Evolutionary Social Psychology 1
Evolutionary Social Psychology
Steven L. Neuberg
Arizona State University
Douglas T. Kenrick
Arizona State University
Mark Schaller
University of British Columbia
[January 2009]
To appear in S. T. Fiske, D. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of Social
Psychology (5th
ed.), New York: John Wiley & Sons.
Author note. The contributions of Steven L. Neuberg and Douglas T. Kenrick were supported by
grants from the National Institute of Mental Health (MH064734) and National Science
Foundation (#0642873); the contributions of Mark Schaller were supported by the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 2
Based merely on the scents of shirts worn recently by unknown men, women can, to a
significant degree, assess the men’s physical attractiveness—but only while ovulating. When
worried about catching colds, people show greater prejudices against those who are disabled,
obese, or foreign. When romantic inclinations are temporarily intensified, men—but not
women—become more creative, confrontational, and nonconformist. Encountering a stranger
with attitudes similar to one’s own automatically activates thoughts of kinship. Pregnant women
are more ethnocentric than their non-pregnant counterparts, but only during the first trimester.
And upon viewing an opposite-sex face resembling one’s own, people judge that person to be a
desirable friend but undesirable sexual partner—to be trustworthy but not lustworthy.
These empirical findings, and many others like them, are difficult to explain—even post
hoc—with most conventional social psychological theories. Yet, each was predicted from
analyses of the psychological implications of human evolutionary biology (e.g., DeBruine, 2005;
Gangestad & Thornhill, 1998; Griskevicius, Cialdini, & Kenrick, 2006; Navarrete, Fessler, &
Eng, 2007; Park & Schaller, 2005; Park, Schaller, & Crandall, 2007). In addition to facilitating
the discovery of diverse, sometimes counterintuitive, and often complex phenomena, an
evolutionary perspective on social psychology also integrates these phenomena with one another
and with a host of other findings, too. Evolutionarily informed empirical inquiries have
produced deeper understandings of classic social psychological phenomena ranging from
attraction to aggression, conflict to cooperation, person perception to prejudice, social cognition
to social influence. The evolutionary approach has also served to open the field to phenomena
long ignored, such as kin relations and child rearing—phenomena central to social life in the real
world. The result is a comprehensive view of human social behavior governed by a coherent set
of rigorously logical general principles (Buss, 2005; Cosmides, Tooby, & Barkow, 1992;
Evolutionary Social Psychology 3
Crawford & Krebs, 2008; Gangestad & Simpson, 2007).
In this chapter, we review the current state of evolutionary social psychology. We begin
with a brief primer on exactly what evolutionary social psychology is and is not, articulating its
assumptions and the tools it provides for inquiry into social cognition and behavior. We then
present an overview of what we call the affordance management system—a conceptual
framework that articulates, in general terms, the manner in which many evolved psychological
mechanisms influence cognition and behavior as individuals negotiate the many threats and
opportunities inherent in social life. We proceed to review many different lines of evolutionarily
informed research on a wide range of social psychological phenomena. This review highlights
the many novel and nuanced hypotheses that have been deduced within an evolutionary
framework, and illustrates the generative and integrative power of evolutionary logic when
applied to the study of social psychology. We then address broader questions. We explore the
relationships among evolved adaptations, development, learning, and culture. We discuss
several epistemic and methodological issues that attend inquiries in evolutionary social
psychology (and common misunderstandings that arise from these issues). We identify
promising directions for future research. Finally, we reconsider the utility that an evolutionary
perspective offers to scientific inquiry into social behavior.
What is Evolutionary Social Psychology?
Evolutionary psychology isn't a theory, model, or hypothesis. Rather, evolutionary
psychology is a set of metatheoretical assumptions that govern how scientists approach
conceptual and empirical inquiry into psychological phenomena (Buss, 1995; Ketelaar & Ellis,
2000). These assumptions (e.g., that cognition is the product of an underlying physiology, and
that human physiology has been shaped by a long history of biological selection pressures) are
Evolutionary Social Psychology 4
scientifically noncontroversial, and are based on a vast empirical database within the biological
sciences more broadly. When applied to the conceptual landscape of social psychology, these
assumptions focus scientific inquiry on specific kinds of research questions and generate specific
kinds of answers to those questions. These assumptions also provide a set of logical tools that,
when applied rigorously, can be used to deduce specific theories, models, and hypotheses about
social psychological phenomena. It is these theories, models, and hypotheses (not the
metatheory of evolutionary social psychology) that offer specific predictions for social
psychological phenomena, and which are directly tested by empirical evidence.
Thus, evolutionary social psychology is logically analogous to cognitive social
psychology. Just as the cognitive sciences provide a metatheoretical context (and a set of
conceptual tools) that can be used to derive hypotheses about social psychological phenomena,
the evolutionary sciences provide a metatheoretical context (and a somewhat different set of
conceptual tools) that can be used to derive hypotheses about social psychological phenomena.
The analogy is apt in other ways, too: Just as the metatheory of cognitive science generates
multiple, and sometimes competing, theories about social psychological phenomena, so too does
the metatheory of evolutionary science. Just as the advent of the cognitive approach to social
psychology was greeted with skepticism decades ago, so too has been the advent of evolutionary
psychological inquiry. And, just as the cognitive revolution eventually reshaped the landscape of
social psychology, the findings generated thus far by the evolutionary perspective suggest that it,
too, has the potential to further revolutionize inquiry into social behavior (Kenrick, Schaller, &
Simpson, 2006).
Because its metatheoretical assumptions are rooted in the biological sciences (rather than
the traditional social sciences), evolutionary social psychology is sometimes viewed as exotic,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 5
and sometimes even as threatening to the basic assumptions of social psychology. In fact, an
evolutionary approach is entirely consistent with the defining themes of social psychology.
Evolutionary social psychology is emphatically focused on the power of the situation, assuming
that the proximate impetus to action typically lies in the immediate social context. Evolutionary
social psychology is also an interactionist perspective, recognizing that thoughts, feelings, and
behavior emerge as an interactive function of variables pertaining to the person (e.g., specific
motives, strategies, and capacities) and the situation (e.g., salient contextual cues connoting
specific threats or opportunities within the immediate social context). It is explicitly
interactionist in another way, too: An evolutionary perspective rejects any simplistic “nature
versus nurture” approach to the causes of social behavior. Rather, it acknowledges, and seeks to
unpack, the fascinating and complex relationships among evolved mechanisms, developmental
processes, learning, and culture. Given these features, evolutionary analyses rarely generate
hypotheses about inflexible, rigid forms of behavior. Instead, these hypotheses often explicitly
articulate how evolved psychological adaptations imply predictably flexible responses to cues in
the immediate environment. Finally, evolutionary social psychology generates hypotheses about
mediating processes—about how particular cues in the social environment heuristically imply
particular threats and opportunities, activate particular cognitive and affective mechanisms, and
thereby incline individuals toward particular behaviors.
In other ways, however, evolutionary approaches move beyond traditional social
psychological approaches. Evolutionarily informed deductions typically begin by identifying
specific domains of fitness-relevant behavior (e.g., coalition formation, child-rearing, mate
acquisition) and specific problems pertaining to each domain (e.g., how to avoid social
exclusion, how to enhance parental commitment to offspring, how to identify a mate who
Evolutionary Social Psychology 6
maximizes one's own reproductive potential). The resulting deductions are domain specific:
Psychological mechanisms that govern social inference and behavior in one social domain may
be very different from those that govern inference and behavior in other, superficially similar,
domains. The focus on recurrent fitness-relevant problems also encourages attention not only to
specific underlying processes (e.g., the automatic activation of attitudes), but to the specific
contents of those processes (e.g., the automatic activation of specific attitudes—rather than
others—that are functionally relevant to particular fitness-relevant problems). The result is a set
of hypotheses that are often more highly specific and nuanced than those deduced from other
conceptual perspectives.
Important Assumptions and Conceptual Tools
Some individual organisms have characteristics that enable them, compared to other
individuals, to more successfully exploit the prospects and avoid the perils presented by their
local ecologies. As a consequence, these organisms are more successful at transmitting their
genes into future generations. Over many generations of differential reproductive success, this
process—natural selection—produces populations possessing those characteristics that
previously conferred relative reproductive fitness. Natural selection applies to all living species,
including humans, and has shaped the ways contemporary humans think about and interact
within their social worlds. In this section, we highlight some key evolutionary concepts and their
implications for understanding human social psychology.
Reproductive Fitness is the Coin of the Realm
People are purpose-driven. They have goals, and their actions can be understood as
attempts, conscious or not, to achieve these goals. Open nearly any contemporary social
psychology journal and you will read about how people’s thoughts, feelings, and behavior are
Evolutionary Social Psychology 7
driven by the goals to get along with others, conserve mental resources, maintain internal
consistency, enhance self-esteem or satisfy some other need or motive or goal.
Evolutionary approaches also begin with the tacit assumption that social behavior
ultimately serves some function. The ultimate function of behavior is reproduction—the
perpetuation of genes into subsequent generations. Evolutionary perspectives on psychological
processes consider the implications that those processes—and the behaviors they produce—have
for reproductive fitness.
This does not mean that reproductive fitness is a conscious goal. Reproductive fitness is
not usually a psychological goal state at all (conscious or nonconscious). At an evolutionary
level of analysis, behavior is functional not in the sense of being purpose-driven, but in the sense
that these behaviors (and the psychological mechanisms that produce them) had positive
implications for reproductive fitness in the past. This evolutionary understanding of "function"
is entirely compatible with psychological approaches to function emphasizing motives, needs
and goals. Behaviors that are functional in an evolutionary sense (because they conferred
reproductive fitness in ancestral environments) are typically driven—consciously or
unconsciously—by more proximate goals (of the sort typically articulated by social
psychological theories).
Reproduction may be the ultimate function of behavior, but this does not mean that each
episode of behavior effectively promotes reproductive success. Evolutionary adaptations are not
perfect (as we discuss more fully below) and behaviors inconsistent with reproductive fitness are
inevitable. Such behaviors are often of considerable interest to evolutionary psychologists. Just
as the study of cognitive errors and biases can provide insights into the proximate goals that
underlie human cognition, the study of fitness-inconsistent behaviors may provide clues to the
Evolutionary Social Psychology 8
evolution of the psychological mechanisms that produce these puzzling behaviors (e.g.,
Campero-Ciani, Corna, & Capiluppi, 2004; Kenrick, Keefe, Bryan, Barr, & Brown, 1995).
To assert that psychological mechanisms were designed by evolution to promote
reproductive fitness is sometimes misunderstood to imply that all behavior is ultimately about
sex. It's not. Successful reproduction typically requires solutions to a large number of problems
(e.g., self-protection, acquisition of resources) and sub-problems that have nothing directly to do
with copulation, per se. Any psychological process that bears on the solution to this broader set
of problems may have enormous consequences for reproductive fitness.
Indeed, even individuals who never reproduce directly may nonetheless increase their
reproductive fitness through a variety of indirect means. Reproductive fitness is defined not by
the mere production of offspring but by the successful reproduction of genes. Actions that have
implications for the survival and reproduction of close genetic relatives therefore have indirect
implications for one's own reproductive fitness (the concept of inclusive fitness; Hamilton,
1964). Under predictable conditions, for instance, some birds actually fare better by helping
their siblings raise a clutch than by mating on their own (Trivers, 1985). People may also
enhance their own reproductive fitness by facilitating the survival and reproduction of close kin
(Burnstein, Crandall, & Kitayama, 1994; Faulkner & Schaller, 2007; Hrdy, 1999).
Consequently, evolutionary processes apply not only to the small set of behaviors bearing
directly on sex and mating, but to all of human social cognition and behavior.
Adaptations Solved Problems
Adaptations are features of an organism that were naturally selected because they
enhanced the reproductive fitness of its predecessors in ancestral environments. Adaptations
solved recurring problems. Some solved problems related to movement (e.g., wings, legs); some
Evolutionary Social Psychology 9
solved problems related to the acquisition of nutrients (e.g., the giraffe’s long neck, digestive
enzymes in saliva). In this chapter, we focus on (a) adaptive problems defined by the recurring
threats and opportunities presented by human social ecologies, and (b) the cognitive, emotional,
and behavioral mechanisms that evolved to help ancestral humans solve them.
What kinds of recurring problems did early humans face? There is considerable overlap
in the various answers that have been offered to that question (e.g., Bugental, 2000; Kenrick, Li,
& Butner, 2003). Like most animals, humans must solve problems of self-protection (from nonhuman
predators and human rivals), disease avoidance (including that posed by human-human
pathogen transmission), and mate attraction. Like other animals that invest heavily in offspring,
humans must also solve problems related to child rearing. Like the (relatively few) mammals
that include long-term pair-bonding as a predominant mating strategy, humans must solve
problems related to mate retention. And like other social animals, humans must solve the
(sometimes competing) problems of coalitional cooperation, exchange of resources, and status-
seeking.
These broad classes of problems can each be divided into hierarchically-linked subproblems.
For instance, to solve the problem of successful social exchange, individuals must
solve sub-problems that include identification of individuals with traits that facilitate or hinder
successful exchange, detection of actual acts of non-reciprocation, and the discouragement of
such acts (e.g., Cosmides & Tooby, 2005; Cottrell, Neuberg, & Li, 2007; Fehr, Fischbacher &
Gachter, 2002). To solve the problem of mate selection, individuals must also solve a myriad of
sub-problems, including the ability to discriminate between individuals according to their
fertility, parental potential, genetic quality, and degree of kinship (e.g., Gangestad & Simpson,
2000; Kenrick & Keefe, 1992; Lieberman, Tooby, & Cosmides, 2007). Most adaptations are
Evolutionary Social Psychology 10
designed to solve these kinds of specific sub-problems.
Adaptations Are Functionally Specialized and Domain-Specific
An assumption underlying most evolutionary approaches is that natural selection results
in a large number of relatively specialized, problem-specific psychological mechanisms. For
instance, rather than having a single all-purpose “survival system” that addresses the problems of
extracting nutrients from food and moving those nutrients throughout the body, people possess
functionally distinct (albeit linked) digestive, circulatory, and respiratory systems. These
domain-specific systems are themselves made up of functionally distinct structures that perform
necessary sub-tasks (e.g., the digestive system’s salivary glands, stomach, and intestines).
Similarly, rather than having a single “social survival system” that addresses all fitness-relevant
problems presented by social ecologies (problems of status attainment, coalition formation,
child-rearing, and the like), the human psyche is made up of functionally distinct (albeit linked)
cognitive, emotional, and behavioral mechanisms—each adapted to a set of specific fitnessrelevant
challenges.
This view—that adaptations are functionally specialized—contrasts with explanatory
perspectives invoking “domain-general” principles, such as some general desire to seek reward.
Domain-general principles may appeal to parsimony, but an abundance of research on human
cognition raises serious problems for these domain-general approaches. Just as there are
multiple, functionally distinct visual systems, learning systems, and memory systems (e.g.,
Kanwisher, McDermott, & Chun, 1997; Klein, Cosmides, Tooby, & Chance, 2002; Moore, 2004,
Sherry & Schacter, 1987), it is becoming increasingly clear that there are also multiple,
functionally-distinct systems for responding to the multiple, conceptually distinct prospects and
perils of social life (Ackerman & Kenrick, 2008; Barrett & Kurzban, 2006; Kenrick & Luce,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 11
2002; Kurzban & Aktipis, 2007; Pinker, 1997; Schaller, Park, & Kenrick, 2007; Tooby &
Cosmides, 1992).
Many psychologists traditionally presumed that the mind emerges free of content and
constraint—a “blank slate” to be written upon by experience and learning (Pinker, 2003). On the
contrary, functionally specialized systems are domain specific: They possess some amount of
content that directs and constrains which information in the world “counts” as relevant input
information and which outcomes potentially serve as solutions to the adaptive problem
confronted. Research on associative learning illustrates this key point. Only certain stimuli get
conditioned to nausea, and the particulars depend on the organism’s evolutionary history and
typical ecology. Rats, which have poor vision and rely on taste and smell to find food at night,
condition nausea to novel tastes but not to novel visual stimuli (Garcia & Koelling, 1966). In
contrast, quail, which have excellent vision and rely on visual cues in food choice, condition
nausea easily to visual cues but not to taste (Wilcoxon, Dragoin, & Kral, 1972). The same
principles apply to people. A fearful response is more easily conditioned to objects that posed a
significant threat throughout humans’ evolutionary past (e.g., snakes) than to objects that cause
many more deaths in current-day environments (e.g., electrical outlets and automobiles) but that
did not exist in ancestral ecologies (Öhman & Mineka, 2001). Similarly, people are faster and
more accurate at detecting objects that posed threats in ancestral environments than at detecting
objects that pose threats only in modern environments (New, Cosmides, & Tooby, 2007).
Evidence of evolved functional specificity has become increasingly common within the
social psychological literature. We will review a wide range of such findings.
Adaptations Are Imperfect, in Evolutionarily-Sensible Ways
Biases, errors, and poor decisions are sometimes, naively, taken as evidence that the
Evolutionary Social Psychology 12
psychological processes underlying them could not have evolved, because evolution presumably
would have created a better, smarter, less error-prone system. This is not so. Evolved
psychological mechanisms are inevitably imperfect, for several reasons.
First, biological evolution is slow. Changes in gene frequencies within populations occur
more slowly than changes in the environments inhabited by the organisms that house those
genes. This is particularly the case for humans, who reproduce slowly but alter their
environments rapidly and significantly. Recall that, to the extent than any psychological
mechanism has evolved, it did so as an adaptation to selection pressures that existed over long
periods of time in ancestral environments (sometimes known as the environment of evolutionary
adaptedness, or EEA for short; Bowlby, 1969). Some of these historical environments had
similar features to the ones humans currently reside in (e.g., families, neighbors, threats from
outgroups). However, the EEA for other adaptations may differ substantially from contemporary
human ecologies. For example, the small, kin-based coalitional groups that characterized much
of human history are different in many respects from the large, urban, ethnically heterogeneous
societies within which many humans live today. To the extent there are differences between
ancestral and contemporary environments, psychological adaptations (to ancestral social
ecologies) may not currently be adaptive (in contemporary social ecologies).
Second, given the way natural selection works, it is unlikely that any evolutionary
adaptation will operate perfectly within any environment, even within the specific environment
in which it was selected. Natural selection is not a creative process, per se; it does not generate
new, ideal solutions to fitness-relevant problems. Instead, it is a winnowing process; it
selectively eliminates from populations those genes (and their phenotypic expressions) that,
compared to other genes (and their expressions), are less reproductively fit. What evolves within
Evolutionary Social Psychology 13
a population is rarely as perfect as what might have been created by a forward-thinking,
omniscient intelligent designer. Existing adaptations are simply relatively less flawed than the
biologically constrained set of alternatives from which blind processes of natural selection had to
"choose."
Third, evolved psychological mechanisms were selected because, multiplied across
instances and across individuals, they enhanced reproductive fitness more than did alternative
mechanisms. One might usefully think of evolved psychological mechanisms as if-then decision
rules, or stimulus-response heuristics, in which specific sets of psychological inputs (e.g.,
perceptions, inferences) trigger specific set of psychological outputs (e.g., cognitive, emotional,
or behavioral responses). Consider, for instance, the tendency for the perception of an angry face
to trigger an avoidant response. Averaged across many instances, this stimulus-response
heuristic likely led to better fitness outcomes than did alternative stimulus-response associations.
Of course, in some specific instances, this heuristic may be counterproductive (when, for
example, the apparently angry person doesn't actually pose a threat).
The types of errors and biases generated by evolved, stimulus-response psychological
mechanisms tend to be fitness-seeking (Gigerenzer, Todd, & the ABC Research Group, 1999;
Haselton & Nettle, 2006). To respond to some stimulus in an adaptive fashion (e.g., to avoid a
dangerous rival or approach a promising mate), one must first identify that stimulus (i.e.,
categorize a person as a dangerous rival or a promising mate). Such categorizations depend on
imperfect, often superficial, cues, creating a classic signal-detection problem. At the simplest
level of analysis, two distinct kinds of errors may occur: A false positive error (e.g., classifying a
benign individual as dangerous) or a false negative error (e.g., classifying a truly dangerous
person as benign). Because cues are imperfectly diagnostic, errors are inevitable, and any
Evolutionary Social Psychology 14
systematic attempt to minimize the likelihood of false positive errors inevitably increases the
likelihood of false negative errors, and vice versa. How are these signal detection dilemmas
resolved? The logic of reproductive fitness implies that psychological mechanisms will be
biased in favor of whichever error (either false positive or false negative) leads, in the long run,
to less deleterious outcomes for reproductive fitness.
This fundamental principle has a nickname: The smoke detector principle (Nesse, 2005).
A smoke detector (the kind that homeowners install in their ceilings) may be calibrated to
minimize (irritating) false positives, or to minimize (fatal) false negatives. Not surprisingly, they
are deliberately (and wisely) calibrated to minimize the more costly false negative error, which
inevitably results in the occasional irritating false positive. Analogously, natural selection has
shaped perceptual, cognitive and emotional systems to minimize the likelihood of making
whichever form of error is most harmful to reproductive fitness. Consequently, these
mechanisms have predictable biases, and regularly favor the alternative, less costly, form of
error.
This fundamental logical insight underlies many evolutionary analyses of social
psychological phenomena (e.g., Haselton & Nettle, 2006; Kurzban & Leary, 2001; Park,
Schaller, & Van Vugt, 2008; Schaller & Duncan, 2007). One prominent example is error
management theory (Haselton & Nettle, 2006). This theory helps explain why men misperceive
women to be more sexually available than they actually are, and why women show a rather
different bias in their perceptions of men (Haselton & Buss, 2000; Maner, Kenrick, Becker,
Robertson, Hofer, et al., 2005). Analyses of inference errors people regularly make (and do not
make) can be an invaluable means of testing theories and hypotheses. We discuss many such
biases below.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 15
The Affordance Management System
The specialized adaptations making up the human psyche were designed by natural
selection to manage the threats and opportunities afforded by the ecologies early humans and
their ancestors inhabited. These threats and opportunities can collectively be called
"affordances" (Gibson, 1979; McArthur & Baron, 1983; Zebrowitz & Montepare, 2006). This
set of coordinated adaptations can therefore be considered an affordance management system.
The simple template depicted in Figure 1 characterizes the basic contours of this system.
--- [Insert Figure 1 about here] ---
To illustrate, imagine walking alone down a dark, deserted street in an unfamiliar city.
Suddenly you hear footsteps approaching rapidly from behind. Not knowing the source of the
sounds, you may categorize it as a threat to your physical safety. This perception of threat
rapidly initiates a suite of coordinated, self-protective responses—sensory vigilance toward the
assumed threat, a rush of adrenaline, implicit activation of threat-relevant semantic concepts
("Danger!"), increased blood flow to large muscles in your legs and arms (and away from your
digestive system), and a strong behavioral inclination to escape—all of which facilitate the
likelihood that you flee. This example illustrates several key principles that characterize the
affordance management system.
Cues Connote Affordances
Effective affordance management requires psychological mechanisms that translate
perceptual stimuli (e.g., sounds, smells, morphological features) into fitness-relevant categorical
inferences (e.g., threat to physical safety, mating opportunity, etc.). Many research programs in
evolutionary psychology attempt to articulate specific cues likely to imply specific affordances.
Specific characteristics of other people heuristically imply infectious disease, for instance
Evolutionary Social Psychology 16
(Schaller & Duncan, 2007). Other specific cues heuristically connote kinship (Park et al., 2008).
Still other cues heuristically connote fertility (Kenrick & Keefe, 1992). And so on. The implicit
message, of course, is that in order to predict an individual's response to any social situation, one
much attend not only to the superficial details of that situation but also to the fitness-relevant
threats or opportunities that those details imply.
Thinking (and Feeling) is for Doing
Perceptual, cognitive, and affective processes are integral to the affordance management
system. But the eventual outcome is behavior—doing something. This emphasizes the
fundamental axiom that thinking is for doing (Fiske, 1992). Feeling is for doing, too. These
premises are particularly salient within the evolutionary approach, because cognitions and
emotions cannot, by themselves, have any direct influence on reproductive fitness; natural
selection can only operate on actual motor behavior (or the lack of it). Consequently, to
understand why people think and feel different things in different situations, it is important to
consider the implications of thought and feeling for the actual behavior likely to result.
The Focus is on Function
The linkages between processes—cue perception, affordance categorization, response
suites, and behavior—are functional linkages. They are coordinated to facilitate solving the
problem implied by the initially perceived cue. For instance, although you could respond to the
perception of approaching footsteps by contemplating a snack and licking your lips, you are
unlikely to do so—because food fantasizing and lip licking were unlikely to have served fitness
under analogous circumstances in ancestral worlds. Inherent to an evolutionary approach, and to
the idea of an affordance management system, is the assumption that human social cognition and
behavior is motivated social cognition and behavior.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 17
Content Matters
In light of the functional nature of psychological mechanisms, an evolutionary approach
implies that cognitive, affective and behavioral systems must not only make gross distinctions
between things that are good and bad (or requiring approach versus avoidance), but must also
make much finer qualitative distinctions (Kenrick & Shiota, 2008). Many events may be
evaluative unpleasant—a rapidly approaching stranger, the death of a child, a thief escaping with
your bag of groceries—but they are unpleasant in fundamentally different ways, with different
functional implications. Cognitive, affective emotional, and behavioral responses must be
calibrated to differentiate among them in textured ways so as to produce focused, functionally
specific solutions. Thus, when evolutionary logic is applied to social psychological phenomena,
it typically yields hypotheses not only about underlying processes but also, crucially, about
content, too—and in ways that are often extraordinarily precise about the particular affective,
cognitive, and behavioral responses one would expect in different social situations.
Context Matters, Too
For most psychological adaptations, there is no hardwired highway that necessarily links
some specific set of perceptual cues to some specific threat or opportunity inference, or that
necessarily links that threat or opportunity inference to some specific feeling, cognition, and/or
behavioral response. These links are probabilistic, and their strength tends to be contingent upon
additional information gleaned from the immediate environment. Sudden noises produce more
exaggerated fear responses among people who are in the dark (Grillon, Pellowski, Merikangas,
& Davis, 1997), and snakes are more readily detected by people who feel anxious (Öhman,
Flykt, & Esteves, 2001). Similarly, inferences about, and adaptive reactions to, social stimuli are
sensitive to inputs from both chronic and ephemeral elements of the perceptual context. As seen
Evolutionary Social Psychology 18
throughout this chapter, evolutionary approaches provide logical tools that allow one to derive
novel predictions about how specific features of the immediate social situation and specific
perceiver dispositions (e.g., current goals, traits, beliefs) facilitate or attenuate specific cognitive,
affective, and behavioral phenomena. This appreciation for moderation effects, of course, is
consistent with social psychology’s traditional theme of person-situation interactionism.
This Applies to All of Social Psychology
The affordance management system provides a broad conceptual template that can be
applied across all of social psychology. In the following sections, we summarize a variety of
different ways in which evolutionary thinking has been applied productively to different social
psychological topic areas. The vast majority of this work—both theoretical and empirical—fits
the template of the affordance management system. Table 1 provides a complementary
summary, highlighting specific examples that illustrate the functional linkages between specific
adaptive problems, the cues that reveal them, the functional responses to them, and the
contextual variables that moderate the extent to which these adaptive mechanisms are engaged.
--- [Insert Table 1 about here] ---
Evolutionary Perspectives on Social Psychological Phenomena
The landscape of social psychology is broad. Social psychological inquiry focuses on
highly automatized perceptual and memory processes as well as on highly deliberative forms of
actual interpersonal behavior. It includes the study of individuals, dyads, groups, and entire
cultures. Evolutionary theorizing has been applied productively across this entire scholarly
landscape. We cannot review it all here. Instead, in the following sections, we provide a
selective review to illustrate both the breadth and depth of this research, and to illustrate the
generative utility that an evolutionary approach brings to the study of social psychology.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 19
Ultrasociality, Belongingness, and Self-Esteem
In many species, including humans, reproductive fitness is enhanced by proximity to, and
alliances with, conspecifics. Compared to those who pursued a solitary lifestyle, significant
fitness benefits accrued to those who lived in cooperative, highly interdependent groups (e.g.,
Brewer & Caporael, 2006; Leakey & Lewin, 1977). Given these fitness benefits associated with
ultrasociality (Campbell, 1982), one would expect humans to be highly motivated to be accepted
by their fellow group members—to experience a profound need to belong (Baumeister & Leary,
1995; Leary, this volume).
When their bodies require nutrition, people experience hunger, which motivates them to
find food and eat; when people encounter threatening footsteps on the dark city street, they feel
fear, which motivates them to find a safe haven. Self-esteem may serve a similar signaling
function for the belongingness motive, operating as a sociometer that informs people whether
they are falling below the threshold for social inclusion (Leary & Baumeister, 2000). On this
account, high self-esteem indicates successful social inclusion; lowered self-esteem signals
actual or impending social exclusion. Indeed, variation in self-esteem is linked with the degree
to which one feels included and/or accepted by others (Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995;
Leary, Haupt, Straussser, & Chokel, 1998; Murray, Griffin, Rose, & Bellavia, 2003). Moreover,
neuroimaging (fMRI) results indicate that the psychological pain of social exclusion is produced
by some of the same physiological mechanisms involved in the experience of physical pain
(Eisenberger & Lieberman, 2004). This finding is consistent with speculation that neural
mechanisms that once served simply to indicate the threat of physical injury may have undergone
additional adaptation in response to the ultrasocial landscape of human (and pre-human)
populations, and thus now function to signal the threat of social exclusion as well (MacDonald &
Evolutionary Social Psychology 20
Leary, 2005).
From the evolutionary perspective, thinking and feeling are for doing: It is not enough to
feel the sting of rejection, but one must also do something to redress the deficit. One strategy is
to actively avoid and punish those doing the rejecting, and the literature on social exclusion
indicates that the aversive state of exclusion precipitates various kinds of anti-social behavior
(e.g., Leary, Twenge, & Quinlivan, 2006; Twenge, Baumeister, DeWall, Ciarocco, & Bartels,
2007). Strategies for re-establishing social connections, however, are likely to solve the problem
of exclusion more effectively than aggression, which can trigger increased rejection. Consistent
with this reconnection hypothesis, when people are threatened with social exclusion, they tend to
express greater interest in making new friends, increase their desire to work cooperatively with
others, and form more positive first impressions of new potential interaction partners (Maner,
DeWall, Baumeister, & Schaller, 2007).
Although the above research is consistent with certain evolutionary analyses, the kinds of
nuanced hypotheses we highlighted in our opening paragraph haven’t yet emerged within this
arena. For instance, it seems likely that the need to belong may currently be conceptualized too
broadly; other evolutionary views would suggest, instead, greater modularity—that there are
distinct sets of problems and opportunities linked to relationships with kin, friends, and one’s
broader coalition (e.g., Ackerman, Kenrick, & Schaller, 2007), and that these distinct needs
would be attuned to different social cues, elicit different cognitive and behavioral responses, lead
to different behavioral strategies, and be modulated by different person variables and ecological
circumstances. Similarly, recent evidence suggests that self-esteem may be sensitive not only to
social acceptance and rejection, but also to other cues as well, depending on sex and prominent
current goals (e.g., appearance, status, others’ assessments of one’s mate value, etc.; Anthony,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 21
Holmes, & Wood, 2007; Johnson, Burk, & Kirkpatrick, 2007; Penke & Dennisen, 2008).
Social Attention, Perception, and Person Memory
From an evolutionary perspective, it makes little sense to cognitively process just any
information, but to selectively process information that was highly relevant to ancestral
reproductive fitness (Kenrick, 1994). Individuals quick to attend to and process rapidly
approaching angry men, for example, would have likely out-reproduced their inattentive and
slower-witted neighbors).
Simply put, cognitive processing should be selective, and selective in particular ways.
The mind should, as a default, expend its energy processing the kinds of information that implied
threats and opportunities in ancestral social environments—for instance, angry male faces,
physically attractive members of the opposite sex, and crying children. Moreover, the
informational grist selected by the cognitive mill should be sensitive to whatever evolutionarilyrelevant
goal states are especially salient.
Consider the benefits of being beautiful, and its implications for visual attention.
Physically attractive people are liked more, paid more, and are assumed to possess many
desirable characteristics (Feingold, 1992). Evolutionary analyses suggest, however, that—
depending on the context—attractive individuals may afford either opportunities or threats to
reproductive fitness; this, in turn, has implications for the prediction of visual attention to (or
away from) physically attractive individuals. Some of these implications are demonstrated in a
set of highly nuanced findings from a series of studies by Maner, Gaillot, Rouby, and Miller
(2007). Attractive opposite-sex targets were especially likely to hold attention of perceivers for
whom the fitness-relevant problem of acquiring a mate was highly salient and who were also
inclined toward an "unrestricted" (e.g., relatively promiscuous) mating style. No such attentional
Evolutionary Social Psychology 22
advantage was directed at opposite-sex targets in general, nor did attractive opposite-sex targets
hold the attention of individuals with a more "restricted" approach to mate-seeking. What about
attention to attractive same-sex targets? They were especially likely to hold the attention of
perceivers for whom the fitness-relevant goal of retaining current mates was highly salient and
who were also dispositionally inclined to employ a zealously protective and vigilant strategy of
guarding mates from same-sex rivals. No such attentional advantage was directed at either
same-sex or attractive targets in general, nor did attractive same-sex targets hold the attention of
individuals less inclined toward mate-guarding. This pattern of textured findings illustrate that
social attentional processes are attuned to the affordances implied by the perceptual environment,
and that these affordances are defined jointly by the fitness-relevant goals of perceivers and the
fitness-relevant features of the persons perceived.
This is just one example. There is a burgeoning body of evolutionarily informed
empirical research documenting similar forms of process specificity in individuals' attention to
their social environment (e.g., Becker, Kenrick, Guerin, & Maner, 2005; Duncan, Park, Faulkner,
Schaller, Neuberg, & Kenrick, 2007; Fox, Russo, Bowles, & Dutton, 1991; Maner, DeWall, &
Gaillot, 2008; Öhman & Mineka, 2001).
Similarly nuanced findings emerge in research that focuses not on social attention, per se,
but on the detection of specific features in others' faces. Recall that an adaptive behavioral
response to social exclusion is behavioral reconnection with potentially rewarding others (Maner
et al., 2007). It follows that the experience of social exclusion should enhance individuals'
ability to detect facial expressions that signal affiliative potential and to accurately discriminate
these expressions from other facial expressions. This is indeed the case (Pickett & Gardner,
2005). For example, social excluded individuals show a substantial increase in the ability to
Evolutionary Social Psychology 23
discriminate between real smiles and fake smiles (Bernstein, Young, Brown, Sacco, & Claypool,
2008). Another example reflects the fact that adult males and females have historically differed
in their capacity to do physical harm, and in their tendencies toward aggression versus
succorance. One implication of this sex difference—that men are more likely to afford
aggression, women more likely to afford helpfulness—is that there may be an adaptive bias to
detect anger in the faces of men and more affiliative expressions in the faces of women. Indeed,
perceivers more quickly and accurately identify male faces as angry, but female faces as happy;
conversely, angry expressions facilitate the identification of faces as male, whereas happy
expressions facilitate identification of faces as female. Additional results reveal that this
phenomenon cannot be readily attributed to learned stereotypes about men and women: When
androgynous computer-generated faces are dressed in male versus female clothing, for example,
they are perceived as stereotypically masculine or feminine, but not as correspondingly angry or
happy (Becker, Kenrick, Neuberg, Blackwell, & Smith, 2007).
Content specificity of this sort emerges not only in perceivers' perception of actual
information of others’ faces, but also in the misperception of information that isn't actually there.
White perceivers for whom self-protection goals (but not other goals) are highly salient
erroneously “see” anger (but not other negative emotions) in the neutrally-expressive faces of
Black men, but not in the neutrally expressive faces of White men or women, or in the faces of
Black women (Maner et al., 2005). These results fit with speculation—common to many
evolutionary analyses of intergroup relations (e.g., Navarrete, Olsson, Ho, Mendes, Thomsen, &
Sidanius, in press; Schaller & Neuberg, 2008)—that unexpected interactions with outgroup
males afforded a particularly potent threat to reproductive fitness.
The evolutionary importance of faces heuristically connoting threat also has implications
Evolutionary Social Psychology 24
for recognition memory. Consider the robust "outgroup homogeneity bias" in recognition
memory: White perceivers, for example, are much more accurate at recognizing previouslyencountered
White faces than Black faces (e.g., Anthony, Copper, & Mullen, 1992; Chance &
Goldstein, 1996). An evolutionary analysis of this phenomenon suggests that the effect occurs
because limited processing resources are selectively allocated to the faces of individuals who
have clear fitness implications for perceivers. Since most fitness-relevant interactions have
historically occurred within coalitional groups, this implies a processing advantage for ingroup
faces. However, when a facial expression implies imminent threat—as is implied by an angry
facial expression—it is likely to attract processing resources regardless of ingroup/outgroup
status. In fact, given the historically greater danger associated with intergroup (rather than
intragroup) interactions, angry outgroup faces may be especially likely to attract the kind of
processing resources that allow accurate identification later on. This implies that when White
perceivers encounter angry faces (both White and Black), the usual outgroup homogeneity effect
in recognition memory should be eliminated—and even reversed. It is (Ackerman et al., 2006).
Social Inference and Impression Formation
To effectively avoid a social threat or avail oneself of a reproductive opportunity, it is
advantageous—and sometimes essential—to identify that threat or opportunity quickly. Just as
there are evolutionary advantages associated with fast and frugal decision-making heuristics
more broadly (e.g., Gigerenzer et al., 1999), there is also a need for speed in social inference.
Indeed, people form trait impressions quickly, spontaneously, and with minimal cognitive effort
(Carlston & Skowronski, 2005; Gilbert & Malone, 1995; Newman & Uleman, 1989).
Speedy and spontaneous impressions of others can be adaptive even if they are imperfect,
as long as they are generally diagnostic of actual behavior. In fact, first impressions are often
Evolutionary Social Psychology 25
remarkably accurate given the impoverished information they are based upon (Ambady,
Bernieri, & Richeson, 2000; Verplaetse, Vanneste, & Braeckman, 2007; Yamagishi, Tanida,
Mashima, Shimoma, & Kanazawa, 2003). For example, people are able to accurately estimate
the upper-body strength of men based solely on facial photographs (Sell et al., 2009), and just 50
milliseconds are sufficient for perceivers to infer, at levels exceeding chance, a man's sexual
orientation (Rule & Ambady, 2008). Such findings are consistent with speculation regarding an
evolved personality judgment instinct (Haselton & Funder, 2006).
Not all traits impressions are equally relevant to reproductive fitness, however. Traits
that best convey whether someone represents a threat or an opportunity should be most central to
impression formation. The embodiment of a threat or opportunity depends upon an individual's
intentions (e.g., whether or not someone intends harm or intends to share reproductively useful
resources) and on that individual’s skill at carrying out those intentions (greater skill implies
greater threat and greater opportunity, depending on whether the person’s intentions are nasty or
nice.) Consistent with this functional analysis (Fiske, Cuddy, & Glick, 2007; Schaller, 2008),
impressions of individuals (and of the social groups to which they belong) are consistently
located within a two-dimensional space anchored by the broad evaluative dimensions of
interpersonal warmth and competence (Fiske et al., 2007; Judd, James-Hawkins, Yzerbyt, &
Kashima, 2005; Rosenberg, Nelson, & Vivekananthan, 1968). The warmth dimension—
particularly as represented by traits that emphasize trustworthiness—is especially central to
impression formation (Cottrell et al., 2007; Kelley, 1950; Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008; Peeters &
Czapinski, 1990).
Many initial trait impressions are inspired by superficial characteristics, and recent
evolutionarily analyses have yielded empirical findings linking specific superficial cues to
Evolutionary Social Psychology 26
specific impressions, and identifying the specific conditions under which these linkages are
especially strong. One such line of research focuses on psychological defenses against disease
transmission, and their implications for impression formation. Because pathogenic diseases pose
powerful fitness costs, perceivers should be sensitive to cues signaling the possibility that
another person carries an infectious disease. Many of these cues are morphological anomalies.
In line with the smoke detector principle, perceivers often make over-inclusive inference errors,
responding inferentially to many truly healthy, but superficially anomalous-looking, individuals
as though they were sick. For instance, even specific physical anomalies not diagnostic of
pathogen transmission—including accident-caused facial disfigurement, physical disability, and
obesity—spontaneously trigger disease-connoting implicit impressions, especially among
perceivers who feel specifically vulnerable to disease transmission (Park, Faulkner, & Schaller,
2003; Park, Schaller, & Crandall, 2007; Schaller & Duncan, 2007). In fact, it has been suggested
that physical unattractiveness of any kind may serve as a crude heuristic cue for ill-health, and
thus lead to aversive trait inferences (Zebrowitz, Fellous, Mignault, & Andreoletti, 2003).
A second illustrative line of research examines heuristic cues to kinship and the
impressions these cues inspire (Park et al., 2008). Many animal species employ superficial
heuristic cues such as phenotypic similarity to distinguish kin from non-kin (Hepper, 1991;
Rendall, 2004). Although humans have more recently evolved additional mechanisms that
improve identification of close kin (based on capacities for language and symbolic thought),
human inferences also appear to be implicitly influenced by evolutionarily ancient heuristic cuebased
mechanisms. One consequence is that people respond to phenotypically similar
individuals in a more kin-like way, even when those individuals are total strangers. For instance,
perceived facial similarity leads to impressions connoting greater liking and trustworthiness, and
Evolutionary Social Psychology 27
also—in contrast to alternative explanations suggesting that similarity implies positive
evaluations of all kinds—to reduced sexual attractiveness (DeBruine, 2002, 2005; see also
Ackerman et al., 2008). Moreover, perceived attitude similarity implicitly activates semantic
cognitions connoting kinship (Park & Schaller, 2005). This latter finding suggests that evolved
kin-detection mechanisms may help account for the classic similarity-liking effect (Byrne et al.,
1971)—an interpretation bolstered by evidence that the similarity-liking effect emerges more
strongly when the similar attitudes are those which are highly heritable (Tesser, 1993), and thus
more diagnostic of actual kinship.
Prosocial Behavior
Why do people act in ways that benefit others? From an evolutionary perspective, there
are many answers to this question; we explore a few of them here.
Kinship. Kinship provides one foundation for understanding the evolution of prosocial
behavior, and for predicting variability in prosocial behavior across different circumstances. The
logic of inclusive fitness (Hamilton, 1964) implies that, to the extent another individual is a close
genetic relative, any action that directly enhances that individual’s reproductive fitness indirectly
enhances one’s own fitness as well. This forms the basis of a process through which a particular
form of altruism—nepotism—may have evolved. Evidence of nepotistic altruism is found
widely across the animal kingdom (Greenberg, 1979; Holmes & Sherman, 1983; Suomi, 1982),
including humans. Compared with dizygotic twins, for instance, monozygotic (identical) twins
are more cooperative in mixed-motive games (Segal & Hershberger, 1999). In other contexts,
too, people are more inclined to help genetically-closer kin, and this tendency is exaggerated
under conditions that have more direct implications for the kin member’s actual reproductive
fitness (Burnstein, Crandall, & Kitayama, 1994; Neyer & Lang, 2003; Stewart-Williams, 2008).
Evolutionary Social Psychology 28
The evolved psychology of kinship also has important implications for prosocial behavior
among total strangers. As with many other animals, ancestral humans were often unable to
directly identify kin—one cannot “see” genes—but instead inferred kinship implicitly on the
basis of superficial cues such as familiarity and similarity (Lieberman et al., 2007; Park et al.,
2008). One implication of readily employing such cues is that persons may heuristically respond
prosocially to individuals who appear either familiar or highly similar in some way—even when
they know, rationally, that the individuals are total strangers. For instance, just as facial
similarity promotes trust (DeBruine, 2002), it also promotes cooperative behavior in a public
goods game (Krupp, DeBruine, & Barclay, 2008).
A variety of other cues may also heuristically imply kinship. Several different lines of
evolutionary theorizing converge in suggesting that friendship may be a cue connoting kinship,
and that this may especially be the case among women. Consistent with this analysis, women—
but not men—behave just as benevolently toward friends as they do toward actual kin
(Ackerman et al., 2008). Emotions may also serve as heuristic cues. Empathy likely evolved as
part of a functional system for aiding kin in distress, and thus kinship may be implicitly connoted
by the emotional experience of empathy—even when the empathy is elicited by non-kin
(Hoffman, 1981; Krebs, 1987; Park et al., 2008). This suggests that the well-known relation
between empathy and helping behavior among strangers may be rooted, in part, in the evolved
psychology of kinship and kin-recognition.
Reciprocal Exchange. In exchange for the benefits people receive from fellow group
members, they are obligated to provide benefits to them. Although some of the specific rules of
social exchange vary across societies, the norm of reciprocal exchange is universal (Brown,
1991; A. Fiske, 1992). Fitness benefits for sharing emerge at both group and individual levels of
Evolutionary Social Psychology 29
analysis: By sharing resources, the individual helps other members of the group survive, and
accrues credit for the future when his or her own luck may be down (Hill & Hurtado, 1989).
Moreover, generous sharing enhances an individual’s status within the group, and such status
portends significant benefits of its own, including access to future group resources and enhanced
mate value (Griskevicius et al., 2007).
From a purely economic perspective, one might expect prosocial behavior toward an
unrelated individual only when a person was confident that others would, in fact, reciprocate. In
fact, however, people often share resources with total strangers with whom they have no
reciprocal alliances and will never interact again. Trying to explain such seemingly irrational
behavior is an active domain of interdisciplinary inquiry (e.g., Henrich, Boyd, Bowles, Gintis,
Fehr, et al., 2005). An evolutionary perspective on social cognition helps resolve this issue.
When making behavioral decisions, individuals respond not merely to rational assessments but
also to heuristic cues (e.g., a sense of familiarity) that connote, imperfectly, potential reciprocity.
In addition, the vast majority of interactions in ancestral environments involved coalitional group
members who would, in fact, reciprocate. Therefore, following the smoke detector principle,
psychological mechanisms that govern prosocial behavior between unrelated individuals may
well have evolved in such a way to err on the side of assuming reciprocity (an assumption that
helped maintain and promote social bonds) rather than non-reciprocity (as assumption that would
have undermined social bonds, thereby generating a broader set of costs). If so, mechanisms that
evolved to promote reciprocal exchange and cooperation will be overinclusive, leading to many
acts of prosocial behavior that, in reality, are unlikely to ever to be reciprocated (Burnham &
Johnson, 2005; Johnson, Price, & Takezawa, 2008).
An evolutionary perspective has also recently been applied to better understand an aspect
Evolutionary Social Psychology 30
of exchange that appears puzzling from a simple economic perspective—the fact that people
sometimes reject offers of help from others. Such behavior is less puzzling, however, when one
realizes that offers of benefits from others often come—explicitly or implicitly—with associated
costs and obligations. How the trade-offs between the benefits of receiving help versus the costs
of accepting it depend importantly on the recipient’s current goals and the salient aspects of the
social context relevant to those goals (Ackerman & Kenrick, 2008).
Stigmatization. Any implicit trust in coalitional ingroup members (the assumption that
they will reciprocate and share) has a flip side: Groups are vulnerable to the invasion of
“cheaters” and “free-riders”—individuals who strategically avail themselves of others’
benevolence while failing to reciprocate or otherwise hold up their end of the implied exchange
relationship. There is an enormous interdisciplinary literature on this problem, and on the
evolved cognitive and behavioral strategies that might help solve the problem. One line of work
has direct implications for the psychology of stigmatization, indicating that there may be evolved
psychological mechanisms (and complementary cultural norms) that promote altruistic
punishment—the willingness to punish (and potentially socially exclude) free-riders, even if
doing so requires the expenditure of valuable resources oneself (e.g., Fehr & Gachter, 2002;
Henrich, McElreath, Barr, Ensimger, Barrett, et al., 2006).
A large body of research supports the hypothesis that there are specialized cognitive
adaptations that function to identify others who intentionally violate norms of social exchange
(Cosmides & Tooby, 2005)—the necessary first step in the stigmatization of these individuals.
More broadly, evolutionary theorizing has identified a number of different threats individuals
may pose to the successful operation of cooperative groups (e.g., inability to reciprocate,
carrying of contagious disease, counter-socialization of children, challenge to accepted authority
Evolutionary Social Psychology 31
structures), and which form the basis of different forms of social stigmatization (Kurzban &
Neuberg, 2005; Neuberg, Smith, & Asher, 2000). From this perspective, many acts of
stigmatization and social exclusion may be viewed as altruistic acts of prosocial policing and
punishment.
Aggression
Like altruistic behaviors, aggressive behaviors should be viewed as possible
manifestations of conditional strategies that evolved to facilitate survival and reproduction
(Campbell, 2005; Duntley, 2005). Across many animal species, aggression serves a number of
fitness-relevant goals, including control over territorial boundaries, division of limited resources,
and defense of offspring against predators (Scott, 1992). Evolutionary analyses of human
aggression take a similar conceptual approach (Buss & Duntley, 2006; Kirkpatrick, Waugh,
Valencia, & Webster, 2002). Further, because of the substantial fitness costs that often attend
aggressive acts (e.g., risk of injury and retaliation), most evolutionary analyses presume people
are likely to behave aggressively only when other strategies for reaching goals have failed
(Dabbs & Morris, 1990; Wilson & Daly, 1985). Thus, rather than treating aggression as a single
psychological construct, it is helpful to consider different fitness-relevant problems that might be
solved via aggressive behavior, and to identify the multiple, domain-specific mechanisms and
variables that may precipitate different forms of aggressive behavior within different social
contexts.
This evolutionarily-informed approach to aggression has led to a number of productive
lines of research on various specific forms of aggression, such as violence against step-children,
spousal homicide, rape, and infanticide (e.g., Daly & Wilson, 1984, 1996, 2005; Wilson & Daly,
1992, 1994; Thornhill & Thornhill, 1992). It has also led to nuanced predictions and novel
Evolutionary Social Psychology 32
empirical discoveries bearing on the specific contexts within which specific psychological
variables, such as self-esteem, predict aggression (e.g., Kirkpatrick et al., 2002).
One line of inquiry has focused on male aggression as a strategy for acquiring mating
opportunities. The evolutionary principle of differential parental investment implies that
females, compared to males (who are required to invest relatively less in offspring), maximize
fitness outcomes by exercising considerable discrimination in choosing mates. Consequently
men find themselves in the position of competing with each other for the opportunity to mate
with highly-selective women. Two strategies could accomplish this end. One is to display
characteristics highly prized by women (e.g., traits connoting good genes, resources, status, etc;
Miller, 2000). The other strategy is to beat out the competition directly (e.g., fighting one’s way
to the top of the local dominance hierarchy). In both cases, the capacity for physical aggression
confers reproductive fitness to men (Alcock, 1993). Indeed, there is a dramatic sex difference in
physically violent behavior, and this holds across human societies and across historical time
periods (Archer, 2000; Campbell, 2005; Daly & Wilson, 1988; see [authors of aggression
chapter], this volume).
If aggression provides a means of meeting this very specific reproduction-relevant goal
(mating), then aggression should be facilitated or inhibited depending on the extent to which that
mating goal is salient. Cross-species comparisons reveal that as species become more
polygynous (with some males likely to attract no mates while others attract many), males
become more violent (Buss & Duntley, 2006). Within many different species, male
aggressiveness increases just before the mating season, when territories and females are being
contested (Gould & Gould, 1989). Developmental analyses of human aggression reveal
conceptually similar findings. Boys increase dominance displays at puberty, which is also when
Evolutionary Social Psychology 33
evidence of successful competitiveness (such as being a sports star) results in greater popularity
with girls (Weisfeld, 1994). And men are most violent in their late teens and twenties, the
developmental phase during which they are most vigorously competing for mates (Daly &
Wilson, 1988). Once a male has attracted a long-term mate, aggression decreases (Palmer,
1993). Much of this behavioral variation is the consequence of variation in testosterone, which
not only regulates male sexual activity but is also implicated in the development of muscle mass,
competitiveness, status-striving, and violence (Dabbs & Dabbs, 2000; Mazur & Booth, 1998;
McIntyre et al., 2006).
The link between mating motives and status concerns varies not only developmentally,
but also moment to moment, depending on the immediate context. This, too, has consequences
for aggressive behavior: Under specific conditions in which either status or mating motives are
temporarily activated, men—but not women—show an exaggerated tendency to engage in direct
physical aggression (Griskevicius, Tybur, Gangestad, Perea, Shapiro, & Kenrick, in press). This
same research indicated that women typically responded to status or mating motives with
indirect aggression, rather than having an immediate public interchange with their opponent.
Furthermore, women’s aggression can be triggered by resource threats, especially when these
have implications for their offspring (Campbell, 1999, 2005; Griskevicius et al., in press).
Sexual Attraction and Mate Selection
Differential reproduction is at the heart of natural selection, and much research in the
biological sciences focuses on the evolution of features that attract members of the opposite sex.
The resulting insights have informed many studies of human sexual attraction and mate
selection, and many empirical findings in this literature are difficult to explain without the
logical tools provided by an evolutionary perspective.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 34
One body of evolutionary research has revealed the importance of bilateral symmetry to
the subjective perception of physical attractiveness. In many animal species, symmetry is
associated with developmental stability and reproductive success, implying that symmetry may
be a useful heuristic cue connoting "good genes" (Moller & Thornhill, 1998). Individuals' own
reproductive fitness is enhanced by choosing mates with good genes (increasing the likelihood of
producing healthy and reproductively fit offspring). Symmetry is subjectively attractive to
humans, too: People perceive symmetrical faces to be healthier and more attractive than
asymmetrical faces (Jones, Little, Penton-Voak, Tiddeman, Burt, & Perrett, 2001; Mealey,
Bridgstock, & Townsend, 1999; Rhodes, Zebrowitz, Clark, Kalick, Hightower, & McKay, 2001;
Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999a).
The attraction to symmetry is not limited to face perception. Bodily symmetry is also a
likely indicator of good genes, and women appear to be especially attuned to selectively favor
more symmetrical men as sexual partners (Gangestad & Thornhill, 1997). Women are sensitive
to a variety of cues that correlate with bodily symmetry, including a man's skill at rhythmic
dancing (Brown, Cronk, Grochow, Jacobs, Liu, Popovic, & Trivers, 2005), and even olfactory
cues (perceived simply from the scent of a man's unwashed t-shirt; Thornhill & Gangestad,
1999b). Further supporting an interpretation based on "good genes," women appear especially
attracted to symmetrical men under conditions in which the quality of a man's genes have the
greatest functional implications for female reproductive fitness—when women are especially
liable to become pregnant. Consequently, when presented with men’s unwashed t-shirts, women
in the most fertile phase of their ovulatory cycles are especially likely to prefer the scent of
symmetrical men (Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999b).
Prior to the application of evolutionary theorizing to the social psychology of attraction, it
Evolutionary Social Psychology 35
was largely unknown that female social cognition and behavior varies predictably across the
ovulatory cycle. Other evidence indicates that women in the most fertile phase of their cycle
show an increased interest in men with masculine sex-typed features (such as a deep voice or
taller stature) which also are hypothesized to serve as signals of underlying genetic quality (e.g.,
Johnston, Hagel, Franklin, Fink, & Grammer, 2001; Pawlowski & Jasienska, 2005; PentonVoak,
Little, Jones, Burt, Tiddeman, & Perrett, 2003; Puts, 2005). Another such finding revealed
that ovulating women are relatively more interested in extramarital affairs with masculine men,
especially if their current partners are relatively unattractive (Pillsworth & Haselton, 2006).
Whereas that line of research has necessarily focused on female preferences, other lines
of evolutionarily informed research have compared the mating behaviors and mate preferences of
men and women. Much of this work is informed by the evolutionary implications of differential
parental investment (Trivers, 1972). Throughout evolutionary history, female mammals have
been obligated by physiology to make a large investment in offspring, both prior to birth (during
gestation) and afterwards (during nursing). Male mammals have not. The maximum number of
offspring a female can potentially produce is, therefore, relatively small compared to the
maximum number that a male might produce. The implication is that female reproductive fitness
has historically been facilitated by a relatively choosy approach to sexual relations. In addition,
for species with helpless offspring such as humans, female reproductive fitness has been
enhanced when mating with a male who commits resources to the care of a child after it is born.
This further implies a female priority on monogamous relationships, and a preference for mates
who have the capacity and willingness to expend resources on offspring care. In contrast, and in
keeping with their relatively minimal obligate parental investment, male reproductive fitness has
historically been facilitated by a somewhat more unrestricted approach to sexual relations, and
Evolutionary Social Psychology 36
by a preference for mates whose physical features heuristically connote fertility.
An enormous body of empirical evidence has tested, and supported, these predicted sex
differences. Men generally show a greater interest than women in casual sexual relationships
(Buss & Schmitt, 1993; Clark & Hatfield, 1989; Li & Kenrick, 2006). Compared to men,
women hold higher standards for potential romantic partners, especially for sexual relationships
(Kenrick, Sadalla, Groth, & Trost, 1990; Kenrick, Groth, Trost, & Sadalla, 1993). Women
generally place a higher priority on variables that connote a mate's ability to commit resources to
offspring (e.g., wealth, status), whereas men generally place a higher priority on variables that
connote a mate's fertility (e.g., youth, facial attractiveness) (Badahdah & Tiemann, 2005; Buss &
Schmitt, 1993; Hanko, Master, & Sabini, 2004; Li & Kenrick, 2006); Wiederman, 1993). These
effects emerge across many different cultures (Buss, 1989; Kenrick & Keefe, 1992; Schmitt,
2005; Schmidt et al., 2003). It is worth noting that these sex differences emerge most strongly
under conditions in which individuals must prioritize. Without constraints on their choices, both
men and women prefer mates who are both attractive and resource-rich; when forced to
compromise, however, women prioritize a mate's status over his physical appearance, whereas
men prioritize a mate's attractiveness over her wealth (Li, Bailey, Kenrick, & Linsenmeier,
2002).
These consequences of differential parental investment emerge not only on
straightforward assessments of sexual behavior and mate preferences; they also have more subtle
effects. Research on counterfactual thinking reveals that when asked about their regrets in life,
men are more likely to wish they had slept with more partners, whereas women wish they had
tried harder to avoid getting involved with losers (Roese, Pennington, Coleman, Janicki, Li, &
Kenrick, 2006). Predictable biases in person perception emerge as well. Women tend to be
Evolutionary Social Psychology 37
skeptical about a man’s commitment even when it may be sincere, whereas men are biased to
perceive sexual desire in a woman even when it may not be there (Haselton & Buss, 2000). And,
of course, context matters: Men’s tendency to project sexual interest onto women emerges
especially when romantic goals are highly salient to the men and the women are physically
attractive (Maner et al., 2005).
By drawing on the evolutionary logic of reproductive fitness, it is also possible to make
many nuanced predictions about mate preferences that are difficult to deduce from alternative
perspectives. For instance, the male preference for relatively youthful mates might be predicted
by stipulating the existence of a social norm encouraging men to date younger women (Eagly &
Wood, 1999). Although such an alternative might account for the finding that 45-year old men
are attracted to women in their 20s, it cannot account for the fact that men in their 20s are
attracted to women their own age, nor for the fact that teenage boys are actually attracted to
somewhat older women (Buunk, Dijstra, Kenrick, & Warntjes, 2001; Kenrick, Gabrieldis, Keefe,
& Cornelius, 1996; Otta, Queiroz, Campos, da Silva, & Silveira, 1998). Nor can it account for
the fact that those differences are found across cultures and historical time periods, actually
becoming more pronounced in societies not subject to Euro-American sex-role norms (Kenrick
& Keefe, 1992; Kenrick, Nieuweboer, & Buunk, in press). The entire set of findings, however,
was explicitly predicted by the hypothesis that men have an evolved preference for mates whose
features connote fertility, and fits with a broader nomological network of evolution-based
findings (Kenrick, 2006b; Kenrick & Li, 2000).
Of course, there is also considerable variability within the sexes, both in mate preferences
and in sexual strategies more generally (Simpson & Gangestad, 1991). An evolutionary
metatheoretical perspective suggests that within-sex variability may be attributable, in part, to the
Evolutionary Social Psychology 38
same underlying physiological mechanisms that account for differences between sexes. At a
proximal level of analysis, many evolved sex differences are likely result from different levels of
androgens—such as testosterone, which masculinizes the body (and therefore the brain).
Individual differences in testosterone, in both men and women, would therefore be expected to
influence mating behavior and mate preferences. This is the case (Regan & Berscheid, 1999).
Mating strategies and mate preferences also vary cross-culturally (Buss, 1989; Kenrick,
Nieuweboer, & Buunk, in press; Schmitt, 2005). Although such cross-cultural variation is
sometimes offered as evidence against an evolutionary explanation (e.g., Eagly & Wood, 1999;
Wood & Eagly, 2002), the logical tools offered by an evolutionary approach actually provide the
basis for multiple (and sometimes competing) hypotheses about specific ecological variables that
have specific implications for fitness-relevant costs and benefits associated with different mating
preferences, and thus have clear implications for cross-cultural differences. There is now
abundant evidence supporting evolutionarily informed predictions about cross-cultural
differences in mating behavior, including evidence casting doubt on alternative explanations
based on socio-cultural variables alone (e.g., Gangestad, Haselton, & Buss, 2006; Schaller &
Murray, 2008; Schmitt, 2005). Employed rigorously, the logical tools of evolutionary
psychology not only predict universal tendencies, but can also predict deviations from these
tendencies that occur under unique ecological circumstances (Kenrick et al., in press).
Evolutionary inquiry into these cultural differences reflects a broader body of work that
has arisen in the literature on human evolution and sexual behavior. This body of research has
emerged from the recognition that, in terms of implications for reproductive fitness, there are
trade-offs that arise when choosing to employ a mating strategy that emphasizes relatively
unrestricted causal sexual liaisons versus a strategy that emphasizes relatively monogamous
Evolutionary Social Psychology 39
committed relationships (Buss & Schmidt, 1993; Gangestad & Simpson, 2000; Kenrick et al.,
2003). The particular nature of these trade-offs (i.e., the ratio of reproductive costs and benefits)
may vary considerably according to the specific contexts that individuals find themselves in.
These contexts may be relatively enduring, with implications for chronic individual differences
in mating preferences and mating strategies. Consequently, there has arisen an important line of
research examining sociosexual orientation and its implications for social cognition and
interpersonal behavior (e.g., Bleske-Recheck & Buss, 2001; Duncan et al., 2007; Simpson &
Gangestad, 1991, 1992). These contexts may also be temporary, with the implication that
individuals may be adaptively equipped to flexibly employ different strategies, and to prioritize
different features of potential mates, under different mating contexts. There has therefore arisen
another important line of research examining the ways in which social cognition and behavior
varies depending on whether individuals—both men and women—find themselves in a shortterm
or long-term mating context, and on other variables that influence the reproductive trade-off
between short-term and long-term mating (Buss & Schmidt, 1993; DeBruine, 2005; Fletcher,
Tither, O’Loughlin, Friesen, & Overall, 2004; Gangestad & Simpson, 2000; Kenrick, Sundie,
Nicastle, & Stone, 2002; Li & Kenrick, 2006; Puts, 2005; Regan, Medina, & Joshi, 2001;
Shackelford, Goetz, LaMunyon, Quintus, & Weekes-Shackelford, 2004).
Long-Term Romantic Relationships
For the vast majority of mammals, the adult male contributes little more than sperm to his
offspring. Humans are different. Long-term relationships (with both parents often contributing
substantially to offspring care) are common in human populations, and these committed dualparent
relationships have beneficial consequences for the reproductive fitness of offspring
(Geary, 2000). Given these fitness benefits, it’s not surprising that an evolutionary perspective
Evolutionary Social Psychology 40
has been brought to bear on many different social psychological phenomena pertaining to longterm
romantic relationships.
One body of research focuses on psychological adaptations that promote commitment to
existing romantic relationships. These adaptive mechanisms include positive biases favoring
existing partners over potential alternatives (Johnson & Rusbult, 1989; Miller, 1997). For
instance, compared with individuals who are not in committed relationships, those who are in
long-term relationships often perceive alternative mates as less physically and sexually desirable
(Simpson, Gangestad, & Lerma, 1990). Moreover, when feelings of romantic love are
psychologically salient, people selectively reduce their visual attention to attractive members of
the opposite sex (Maner, Rouby, & Gonzaga, 2008).
These cognitive and attentional biases may be rooted, at a physiological level of analysis,
in hormonal changes that accompany commitment to long-term romantic relationships. For
instance, compared to men in short-term sexual relationships, those in long-term relationships
have relatively lower levels of testosterone (Gray, Chapman, Burnham, McIntyre, Lipson, &
Ellison, 2004). In addition, oxytocin appears to play an important role in the experience of
companionate love, and in the formation and maintenance of long-term romantic attachments
(Brown & Brown, 2006; Carter, 1998; Diamond, 2004). Oxytocin is also secreted when mothers
nurse infant children, and appears to play an important role in the forging of mother-child
attachments. Given this neuroendocrinological similarity, it has been suggested that long-term
romantic attachments may be facilitated by some of the same cognitive, affective, and
neurophysiological systems that evolved to facilitate adaptive attachments between mammalian
mothers and their infants (Bowlby, 1969; Hazan & Shaver, 1994; Zeifman & Hazan, 1997). This
does not mean, of course, that these two forms of attachment are equivalent. Because parent-
Evolutionary Social Psychology 41
child bonds and adult romantic bonds solve different adaptive problems, there are important
differences in the decision biases governing attachments to children and lovers (Kenrick, 2006a).
Another body of research has focused on psychological responses to a partner's real or
imagined infidelities. Individuals typically express strong negative reactions to the thought that
their partner might flirt or have sex with another. Jealousy is found across a wide variety of
cultures, and is commonly implicated in spousal assault and homicide (Buss, 1994; Buunk &
Hupka, 1987; Daly et al., 1982). The logic of differential parental investment implies predictable
sex differences in the experience of jealousy. Consistent with this analysis, jealous women pay
more attention to a potential rival’s beauty, whereas jealous men attend more to a rival’s social
dominance (Dijkstra & Buunk, 1998). A sex difference is also predicted in the extent to which
jealousy is aroused by sexual infidelity versus emotional infidelity (i.e., the formation of a close
emotional attachment to a mating rival). A female mate's sexual infidelity is expected to be
especially upsetting to men, because it raises the possibility that they might unwittingly invest
resources in a biologically unrelated child. In contrast, a male mate's emotional infidelity is
expected to be especially upsetting to women, as it raises the possibility that her mate might
redirect his resources to children who aren't her own. Some have argued that, because the
survival of human infants ancestrally required a close bond between both parents, both sexes
should be similarly upset by sexual and emotional infidelity (DeSteno, Bartlett, Braverman, &
Salovey, 2002; Harris, 2003). Consistent with the logic of differential parental investment,
however, the predicted sex differences emerge across studies done in multiple countries, and
with multiple methods (Buss, Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth, 1992; Buunk, Angleitner, Oubaid,
& Buss, 1996; Pietrzak et al., 2002; Sagarin, Becker, Guadagno, Nicastle, & Millevoi, 2003;
Shackelford et al., 2000; Wiederman & Allgeier, 1993). Although there is continuing debate
Evolutionary Social Psychology 42
about the exact nature of sex differences in jealousy, a number of findings using different
methods converge to support an evolutionary model (Sagarin, 2005).
Offspring Care
From an evolutionary perspective, the formation and maintenance of romantic
relationships serves the ultimate function of producing offspring and sustaining those offspring
until they are successful reproducers themselves. The investment of resources in children
involves trade-offs, however. According to life-history theory, all animals (including humans)
divide their resources between (1) their own survival and somatic development, (2) mating
effort, and (3) parenting effort (Kaplan & Gangestad, 2007; Kenrick & Luce, 2000; Stearns,
Allal, & Mace, 2008). Decision rules about how to allocate those resources are predicted to have
evolved in such a way as to be sensitive to cues and circumstances connoting the relative fitness
benefits and costs associated with specific allocation priorities. Therefore, the extent that a
parent will invest resources in caring for a child (rather than in attempts to produce additional
children, for instance) is expected to depend upon many additional variables, including the
availability of resources, the child’s needs, the child's apparent reproductive potential, the
existence of other offspring, and—for men especially—the extent one is confident the child is
one's own.
There is now a large body of research supporting specific predictions based on this
analysis. For instance, mothers give more to offspring who are healthy and withhold from those
with a lower probability of reproductive success (Hrdy, 2000). Children with greater
reproductive potential are more likely to receive help under life-and-death circumstances
(Burnstein et al., 1994). The actual or apparent genetic relatedness of offspring also influences
the extent to which parents invest in them. Parents provide more nurturant care to actual
Evolutionary Social Psychology 43
biological offspring than to stepchildren (Daly & Wilson, 1998; Tooley, Karakis, Stokes,
Ozanne-Smith, 2006). And men provide better care to children to whom they bear a physically
resemblance, a superficial cue that heuristically implies confidence in their paternity (Apicella &
Marlowe, 2004; Burch & Gallup, 2000; Platek et al., 2004).
The effects of parental uncertainty extend to the investment of resources in grandchildren
and other relatives, too. For instance, a maternal grandmother knows with a high degree of
certainty that her daughter is hers, and that her daughter's children are truly her daughter's. In
contrast, a paternal grandfather is considerably more uncertain; he cannot be sure that his
ostensible son is truly his, nor that his son's ostensible children are truly his son's. These
variations in parental uncertainty are reflected in the extent that individuals invest resources (e.g.,
money, emotional support) in their grandchildren and other relatives: Higher degrees of parental
uncertainty result in lower investment (Laham, Gonsalkorale, & von Hippel, 2005; Michalski &
Shackelford, 2005; Pollet, Nettle, & Nelissen, 2007; Webster, 2003). These effects are further
moderated by additional variables bearing on reproductive fitness (e.g., Laham et al., 2005;
Webster, 2003).
Social Influence
Research on social influence covers a wide range of topics, including the study of
conformity, obedience to authority, compliance, and persuasion (see Hogg, this volume).
Textbooks often treat these different topics (and the phenomena identified with each) as
conceptually independent, united merely by the superficial fact they are examples of social
influence. In contrast, an evolutionary approach reveals deep conceptual commonalities
underlying these ostensibly distinct phenomena. In so doing, it provides a unique explanatory
perspective (and generates novel hypotheses) that answer fundamental research questions about
Evolutionary Social Psychology 44
social influence processes.
Classic studies of social influence—for example, those by Sherif, Asch, and Milgram—
are often viewed as surprising evidence that individuals are not as independent and free-thinking
as they might wish to believe. From an evolutionary perspective, however, people’s obedient
and conformist tendencies are not so surprising (Campbell, 1976). Historically, hierarchical
status structures appear to have offered many competitive advantages to groups (Sidanius &
Pratto, 1999). It seems reasonable to presume that deference to authority figures has historically
conferred fitness advantages, providing an evolutionary basis not only for obedience, but for
authoritarian attitudes more broadly (Kessler & Cohrs, 2008).
Conformity, too, has multiple evolutionary roots. Conforming to the actions of others
reduces the likelihood of social exclusion, which is likely to benefit reproductive fitness.
Moreover, in most stable ancestral ecological contexts, behaving like others was likely to have
led to fitness-enhancing decisions, thereby selecting for mimicry, imitation, and other
manifestations of conformity (Coultas, 2004; Henrich & Boyd, 1998; Kessler & Cohrs, 2008).
These two lines of fitness-relevant logic indicate evolutionary foundations for "normative" and
"informational” influence, respectively. These evolutionary analyses also suggest a conceptual
linkage between classic social influence phenomena with other kinds of phenomena entirely,
such as the tendencies toward highly automatic behavioral mimicry (Lakin, Jefferis, Cheng, &
Chartrand, 2003) and implicitly accepting others' assertions to be true (Gilbert, 1991).
People are more susceptible to social influence under some situations than others, and an
evolutionary approach is useful for understanding this cross-situational variability. Our analysis
of belongingness needs suggests that conformity will especially pronounced under conditions in
which the risk of social exclusion is exaggerated, such as when one’s own attitudes and actions
Evolutionary Social Psychology 45
deviate from group norms; this is the case (Snyder & Fromkin, 1980). Moreover, if conformity
has a positive impact on fitness, then the natural tendency toward conformity will be amplified
under circumstances that represent immediate threats to one’s fitness. Indeed, conformity to
salient norms is enhanced when death or fear-inducing physical threats are made salient (Gaillot,
Stillman, Schmeichel, Maner, & Plant, 2008; Griskevicius, Goldstein, Mortensen, Cialdini, &
Kenrick, 2006). Cross-cultural evidence is consistent with this analysis as well: In geographical
regions historically characterized by a higher prevalence of pathogenic diseases, there have
emerged cultural value systems that most strongly encourage conformity to behavioral norms
(Fincher, Thornhill, Murray, & Schaller, 2008).
The evolutionary perspective also provides conceptual leverage for predicting the
characteristics of those individuals that people are most likely to imitate, obey, conform to, or
otherwise be influenced by. Conformity may be an evolutionarily adaptive behavioral strategy,
in general, but it is especially adaptive to selectively imitate the actions of prestigious individuals
(Henrich & Gil-White, 2001). Prestige is a fluid concept; the specific features that confer
prestige may vary across different cultural contexts. It is clear, however, that people endowed
with higher levels of prestige-connoting traits—for example, expertise, attractiveness, or fame—
exert greater influence in a variety of ways (Heath, McCarthy, & Motherbaugh, 1994; Henrich &
Gil-White, 2001; Kamins et al., 1989; Milgram, 1974; Wilson & Sherrell, 1993)
Finally, although the fitness benefits of conformity may generally outweigh the benefits
associated with deviance, deviance may nonetheless have specific kinds of fitness benefits that,
under specific and predictable circumstances, may trump those associated with conformity. In
ancestral populations, only a minority of males had access to female reproductive resources, and
males’ reproductive fitness was substantially influenced by their ability to distinguish themselves
Evolutionary Social Psychology 46
from other males competing for access to the same females. In such a competitive mating
context, blending in with the crowd may have been disadvantageous, and presenting oneself as
distinctive and different is likely to have led to greater reproductive fitness. This implies that,
whereas conformity may be the default behavioral strategy among both men and women, men
(but not women) will show anti-conformity tendencies under specific circumstances in which
mating motives are salient. Recent experimental findings support this logic (Griskevicius et al,
2006).
Group Dynamics
Most evolutionary analyses focus specifically on reproductive fitness at the level of the
gene or the individual organism, and there is rarely much logical need to consider groups as an
additional level of analysis. It can be argued, however, that in highly-interdependent ultrasocial
species such as Homo sapiens, individuals’ outcomes have manifold consequences for all other
individuals in their social groups and, reciprocally, the group’s outcomes have substantial
implications for fitness at the levels of individuals and the genes making them up. Consequently,
evolutionary frameworks that consider the logical relations between outcomes at the levels of
genes, individuals, and groups might provide useful tools for understanding intra-group
dynamics. Multilevel selection theory (Sober & Wilson, 1998) provides one such conceptual
framework, emphasizing the impact that group-level outcomes have on the reproductive fitness
of individuals (and genes) within the group. This framework has been used to generate
hypotheses and empirical discoveries bearing on brainstorming, distributed cognition,
cooperative behavior, and social dilemmas (O'Gorman, Sheldon, & Wilson, 2008; Sheldon &
McGregor, 2000; Wilson, Van Vugt, & O'Gorman, 2008).
There is also a wide-ranging body of literature stimulated by the observation that group
Evolutionary Social Psychology 47
living affords specific kinds of coordination problems to solve (Kameda & Tindale, 2006). One
illustrative example is provided by recent evolutionary analyses of leadership (Van Vugt, 2006;
Van Vugt, Hogan, & Kaiser, 2008). The psychology of leadership can best be understood within
a context that considers the evolved psychology of followership, too. Evolutionary analyses
have also yielded hypotheses about the particular characteristics of leaders that are appealing
under different kinds of circumstances. For instance, masculine facial morphologies (connoting
higher levels of testosterone, competitiveness, and aggression) are more highly desired in
political leaders during times of war versus peace (Little, Burriss, Jones, & Roberts, 2007). In
addition, whereas there is a preference for male leaders to manage potential intergroup
competition, there is a preference for female leaders to manage potential intragroup competition
(Van Vugt & Spisak, 2008)—perhaps because females tend to be more concerned with
preserving within-group unity (Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Geary, 1998).
A third line of research has applied evolutionary insights to the complex dynamical
processes through which norms emerge within groups (e.g., Kameda, Takezawa, & Hastie, 2003;
2005; Kenrick et al., 2002, 2003). This work not only contributes to an understanding of group
processes and group outcomes, but also to an understanding of the origins of culture—a topic we
discuss in somewhat more detail below.
These applications of evolutionary theorizing to group dynamics are all relatively recent,
and they offer hope for a revival of social psychological interest in the study of group dynamics.
Despite its centrality to social psychology, interest in group dynamics has not been in the
mainstream for some time (Moreland, Hogg, & Hains, 1994; Sanna & Parks, 1997; Steiner
1974). The application of evolutionarily informed theorizing in this domain may help reverse
that trend. Just as the study of sex-differences (which, after an initial flurry of popularity, had
Evolutionary Social Psychology 48
became somewhat marginalized in the absence of rigorous theorizing) was re-energized by the
introduction of evolutionary theorizing (e.g., Buss, 1995; Kenrick, 1994), so too an evolutionary
approach has the potential to bring the study of group dynamics back into vogue.
Intergroup Prejudices and Intergroup Conflicts
Although traditional social psychology often speaks simply of “prejudice” as though it
were a single, unitary thing, an evolutionary approach—emphasizing particularized domainspecific
adaptations—suggests that it may be more appropriate to speak of prejudices, plural.
For instance, prejudices predicated on gender or on sexual orientation may be psychologically
distinct from one another, and from prejudices based on facial disfigurement. Even within the
more specific context of intergroup relations, there appear to be multiple, evolutionarily distinct
mechanisms that produce discrimination between ingroup and outgroup, and in doing so,
produce psychologically distinct intergroup prejudices (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005; Neuberg &
Cottrell, 2006). From this perspective, the nature of prejudices is predictable from a functional
analysis of emotions and the threats they are designed to address. For instance, people
prejudiced against gay men tend to perceive them as posing threats to health and values;
consequently, their prejudices are characterized by physical and moral disgust, and their
discriminatory inclinations heuristically focus on avoiding close physical contact and keeping
gay men out of positions of social policy and socialization influence. In contrast, people
prejudiced against African Americans (especially African American men) tend to perceive them
as posing threats to physical safety; consequently, their prejudices contain a stronger component
of fear, and their discriminatory inclinations focus of strategies of self-protection.
Several lines of research proceed from the premise that small coalitional groups provided
early humans with access to many fitness-relevant opportunities, and also with protection from
Evolutionary Social Psychology 49
many kinds of fitness-relevant perils. This provides an evolutionary foundation for the
psychology of social identity and its implications for ingroup favoritism (Brewer & Caporael,
2006). By emphasizing the point that coalitional social structure (rather than mere group
categorization) lies at the heart of intergroup cognition, this approach implies that contemporary
categorical distinctions (e.g., perceptual discrimination according to racial or ethnic categories)
can be psychologically eliminated by cross-cutting categorizations that are more immediately
coalitional in nature (Kurzban, Tooby, & Cosmides, 2001); people respond to coalitions and the
threats and opportunities they pose, not to race per se. Another implication is that any perceived
threat to one's coalitional ingroup—even if the threat does not originate in a coalitional
outgroup—may lead to exaggerated ingroup favoritism (e.g., Navarrete, Kurzban, Fessler, &
Kirkpatrick, 2004).
Another line of research begins with the recognition that hierarchical group structures
may confer relatively positive fitness outcomes to group members. The evolutionary
implication—articulated by social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999)—is that humans
may be characterized by psychological adaptations that favor the establishment and maintenance
of dominance hierarchies. These adaptations may produce effects at the cognitive and behavioral
level of analysis, and also at a societal level, in the creation of institutions that legitimize and
reify existing dominance hierarchies (e.g., Mitchell & Sidanius, 1995). Different kinds of
prejudices (e.g., sexism, racism) may be viewed, in part, as manifestations of these cognitive
mechanisms and social institutions. People who are dispositionally favorable to social
dominance hierarchies are likely to show these prejudices at especially high levels (Pratto,
Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), and these prejudices may be especially likely to emerge
under circumstances within which dominance considerations are temporarily paramount
Evolutionary Social Psychology 50
(Guimond, Dambrun, Michinov, & Duarte, 2003; Pratto, Sidanius, & Levin, 2006).
Additional evolutionary research programs focus less on the nature of ingroups and more
on outgroups and the specific fitness costs associated with intergroup contact. One line of
inquiry draws on evidence that, historically, intergroup contact was likely to be associated with
an increased chance of interpersonal aggression and physical injury. One might thus expect the
evolution of adaptations that dispose individuals to associate outgroup members with traits
connoting aggression, violence, and danger, and to do so especially under conditions in which
perceivers feel especially vulnerable to danger. For instance, when people (especially those who
chronically perceive the world to be a dangerous place) are in the dark, they are more prone to
the implicit activation of danger-connoting stereotypes of ethnic outgroups (Schaller, Park, &
Mueller, 2003; Schaller, Park, & Faulkner, 2003). Evolutionary analyses often generate very
specific predictions, and that is the case here: The darkness-stereotyping finding was specific to
stereotypes relevant to physical safety threat (e.g., aggressive); no such effect is observed on
equally negative stereotypes irrelevant to physical safety (e.g., ignorant). In fact, in real-life
intergroup conflict situations, an increased sense of vulnerability may actually lead to more
positive outgroup stereotypes along trait dimensions connoting competence, while
simultaneously leading to more negative stereotypes along trait dimensions connoting warmth
and trustworthiness—a constellation of stereotypic traits that most clearly implies an actual
fitness-relevant threat (Schaller & Abeysinghe, 2006).
The threat of interpersonal violence is not the only fitness-relevant cost associated with
intergroup contact. Historically, intergroup contact was associated with increased exposure to
pathogenic diseases (Schaller & Duncan, 2007). It follows that a functionally specific form of
intergroup prejudice is likely to be exaggerated when people perceive themselves to be
Evolutionary Social Psychology 51
especially vulnerable to infection. This is indeed the case. People who perceive themselves to
be more vulnerable to disease show stronger implicit cognitive associations linking outgroups to
danger, but not to negativity in general (Faulkner, Schaller, Park, & Duncan, 2004). Xenophobia
and ethnocentrism are also predicted by disease-relevant individual difference variables
(Faulkner et al., 2004; Navarrete & Fessler, 2006), and by naturally occurring circumstances
(such as the first trimester of pregnancy) in which individuals' immune functioning is temporary
suppressed (Navarrete, Fessler, & Eng, 2007). Empirical results such as these are impossible to
explain with traditional theories of prejudice that focus primarily on processes pertaining to
social categorization, social identity, and realistic conflict. They follow directly from hypotheses
deduced within an evolutionary framework, however.
Several of these evolutionary perspectives imply sex differences in prejudice and
intergroup conflict (e.g., Van Vugt, De Cremer, & Janssen, 2007; Yuki & Yokota, 2009). For
instance, dominance hierarchies have historically been especially pertinent to male reproductive
fitness. Social dominance theory thus implies that, compared to women, men are more
chronically concerned with the maintenance of social dominance hierarchies, and should exhibit
especially strong prejudices toward others who threaten one’s own status in an existing
dominance hierarchy (e.g., Sidanius, Pratto, & Brief, 1995). Also, historically, intergroup
contact occurred primarily between males. This implies that men are especially likely to
perceive outgroup members as a threat and that, among men, these prejudicial perceptions are
especially likely to be triggered by contextual cues connoting vulnerability to harm. Evidence
from several studies supports this implication (Schaller & Neuberg, 2008). Finally, outgroup
men (compared to outgroup women) were especially likely to inflict mortal wounds
ancestrally—a phenomenon true in modern societies, as well—thereby suggesting that male
Evolutionary Social Psychology 52
(compared to female) outgroup members will be especially likely to trigger danger-connoting
cognitive associations. This also appears to be the case (Maner et al., 2005; Navarrete et al., in
press).
The Affordance Management System Revisited
This body of research, of which we have only glossed the surface, illustrates the value of
thinking about psychological mechanisms in terms of the specific kinds of adaptive problems
they solve—problems related to, for instance, self-protection, coalition maintenance, mate
selection, child rearing, and other challenges to reproductive fitness. The adaptive, problemsolving
nature of psychological mechanisms is revealed by the functionally specialized, domainspecific
manner in which they are engaged. Interpersonal attraction, for instance, is not a single
construct. There are very different forms of attraction, and they are governed by very different
psychological principles in very different adaptive contexts. In contexts that emphasize the
adaptive value of coalitions and cooperative behavior, individuals are especially attracted to
people who seem familiar or physically similar; in sexual contexts, however, familiarity and
physical similarity are repellant instead (Ackerman et al., 2008; DeBruine, 2005; Lieberman et
al., 2007).
This brief review has illustrated, in a variety of ways, how evolved psychological
mechanisms are sensitive to predictable categories of cues in the perceptual environment—cues
that heuristically connote very specific opportunities or threats. These cues are often very subtle
(the scent of symmetry, for instance; Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999b), and their discovery as
important social psychological variables emerged only after psychologists equipped themselves
with the logical tools of evolutionary inquiry. These fitness-relevant cues—even very subtle
ones—trigger predictable, functionally specific cascades of affect, cognition, and behavior. For
Evolutionary Social Psychology 53
instance, superficial cues connoting female fertility trigger (among male perceivers, but not
female perceivers) very specific consequences on attention and memory, as well as on more
overt judgments and behavior (Becker et al., 2005; Duncan et al., 2007; Kenrick & Keefe, 1992).
Psychological adaptations are imperfect, but in evolutionarily sensible ways, and thus
help to explain many of the inferential biases and prejudices that are of central interest to social
psychologists. The evolutionary consequences of differential parental investment, for instance,
manifest not only in sex differences in mate preferences, but also in the fact that men (but not
women) often misperceive sexual interest in the faces of attractive opposite-sex others, whereas
women (but not men) often erroneously assume that their suitors are cads (Haselton & Buss,
2000; Maner et al., 2005). The substantial fitness costs associated with infectious diseases lead
perceivers not only to respond aversely to individuals who actually are diseased, but also to
predictable prejudices against a variety of objectively-healthy individuals who just happen to
appear morphologically, behaviorally, or culturally anomalous (Faulkner et al., 2004; Park et al.,
2003; 2007).
Content matters. Psychological adaptations respond to specific cues, and these cues
trigger the activation of highly specific affective states and associative knowledge structures with
highly specific contents. In the realm of prejudice, for instance, particular categories of fitnessrelevant
threat are associated with very particular prejudices—defined by particular emotional
responses and by very particular kinds of negative stereotypes but not by other, equally negative,
stereotypes (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005; Schaller, Park, & Faulkner, 2003).
Context matters too. Evolved stimulus-response associations are highly sensitive to the
intrapersonal context created by perceivers' own preexisting dispositions and goals, and by
immediate ecological circumstances within which perceivers finds themselves. The scent of a
Evolutionary Social Psychology 54
symmetrical man is sexually attractive to women, but primarily under circumstances in which
those women are most prone to become pregnant (Thornhill & Gangestad, 1999b). Facial cues
connoting female fertility are especially likely to draw and hold mens' attention, but primarily
among men with a dispositional tendency toward unrestricted mating (Duncan et al., 2007).
White people misperceive anger in the faces of African American men especially under
conditions in which self-protective motives have been made temporarily salient (Maner et al.,
2005). Morphological, behavioral, and cultural anomalies trigger disease-connoting prejudices
especially among perceivers who are, or merely perceive themselves to be, especially vulnerable
to infection (Faulkner et al., 2004; Navarrete et al., 2007; Park et al., 2007). These psychological
phenomena are malleable—not despite being the products of evolution, but because they are the
products of evolution.
Finally, the implications of underlying evolutionary principles apply across the entire
landscape of social psychology. Adaptations that facilitate kin-recognition have implications not
only for person perception, but also for altruism, aggression, mate selection, and offspring care
(Apicella & Marlowe, 2004; DeBruine, 2005; Lieberman et al., 2007; Park et al., 2008).
Adaptations that facilitate avoidance of physical harm have implications for phenomena as
superficially distinct as person memory, intergroup prejudice, and conformity (Ackerman et al.,
2006; Schaller, Park, & Faulkner, 2003; Griskevicius et al., 2006). Adaptations that serve the
ultimate function of sexual selection have implications for topics as ostensibly irrelevant to
mating as altruism, aggression, conformity, and creativity (Griskevicius, Cialdini, & Kenrick,
2006, Griskevicius et al., 2006, 2007, in press).
Linkages to Development, Learning, and Culture
Many people assume that evolutionary theories of social behavior imply a hardwired
Evolutionary Social Psychology 55
genetic determinism, a diminished role of developmental and learning processes, and an absence
of cultural differences. None of these assumptions are correct.
Development
The human genotype is not a blueprint depicting the phenotypic features of people;
rather, it is more like a recipe book, providing instructions for the assembly and generation of
those phenotypic characteristics. This assembly process is more commonly referred to as
development. Developmental processes are fundamental to any evolutionary approach to human
behavior (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Geary, 2006; Marcus, 2004).
There is no simple inflexible relation between a gene and its role in the assembly of
phenotypic features (Carroll, 2005; Ridley, 2003). Genes may or may not be expressed. Even if
they are expressed, the exact location and timing of their expression may vary considerably.
Gene expression may vary depending on the presence of other pieces of genetic code. Gene
expression may vary depending on the gene’s immediate physiological environment (e.g.,
hormone levels within the developing organism). And gene expression may vary depending on
features of the physical and social environment within which the organism itself is located. For
instance, genetically-identical butterflies may take on entirely different appearances depending
on local climatic conditions during development (Beldade & Brakefield, 2002) and, among some
species of fish, ecological variables such as social density and local sex ratio influence the
expression of genes that govern whether the developing organism ultimately becomes male or
female (Godwin, Luckenbach, & Borski, 2003). Among humans, qualities of the family
environment influence the expression of genes that precipitate sexual maturation (Ellis, 2004).
Phenotypic plasticity of this sort is itself adaptive, given that a particular phenotypic trait may or
may not confer relative fitness advantages, depending on the local ecological circumstances.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 56
This principle of adaptive phenotypic plasticity applies not only to the development of
physiological features, but also to the development of behavioral tendencies as well. This
evolutionary logic has been applied toward the understanding of individual differences in
attachment style (Bowlby, 1969), mating strategies (Bjorklund & Shackelford, 1999; Gangestad
& Simpson, 2000), kin recognition (Lieberman et al., 2007), and many other phenomena central
to social cognition and social behavior.
Learning
Learning mechanisms provide means through which information about chronic
developmental environments are acquired. Learning mechanisms also provide means through
which organisms acquire information about temporary contexts, thus allowing them to flexibly
(and functionally) adjust behavioral responses. Because the fitness benefits of learning are
enormous, it is no surprise that so many different learning mechanisms have evolved (Moore,
2004).
Particularly relevant to many social psychological phenomena is the concept of prepared
associative learning—the evolved tendency to acquire specific fitness-relevant associations more
quickly and efficiently than other (less fitness-relevant) associations. As noted earlier, there is
extensive evidence that people are biologically prepared to acquire a fear response to stimuli
(such as snakes) that represented significant sources of threat in ancestral environments (Öhman
& Mineka, 2001). Analogously, there is evidence that people are especially efficient at learning,
and especially slow to unlearn, fearful responses to coalitional outgroups (Olsson, Ebert, Banaji,
& Phelps, 2005). This effect is specific to perceptions of male (but not female) outgroup
members, a finding that is consistent with speculation that male outgroup members historically
posed an especially substantial fitness threat (Navarrete et al., in press).
Evolutionary Social Psychology 57
Prepared learning of this sort can operate through non-social associative mechanisms, but
social learning is implicated too. Rhesus monkeys, for instance, learn to fear snakes simply from
observing other monkeys’ fearful reactions to them (Cook & Mineka, 1990). It is likely that
social learning mechanisms contribute to the extraordinarily efficient learning of fitness-relevant
interpersonal impressions and prejudices as well (Schaller, 2006).
Cross-Cultural Variability
Humans inhabit many different cultural environments. These different cultural contexts
create different developmental circumstances and different learning environments. Evolved
mechanisms would thus be expected to manifest differently across different human cultures.
Evidence of cross-cultural differences is therefore entirely compatible with an evolutionary
perspective on human social behavior (Buss, 2001; Kenrick et al., 2003; Norenzayan & Heine,
2005; Norenzayan, Schaller, & Heine, 2006; Schaller, 2007).
In fact, evolutionary theorizing can be extraordinarily useful as a means of predicting the
origins of cross-cultural differences in the first place. Here the concept of evoked culture is
important: Cultural differences may themselves reflect differences in the extent to which evolved
psychological mechanisms are expressed differently under different ecological circumstances
(Gangestad, Haselton, & Buss, 2006; Schmitt, 2005; Schmitt et al., 2003; Tooby & Cosmides,
1992). One sustained program of research has focused on regional differences in pathogen
prevalence, and its implications for the origins of many cultural differences, including in food
preparation (Sherman & Billing, 1999), parenting practices (Quinlan, 2007), marriage systems
(Low, 1990), and mate preferences (Gangestad & Buss, 1993; Gangestad et al., 2006). Research
employing an evolutionary cost/benefit analysis has also provided evidence that regional
variability in pathogen prevalence may have contributed to the emergence of worldwide
Evolutionary Social Psychology 58
differences in extraversion and other basic dispositional tendencies (Schaller & Murray, 2008),
and to cultural differences in individualism, collectivism, and other fundamental value systems
(Fincher et al., 2008; Thornhill, Fincher, & Aran, in press).
It’s worth making one last point here. Researchers and others often posit a role for
socialized norms and culture as “alternatives” to evolutionary explanations. This will rarely be
correct. Particular norms and culture sometimes collaborate in creating behavior (e.g., by
potentially altering the expression of evolved inclinations) and are sometimes phenomena
themselves to be explained by evolutionary processes. Moreover, positing a particular norm or
cultural process as an alternative to an evolution-inspired hypothesis (e.g., that males are
socialized to prefer younger women as mates) begs the question of why that particular norm
exists as opposed to its opposite. The nature versus nurture debate has been roundly rejected in
the biological sciences as assuming a false dichotomy; it makes no more sense to pursue that
dichotomy in the psychological sciences.
Thinking Straight about Theory and Research in Evolutionary Social Psychology
The general principles underlying evolutionary hypotheses have been tested extensively
across many different animal species, and are well established (Alcock, 1993; Daly & Wilson,
1983; Trivers, 1985; Wilson, 1975). Evolutionary approaches have resulted in the rigorous
deduction of many novel hypotheses about social cognition and behavior. Some of these have
generated compelling empirical support, some have been refuted, and others have yet to be fully
tested. Evolutionarily informed hypotheses in psychology are subjected to the same high
standards of empirical evidence as any other hypotheses. Despite its heuristic and integrative
successes, evolutionary inquiries about social psychological phenomena have elicited especially
high levels of skepticism and controversy. Some of this controversy is driven by misconception,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 59
misinterpretation, and ideology; some is driven by the fact that evolutionary hypotheses can
involve extra layers of inference compared to more proximate hypotheses (Alcock & Crawford,
2008; Conway & Schaller, 2002; Cosmides, Tooby, Fiddick, & Bryant, 2005; Daly & Wilson,
2005; Kurzban, 2002). We briefly discuss the most common issues and questions raised about
evolutionary inquiry in the psychological sciences.
The Epistemic Status of Evolutionary Psychological Hypotheses
The paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould argued that many evolved characteristics have no
adaptive function whatsoever, and so—despite the enormous success of the adaptationist
research program in evolutionary biology (Alcock, 2000; Williams, 1966)—criticized
evolutionists for adopting an adaptationist perspective on animal behavior. As part of this
critique, he famously characterized adaptationist explanations as “just-so stories”—fanciful
speculations that "do not prove anything" (Gould, 1977, p. 26). The “just-so story” accusation
has been regularly trotted out by critics of evolutionary approaches to human psychology as well,
typically as a shorthand means of asserting that evolutionary analyses are untestable, or are
merely post-hoc explanations for common knowledge, or both.
Both critiques are logically unfounded. We noted at the outset that the evolutionary
approach to social psychology isn't a specific theory or a hypothesis, but is instead a
metatheoretical framework within which specific theories and hypotheses can be deduced. That
important epistemic distinction is blurred by critics who suggest that evolutionary explanations
are untestable (Ketelaar & Ellis, 2000). As we have reviewed above, the metatheoretical
assumptions and logical tools of evolutionary inquiry has led to numerous highly specific
hypotheses about social psychological phenomena, and these hypotheses are exactly as
testable—exactly as falsifiable—as other hypotheses in the psychological sciences. Similarly, it
Evolutionary Social Psychology 60
is abundantly clear that evolutionary analyses do far more than simply provide post-hoc accounts
for common knowledge. We have reviewed a large number of empirical discoveries that have
emerged as a result of evolutionary inquiry. Some of these findings (just like other social
psychological findings) may be consistent with intuition and lay observation. But many more
are so nuanced, complex, or counterintuitive that they are unlikely to be part of any common
knowledge (such as the links between ovulation and social behavior). Nor were they found
within the scientific literature until they were revealed as the result of empirical inquiry guided
by evolutionary theorizing.
This is not to say that there aren't additional epistemic and methodological complexities
that attend evolutionary social psychology. There are. Compared to traditional social
psychological theories (which merely specify sets of psychological processes), theories that draw
on evolutionary theorizing (and thus also specify the evolutionary origins of those psychological
processes) introduce an additional level of logical inference at which additional kinds of
alternative explanations must be entertained (Conway & Schaller, 2002). There are many
empirical strategies for dealing with these additional inferential complexities (Simpson &
Campbell, 2005). The use of multiple methods is especially important. The most compelling
support for any alleged social psychological adaptation is likely to draw on results from standard
psychological experiments in conjunction with results from cross-species analyses, cross-cultural
surveys, brain imaging, genetic analyses, and other diverse methods of inquiry (Schmitt &
Pilcher, 2004). In addition, simple findings rarely yield fully compelling conclusions. Whereas
alternative explanations may be readily found for main effects (e.g., a sex difference in mate
preferences), alternative explanations can often be ruled out by more complex findings (e.g., a
sex difference that appears and disappears under very specific conditions predicted by the logic
Evolutionary Social Psychology 61
of inclusive fitness). Deliberate attempts to deduce and test more complex interactions can
therefore lead to especially compelling empirical findings.
A somewhat different epistemic issue is rooted in scientists' inability to directly observe
ancestral environments and to measure the constraints they posed on reproductive fitness.
Skeptics sometimes wonder whether one can deduce plausible theories and hypotheses in the
absence of such observations and measurements. The answer is yes. Considerable bodies of
archeological, anthropological and biological evidence have yielded many confident conclusions
about the ecologies of ancestral humans; these inferences (about group sizes, infectious diseases,
homicide rates, etc.) form the basis for the deduction of many hypotheses bearing on social
psychological phenomena. In addition, many evolutionary hypotheses can be informed by
information that actually is measurable in contemporary environments, including evidence
obtained from contemporary small-scale societies and comparative evidence from many other
mammalian species. For instance, comparative evidence has been instrumental in guiding theory
and research on attachment processes (Fraley et al., 2005). Also, contemporary cross-cultural
and comparative evidence indicates with a high degree of certainty that ancestral females played
a much more substantial role than ancestral males in bearing and nurturing children. From that
inference alone, the principles of differential parental investment can be presumed to apply to the
evolution of human beings (Geary, 2000). As the chapter has illustrated, this has further
implications for the deduction of an enormous number of specific hypotheses bearing on social
cognition and behavior.
The Logical Implications of Evolved Psychological Mechanisms
People sometimes think that, if human behavior is influenced by evolved adaptations,
then people would never act against their own interests. This is wrong. As discussed above,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 62
evolved mechanisms are not foolproof and, like financial investments, operate on expected
average payoffs. Psychological tendencies that are adaptive in the long term may still sometimes
produce instances of costly and even maladaptive behavior. Such actions may also reflect
environmental influences against which there are no evolutionary safeguards, because the
environmental feature was rare or non-existent in ancestral environments (e.g., birth control,
easily available potent psychotropic drugs). Finally, of course, it is important keep in mind that
evolutionary processes operate in the service of genetic replication, not in the service of the
organisms that house those genes (Dawkins, 1976). Ostensibly maladaptive behaviors may
produce hidden benefits for one's genes. Aggression, for example, occasionally leads to the
aggressor’s death, but aggressive tendencies may historically have resulted in net reproductive
benefits (especially among men). And, as the enormous literature on the evolution of altruism
reveals, selfish genes need not result in selfish people.
Another common misunderstanding is that, if a psychological phenomenon is the result
of evolved mechanisms, then the phenomenon itself must be evident at birth. This is actually
rarely the case. Although the presence of a psychological phenomenon in infants may, in some
cases, contribute compelling evidence of an innate predisposition, this is by no means necessary
evidence. As we have discussed, developmental processes (including learning processes) are
essential to the emergence of many evolved psychological phenomena, and much of this
development occurs post-partum. Sexual maturation provides one obvious example: The onset
of human puberty is a genetically programmed event, but does not occur until after a developing
person has reached a particular size and physical condition. More broadly, many evolved
adaptations require environmental input before they are expressed phenotypically. Even if a
psychological phenomenon is absent at birth, it may still reflect the operation of adaptations.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 63
It is also sometimes assumed that, because many evolved psychological mechanisms
manifest in highly automatized stimulus-response associations, evidence of automaticity is
necessary to support an evolutionary interpretation. As a corollary, it is sometimes assumed that
if a phenomenon is moderated by manipulations of cognitive load, then the phenomenon cannot
reflect an evolved adaptation (DeSteno, Bartlett, Braverman, & Salovey, 2002). These
assumptions are wrong, and fail to consider the different ways in which different adaptations
may manifest at a psychological level of analysis (Barrett, Frederick, Haselton, & Kurzban,
2006). Both automatic as well as more effortful cognitive responses may be produced as a result
of evolved mechanisms.
Finally, there is the gross misconception that evolutionary influences on human behavior
imply genetic determinism—that individuals' thoughts, feelings, and actions are inflexibly
governed by their genes. This misconception may emerge from the fact that genes are associated
with some relatively inflexible physical features (eye color, for example). But genes also encode
for the development of many highly flexible traits as well. Even overt physical characteristics
can change dependent on ecological variations (e.g., Godwin et al., 2003). Genetically endowed
cognitive and behavioral flexibility is a central feature of the adapted mind. As our review of the
social psychological literature reveals, evolved mechanisms play an important role in directing
individuals' attention to fitness-relevant information in their immediate ecological context, and
thus enable these individuals to respond adaptively, and flexibly, to those circumstances.
So, are evolution-inspired hypotheses untestable? No. Are such hypotheses merely post
hoc accounts of common sense knowledge? No. Does the inability to directly observe ancestral
environments preclude the generation of well-grounded evolution-inspired hypotheses? No.
Does an evolutionary perspective presume that people never act against their apparent best
Evolutionary Social Psychology 64
interest? No. Must a mechanism be observable at birth to be considered an evolved adaptation?
No. Is evidence of automaticity necessary to claim that a psychological mechanism has evolved?
No. And does the evolutionary approach imply that human thought and behavior are
biologically determined, inflexibly controlled by genes? Emphatically, no.
Future Directions
Underlying Mechanisms
Like most social psychological inquiries, evolutionary social psychological research
focuses on social cognition and social behavior. It is assumed that these cognitive and
behavioral outcomes are the product of adaptations that have a physical manifestation—in the
anatomy of the nervous system, the neurotransmission of neurotransmitters, the release of
androgens into the bloodstream, and so forth.
Recent advances in brain imaging techniques (e.g., fMRI) reveal that specific anatomical
structures are implicated in sexual attraction, social exclusion, self-esteem, intergroup prejudice,
and many other fitness-relevant social psychological responses (e.g., Eisenberger & Lieberman,
2004; Fisher, Aron, Mashek, Li, & Brown, 2002; Harris & Fiske, 2006; Heatherton, Macrae, &
Kelley, 2004; Phelps et al., 2000). Research in neuroendocrinology reveals relations between
endocrine activity and specific kinds of cognitive and behavioral responses. Sex hormones, for
instance, influence not only sexual behavior but many other forms of social behavior as well.
Variation in testosterone levels has been associated with aggression, expressive behavior,
empathic mimicry, and intellectual performance under conditions of stereotype threat, among
many other social psychological outcomes (Archer, 1991; Dabbs, Bernieri, Strong, Campo, &
Milun, 2001; Hermans, Putman, & van Hong, 2006; Josephs, Newman, Brown, & Beer, 2003).
Other hormones matter, too. For instance, women’s estradiol levels predict their preference for
Evolutionary Social Psychology 65
facial cues of men’s testosterone (Roney & Simmons, 2008), women’s progesterone levels
predict sensitivity to fearful and disgusted facial expressions that suggest the presence of nearby
threats (C. Conway et al., 2007), and oxytocin is implicated in feelings of interpersonal trust and
attachment in close relationships (Insel & Young, 2001; Kosfeld et al., 2005). And the study of
neurotransmitter systems is also obviously relevant. Dopamine and serotonin transporter
systems have each been implicated in a wide range of social behaviors with consequences for
reproductive fitness (e.g., Knutson et al., 1998; Melis & Argiolas, 1995).
A fruitful avenue for future research in evolutionary social psychology is to more
explicitly explore the role of evolution in designing anatomical structures and neurochemical
processes that give rise to social cognition and behavior. The benefits will be reciprocal:
Evolutionary explanations for social psychological phenomena will benefit from a more rigorous
anchoring in the “meat” of the mind; the study of social neuroscience will benefit from the
rigorously functional perspective that is provided by the evolutionary sciences (Duchaine,
Cosmides, & Tooby, 2001).
Evolutionary explanations imply events that operate at multiple levels of analysis,
including a genetic level. Although it is not necessary to articulate genetic mechanisms to
conduct rigorous research in evolutionary social psychology, it can potentially be useful to do
so—especially as advances in behavior genetics and functional genomics begin to reveal specific
genes (and their context-contingent expressions) implicated in fitness-relevant behaviors. Ample
evidence now links specific alleles expressed in the dopamine and serotonin transporter systems
(e.g., different variants of the DRD4 allele, and of the 5-HTTLPR allele) to a variety of traits
bearing on social cognition and social behavior (e.g., Ebstein, 2006; Munafo, Yalcin, Willis, &
Flint, 2008; Schinka, Busch, & Robinchaux-Keene, 2004), and the expression of these genes is
Evolutionary Social Psychology 66
moderated by specific elements of an individual's social environment (e.g., Taylor et al., 2006).
As discoveries in behavioral genetics and functional genomics yield new information about
specific genes and their relation to social psychological phenomena—and about the specific
environmental circumstances that lead these genes to be expressed—there will emerge fruitful
opportunities to employ genetic mechanisms as means of articulating the important connection
between human evolutionary origins and social psychological outcomes.
Broader Applications
An emerging subdiscipline of psychology (with links to other biological, social, and
cognitive sciences) addresses questions at the intersection of evolutionary and cultural
psychology and, in so doing, identifies evolved psychological mechanisms that may have
contributed to the origins of culture (Norenzayan, Schaller, & Heine, 2006). Specific lines of
inquiry have focused, for instance, on the evolved psychology underlying moral norms and
religious practices (e.g., Atran & Norenzayan, 2005; Krebs & Janicki, 2004; Weeden, Cohen, &
Kenrick, 2008). Evolutionary analyses—particularly those that consider how different cognitive
and behavioral tendencies are likely to have different implications for reproductive fitness under
different ecological circumstances—are also proving useful for explaining the origins of crosscultural
differences (e.g., Fincher et al., 2008; Gangestad et al., 2006; Kenrick et al., in press;
Schaller & Murray, 2008; Schmitt, 2005; Schmitt et al., 2003). These lines of inquiry are still
young, and additional work must address other cultural differences and other ecological
pressures that may influence the manner in which universal human capacities are expressed.
Additional work must also address the exact mechanisms through which ecological variability
produces cultural variability. Different ecologies may promote differential selection of genes,
differential expression of common genes, differential activation of common neural structures,
Evolutionary Social Psychology 67
differential constraints on social learning, and so forth. Elucidation of these mechanisms will
constitute an important part of future research in evolutionary cultural psychology.
There are also exciting developments in the integration of evolutionary social psychology
and economics. Evolutionary analyses within the fields of biology and anthropology often rely
on economic models (e.g., Henrich et al., 2006), and this work overlaps considerably with social
psychological research on mixed-motive games and decision-making (e.g., Kahneman &
Tversky, 1991; Van Vugt & Van Lange, 2006). Social psychologists and economists alike have
typically applied domain-general decision models to these problems, overlooking the important
implications likely to result from the fact that very different decision rules often apply when
interacting with strangers, relatives, romantic partners, children, and other functionally-distinct
categories of people (e.g., Clark & Mills, 1993; Fiske & Haslam, 1996). The application of
evolutionary analyses—based on domain-specific consequences for reproductive fitness—
potentially yields novel implications for the computation of expected utility and novel
predictions about the decisions people are likely to make when presented with economic
decisions and mixed-motive dilemmas (Kenrick, Griskevicius, Sundie, Li, Li, & Neuberg, 2008;
Kenrick, Sundie, & Kurzban, 2008).
Emerging literatures also highlight additional applications of evolutionary social
psychology—applications to study of crime and punishment, for instance, and to politics and
public policy (Crawford & Salmon, 2004; Duntley & Shackelford, 2008). Social psychology has
always had powerful implications for the study of—and potential solutions to—social issues.
These implications may be made even more powerful through a rigorous application of an
evolutionary approach to social psychology.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 68
Final Comments
The most useful theories (and those that are least likely to be wrong) are those that are
logically coherent and deductively rigorous. Evolutionary approaches bring with them many
sophisticated tools that ensure deductive rigor (e.g., the strict computational logic of evolutionary
game theory, inclusive fitness theory, and means of mathematically modeling the relative fitness
outcomes associated with different behavioral strategies).
Useful theories must also be generative, producing novel, testable hypotheses (Lakatos,
1970; Ketelaar & Ellis, 2000). Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection is arguably the
most generative scientific theory of all time. And when these basic evolutionary principles are
applied to human behavior, they can be used to deduce psychological theories that have proven
to be extraordinarily generative as well, including theories pertaining to reasoning processes
(Cosmides & Tooby, 2005), person perception (Zebrowitz & Montepare, 2006), interpersonal
relationships (Buss & Schmitt, 1993; Gangestad & Simpson, 2001), and more. Evolutionarily
informed theories in social psychology have yielded many novel—and often very subtle and
non-obvious—hypotheses bearing on a wide range of topics, including not only those that are
straightforwardly linked to human evolution, but also many that are not. Many of these novel
hypotheses involve predictive constructs (e.g., likelihood of conception, ambient darkness) that
are straightforwardly derived from evolutionary analyses but lie well outside the conceptual
architecture of traditional psychological theories. Further demonstrating the value of the
approach, other novel evolutionary hypotheses focus on finer-level outcomes well beyond the
specifications of traditional conceptualizations (e.g., specific emotional reactions rather than
general prejudice; short-term versus long-term mate value rather than general level of attraction).
Another important criterion for evaluating scientific theories is explanatory coherence
Evolutionary Social Psychology 69
(Thagard, 2000). An evolutionarily perspective reveals deep conceptual connections between
many different, and superficially unrelated, forms of social behavior. For example, evolved kin
recognition mechanisms provide conceptual links between phenomena as superficially different
as altruistic behavior, the similarity-liking effect, and incest avoidance, and the theory of
differential parental investment has implications for domains as diverse as altruism, aggression,
conformity, and creativity. An evolutionary approach can conceptually integrate many of social
psychology’s “mini-theories,” forging a less piecemeal, more conceptually coherent
understanding of social behavior.
An evolutionary approach also integrates findings across different levels of analysis and
description, connecting phenomena at the individual level of analysis (e.g., attentional processes)
with phenomena at the population level (the evolution of the mechanisms that produce those
attentional processes). Evolutionary explanations connect empirical observations of ongoing
cognitive processes with very different kinds of facts and speculations about pre-human
ancestors, primate relatives, and life on Earth more broadly. Therefore, an evolutionary
approach to social psychology provides a unique means of integrating social psychological
findings with a much broader set of scientific findings within the biological, historical, cognitive,
and social sciences (e.g., behavioral ecology, paleontology, linguistics, anthropology). In
contrast to some of psychology’s subdisciplines (such as sensation and perception), social
psychology has traditionally fallen closer to the social sciences than the biological sciences, with
its findings being of greater interest to sociologists and political scientists than to colleagues in
the natural sciences. But that is changing, following the emergence of evolutionary social
psychology and parallel developments in social neuroscience. This bodes well for the long-term
vitality of social psychology.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 70
Envoi
Humans are animals. As such, human brains, like the brains of all animals, evolved via
natural selection to solve the types of recurring fitness-relevant problems that our ancestors faced
long ago. Perhaps more important, people are social animals. The problems faced by our
ancestors thus included not only those faced by all animals (e.g., resource acquisition, selfprotection,
mating), but also those specific to social life (e.g., affiliation and coalition
maintenance, status-seeking, intergroup conflict). These assertions should be uncontroversial.
Yet the discipline of social psychology, which has dedicated itself to the exploration of human
social life, traditionally disregarded the fact of this evolved nature in its attempts to uncover the
principles and facts of social behavior. This was a mistake. Three decades ago, one of us
encountered more than one senior social psychologist who vehemently denigrated “grand
theories” and advocated instead for the value of “mid-level” theories—as if seeking the former
would be akin to Icarus’ folly. In light of impressive conceptual and empirical advances in
recent years, it is our sense that any folly lies instead in ignoring the demonstrably most
powerful, integrated set of ideas in the natural sciences—evolutionary theory—in social
psychology’s efforts to truly understand the fascinating complexities of human behavior.
Evolutionary Social Psychology 71
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Evolutionary Social Psychology 110
Figure 1: Affordance Management System
Identification of Relevant Cues in the Environment
↓
Perception of Cue-Relevant Threat or Opportunity
↓
Activation of Affordance-Relevant
Cognitions, Emotions, and Behavioral Inclinations
↓
Behavior
EvolutionarySocialPsychology111
Table1:Representativeillustrationsoffunctionallinkagesbetweenspecificfundamentalsocialmotives,
socialaffordances(opportunitiesandthreats)germanetothem,cuesthatrevealtheseaffordances,functionalpsychologicalandbehavioral
responsestothem,andthetypesofcontextualvariablesthatmoderatetheextenttowhichtheseadaptivemechanismsareengaged.
MOTIVERELEVANTAFFORDANCESRELEVANTHEURISTIC
CUES
FUNCTIONALRESPONSE
“SYNDROMES”
FUNCTIONALLY-RELEVANTMODERATI
FACTORS
Toself-protectOpportunities:Safety
providedbyothers
Threats:Violencefrom
outgroupmembers;violence
fromingroupmembers
•Presenceoffamiliar,
similarothers
•Presenceofunfamiliar,
dissimilar,angrymales
•Perceivesuchindividualsas
safe;feelfriendlytowardthem;
becomebraver;smile,
approach,offercooperation
•Erronsideofperceivingsuch
individualsasdangerous;
experiencefear;attemptto
escapeorjoinsimilar,familiar
otherstodefend
•Locatedinfamiliarsurroundings;many
familiarothersnearby;highdisposition
inothers.
•Locatedinunfamiliarsurroundings;da
pastexperienceofbeingphysicallyhar
beingfemaleorofsmallstature
ToattractmatesOpportunities:Availability
ofdesirable,opposite-sex
others
Threats:Presenceof
desirable,same-sexothers
•Opposite-sexothers’age,
physicalattractiveness;
status,bodilysymmetry,
morphological
abnormalities,scent,
nonverbal(flirtingor
rejecting)behaviors
•same-sexothers’age,
status,symmetry,
masculinity/femininity,
flirtingbehaviors
•Subjectivelust;increasein
testosterone;over-interpretation
ofsexualinterestbymen;
conservativebiasinevaluating
signsofmen'scommitmentby
women..
•Biastowardattendingtoand
interpretingattractiveandhigh
statussame-sexindividualsas
competitors;denigratingsame-
sexcompetitors;costly
signalingtopotentialmates.
•Relativematevalue,age;restrictedvs.
unrestrictedsexualstrategies;currento
status;histocompatibility.
•Relativematevalue;male-femaleratio
availablemates;status-linkeddistributi
resources;unpredictabilityofresource
availability.
.
.
EvolutionarySocialPsychology112
(cont’d)
MOTIVERELEVANTAFFORDANCESRELEVANTHEURISTIC
CUES
FUNCTIONALRESPONSE
“SYNDROMES”
FUNCTIONALLY-RELEVANTMODERATI
FACTORS
ToretainmatesOpportunities:Long-term
parentalalliances
Threats:Sexualinfidelity,
Mate-poaching
•Others’expressionsof
love,intimacy,
commitment;others’and
ownageandapparent
fertility.
•Partner’sflirtation
behaviors;presenceof
nearby,highmate-value,
opposite-sexindividuals.
•Ownexpressionsoflove,
intimacy,commitment;feelings
oflove;enhancedattentionto
other’sneeds;diminished
concernwithequitybetween
mates;biastowardviewing
matefavorably,otherpotential
partnerslessfavorably.
•Jealousy;mate-guarding;
enhancedvigilanceandmemory
fordesirablemembersofother
sex;aggressionagainstmateor
suspectedmate-poacher.
•Sharedchildren;ownmatevalue;own
resources;availabilityofdesirablealter
mates.
•Relativematevalue;ownresources;av
ofdesirablealternativemates;ovulator
Tocarefor
offspring
Opportunities:Enhanced
reproductivefitness
Threats:Especiallyhigh
costsimposedbychildren
•Apparentrelatednessof
child;physicalsimilarity
ofchild.
•Apparent(un)relatedness
ofchild;physical
(dis)similarityofchild;
child’shealth;health,age,
andotherqualitiesof
one’sotherchildren.
•Vigilancetochildandnearby
unfamiliarothers;feelingsof
parentallove;resource
provisionwithoutexpectation
ofreciprocity.
•Enhancedattentiontoone’s
otherchildren,ortoalternative
mate;withholdingof
resources;childabuse,
infanticide.
•Oxytocinlevels;gender;numberofoth
childrenofone’sown,siblings,or
nieces/nephews;ageofchild;availabili
tangibleresources.
•Degreeofpaternaluncertainty;step-par
ageofchild;numberofotherchildren
own,siblings,ornieces/nephews.
EvolutionarySocialPsychology113
MOTIVERELEVANTAFFORDANCESRELEVANTHEURISTIC
CUES
FUNCTIONALRESPONSE
“SYNDROMES”
FUNCTIONALLY-RELEVANTMODERATI
FACTORS
Toformand
maintain
cooperative
alliances
Opportunities:Share
resources,receivematerial
support,enhancedself-
protection,accesstomates
Threats:Exposureto
disease,cheating/free-riding,
incompetence,excessive
demands
•Familiarity;pastactsof
reciprocity,
trustworthiness;others’
adherencetogroup
norms;facial
characteristicssignaling
trustworthiness.
•Subjective“foreignness”
ofothers;unfamiliarityof
other;other’sactsof
cheating,normviolation.
•Feelingsoftrustandrespect;
commitmenttoother;
willingnesstoshare,
reciprocate;workwithothers
toachievegroupgoals;
adherencetogroupnorms.
•Hypersensitivitytounfair
exchangesdisease-linkedcues
orrejectioncuesinothers,;
sensitivitytoexistingsocial
norms;feelingsofmoral
disgust,fear,andanger;
stigmatizationandotherforms
ofinformalandformalsocial
control;tit-for-tatinteractional
strategies.
•Coalitionalidentityorinvestment;gen
“collectivistic”culturalcontextandpr
tokinnetworks;dispositionaltrustin
needforbelongingness,socialapprov
•Owninclinationstocheat;personal
vulnerabilitytodisease;location(cent
peripheral)withingroupnetwork.
ToseekstatusOpportunities:Status-
enhancingalliances,
improvedaccesstoresources
and(formales)mating
opportunities
Threats:Lossofstatus,
socialregard,status-linked
resourcesandmates
•Nonverbalstatus-
conferringdisplays(e.g.,
eye-contact,bodily
orientation,etc.)by
others;shiftsinexchange
rules;otherswillingness
toinvestinoneself.
•Nonverbaldominance
displaysbyothers;shifts
inexchangerules;lackof
apparentrespectfrom
others.
•Publicdisplaysofresources,
abilities(costlysignaling),
dominance,self-efficacy,
inclinationstowardleadership;
sensitivitytocuesimplying
one’sownpositioninhierarchy
andtopresenceofotherswith
similarconcerns.
•Embarrassment,shame;
vigilancetowardthosehigher
instatushierarchyandtoward
thoseontheirwayup;Join
withrelatedothersofsimilar
statustotrytooverthrow
currenthighstatus;denigrate
others.
•Currentstatuslevel;presenceofpotent
familialcoalitionalpartners;presence
desirable(female)mates.
•Currentstatuslevel;publicvsprivate
interactionalcontext;optimism,self-ef
EvolutionarySocialPsychology114