confronted. Family organization in high-rate areas is affected in several different ways by the divergent systems of values encountered. In the first place, it may be made practically impotent by the existing interrelationships between the two systems. Ordinarily, the family is thought of as representing conventional values and opposed to deviant forms of behavior. Opposition from families within the area to illegal practices and institutions is lessened, however, by the fact that each system may he contributing in certain ways to the economic well-being of many large family groups. Thus, even if a family represents conventional values, some member, relative, or friend may be gaining a livelihood through illegal or quasi-legal institutions—a fact tending to neutralize the family's opposition to the criminal system. Another reason for the frequent ineffectiveness of the family in directing the boys' activities along conventional lines is doubtless the allegiance which the boys may feel they owe to delinquent groups. A boy is often so fully incorporated into the group that it exercises more control than does the family. This is especially true in those neighborhoods where most of the parents are European-born. There the parents' attitudes and interests reflect an Old World background, while their children are more fully Americanized and more sophisticated, assuming in many cases the role of interpreter. In this situation the parental control is weakened, and the family may be ineffective in competing with play groups and organized gangs in which life, though it may be insecure, is undeniably colorful, stimn lating; and enticing. A third possible reason for ineffective ness of the family is that many problem^ with which it is confronted in delinquencv^ areas are new problems, for which there^ no traditional solution. An example is the use of leisure time by children. This is not a problem in the Old World or in rural Amen can communities, where children start to a work at an early age and have a recognizee^' part in the system of production. Hence" ** there are no time-honored solutions forflif' * Acuities which arise out of the fact that cliil-' dren in the city go to work at a later age and have much more leisure at their disposal. In.' the absence of any accepted solution for this problem, harsh punishment may be-ad ministered; but this is often ineffective"*■ serving only to alienate the children stdl'^J more from family and home. Other differences between high-rate and low-rate areas in Chicago are to be seen m the nature of the existing community orga nization. Thomas and Znaniecki3 have ana lyzed the effectively organized community: in terms of the presence of social opinion! with regard to problems of common inter/" est, identical or at least consistent attitudes: with reference to these problems, the ability to reach approximate unanimity on the question of how a problem should bedealL with, and the ability to carry this solution into action through harmonious co-opera 5* tion. Such practical unanimity of opinion and action does exist, on many questions n! areas where the rates of delinquents arer] low. But, in the high-rate areas, the very presence of conflicting systems of values-operates against such unanimity. Other fac tors hindering the development of consis tently effective attitudes with reference to these problems of public welfare are the s-poverty of these high-rate areas, the wide diversity of cultural backgrounds repra sented there, and the fact that the outward, movement of population in a city like Chi cago has resulted in the organization of life: in terms of ultimate residence. Even though: frustrated in his attempts to achieve eco nomic security and to move into other-: Chapter 8 ♦ juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas 109 the immigrant, living in areas of first ^C+le'rnent, often has defined his goals in ;p s Df the better residential community 'r*1, jo which he hopes some day to move. Ac- f r rcjjni7ly, the immediate problems of his ^AWEsent neighborhood may not be of great "TLncemtohim.... _ t 4 Briefly summarized, it is assumed that i1 she differentiation of areas and the segrega-t jjDO of population within the city have re-t suited in wide variation of opportunities in - _jke struggle for position within our social j. ""order. The groups in the areas of lowest eco-"^TiQniic status find themselves at a disadvan-•T -* mere in the struggle to achieve the goals ide-\jilized in our civilization. These differences - 1„sre translated into conduct through the Ir^iSeneral struggle for those economic syrn- bbls which signify a desirable position in -.j the larger social order. Those persons who *1 orxupy a disadvantageous position are in-f^S,solved in a conflict between the goals as-^strmed to be attainable in a free society and /Those actually attainable for a large proportion of the population. It is understandable, then, that the economic position of persons living in the areas of least opportunity " .should be translated at times into uncon-V-yentional conduct, in an effort to reconcile - the idealized status and their practical pros-^Ipects of attaining this status. Since, in our "culture, status is deterrnined largely in eco-^noniic terms, the differences between con-. ^Jrasted areas in terms of economic status '•"J"became the most important differences. 45= Similarly, as might be expected, crimes t s against property are most numerous. The physical, economic, and social conditions associated with high rates of delinquents in local communities occupied by white population exist in exaggerated form inmost of the Negro areas. Of all the population groups in the city, the Negro people occupy the most disadvantageous position m relation to the distribution of economic ^and social values. Their efforts to achieve a #ore satisfactory and advantageous posi->r hon in the economic and social life of the wQty are seriously thwarted by many restrictions with respect to residence, empioy-• tnent, education, and social and cultural pursuits. These restrictions have contrib- uted to the development of conditions within the local community conducive to an unusually large volume of delinquency... The development of divergent systems of values requires a type of situation in which traditional conventional control is either weak or nonexistent It is a well-known fact that the growth of cities and the increase in devices for transportation and communication have so accelerated the rate of change in our society that the traditional means of social control, effective in primitive society and in isolated rural communities, have been weakened everywhere and rendered especially ineffective in large cities. Moreover, the city, with its anonymity, its emphasis on economic rather than personal values, and its freedom and tolerance, furnishes a favorable situation of the development of devices to improve one's status, outside of the conventionally accepted and approved methods. This tendency is stimulated by the fact that the wide range of secondary social contacts in modern life operates to multiply the wishes of individuals. The automobile, motion picture, magazine and newspaper advertising, the radio, and other means of communication flaunt luxury standards before all, creating or helping to create desires which often cannot be satisfied with the meager facilities available to families in areas of low economic status. The urge to satisfy the wishes and desires so created has helped to bring into existence and to perpetuate the existing system of criminal activities. It is recognized that in a free society the struggle to improve one's status in terms of accepted values is common to all persons in all social strata. And it is a well-known fact that attempts are made by some persons in all economic classes to improve their positions by violating the rules and laws designed to regulate economic activity.4 However, it is assumed that these violations with reference to property are most frequent where the prospect of thus enhancing one's social status outweighs the chances for loss of position and prestige in the competitive struggle. It is in this connection that the existence of a system of values supporting criminal behavior becomes important as a 110 Part in + The Chicago School factor in shaping individual life-patterns, since it is only where such a system exists that the person through criminal activity may acquire the material goods so essential to status in our society and at the same time increase, rather than lose, his prestige in the smaller group system of which he has become an integral part. Endnotes 1. Edwin H. Sutherland has called this process "differential association." See E. H, Sutherland, Principles of Criminology (Chicago: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1939), chap. i. 2. Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay, Social Factors in Juvenile Delinquency, Vol. II of Report on the Causes of Crime, National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement, Report No. 13 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1931), pp. 191-99. 3. W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), H, 1171. 4. See Edwin H. Sutherland, "White Collar Criminality," American Sociological Review, V (February, 1940), 1-12. Reprinted from Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D MclG" Juveni/e Delinquency and Urban Areas. Copyright^'; 1942 by the University of Chicago Press. Reprints by permission of the University of Chicago Press Discussion Questions 1. What does it mean to say that a comniit nity is socially "disorganized"? Why^ crime less likely to occur in an orga nized community? 2. Why do Shaw and McKay take special ^ pains to point out that delinquency usif' ally occurs in groups? How do they believe that peer groups in the inner city fl contribute to the causation of crime? 3. Although written several decades ago, how might Shaw and McKay's theory *1 help to explain the occurrence of street * violence in today's inner-city commune ties? 4. Would Shaw and McKay favor efforts to fight crime by "getting tough" and lock- $ ing up more offenders, including juve^ -| rules, in prison? ♦ yV Theory of Race, Crime, and Urban Inequality Robert J. Sampson and :^ilham Julius Wilson "Conservative commentators on public policy are fond of attributing crime in the inner cities to the faulty culture of community residents "If yautlis only had good values, respected the law, dressed the right way, and saw the value ofsclwoling, "so the argument goes, 'they would stay out of trouble, get good jabs and achieve the American Dream." Many criminologists reject such thinking not only because it is simplistic, but also be-"'cause it conveniently ignores the harsh lives that inner-city people face—from birth through adulthood. If culture is to blame, tlien there is no need to pay attention to the r potential "root causes" of lawlessness—con-idiuans such as poverty, inadequate health tcare, disrupted families, schools in shambles, -vmuLthe depletion of economic opportunity as jobs move to the suburbs and to other nations The focus an culture also maslcs the ■met that many of these harsh conditions do not simply emerge naturally but are the result ^afpolitical choices by elected officials who do %littlear nothing about them. In short, scholars see attributing crime to "bad culture" as dangerous because it obscures the role of bad structures" in causing criminal behavior Although the position of structural criminologists is understandable, Sampson and Wilson suggest that ignoring the prevailing culture in urban areas results in an incomplete understanding of why crime takes place, 'htysee culture not as the simple internaliza- tion of antisocial values but as the acquisition of "cognitive landscapes." Consider the case of violence. Inner-city residents do not espouse "hurting others "as a cherished value. But what if children grow up in a community in which they witness bullet-ridden bodies lying in public spaces or perhaps see older youtlis brandishing weapons? In this context, using lethal violence enters the mind as a potential choice to be made and, in some circumstances, as an unavoidable thing to do (such as when one's honor is challenged). In neighborhoods bereft of such experiences, however, youths are unlikely even to corisider pulling out a gun as a realistic option to settle disputes. Such extreme violence is not seen, cannot be modeled, and just is not part of their "cognitive landscape"; it is virtually "inconceivable." Wizen it does occur, the violence is so shocking and so unexpected that it becomes newsworthy and is plastered all over the evening news. Sampson and Wilson understand, however, that a purely cultural explanation of inner-city crime and violence has limited merit. Identifying the content of cultures that generate crime is an important task. But, a complete explanation of criminal conduct must explain what initially causes and then sustains the influence of criminogenic cultures. In a somewhat complex analysis, Sampson and Wilson single out a critical factor that underlies the crime-inducing cognitive landscapes that flourish in inner cities: social isolation or, in their words, "the lack of contact or of sustained interaction with individuals and institutions that represent mainstream society." They observe that a peculiar reality of American society is the extreme racial segregation of African Americans residing in many major cities. In disadvantaged urban communities, youtlis live in segregated housing, attend schoob in which virtually every student is a minority, and rarely travel outside the boundaries of their immediate neighborhood. These youtlis are cut off from the kind of daily routines that kids in more affluent areas witness, take for granted, and implicitly leani from. In many well-to-do suburbs, for example, youngsters see parents 111