Drugs: education, prevention and policy,
Vol. 13, No. 3, June 2006, 247–261
The social contexts of drinking among
Irish men in London
MARY TILKI
School of Health and Social Sciences, Middlesex University, Queensway, Enfield, UK
Abstract
The article reports the alcohol-related findings of a qualitative study that examined health
beliefs and behaviours among Irish people in London. The findings elicited though key
informant and lay focus groups and semi-structured interviews, illuminated the social and
socioeconomic background to excessive alcohol use among middle-aged Irish men
who left Ireland in the 1960s and 1970s. The findings describe the economic role of the
pub and alcohol for men in the construction industry as well protecting them from
homesickness, isolation and alienation in an unwelcoming and hostile environment. They
illustrate the use of alcohol later in life to cope with physical and psychological pain, social
stress and the symptoms of mental illness. The use of alcohol as a culturally sanctioned
coping strategy is considered, exploring the ambivalent culture of alcohol in Ireland and in
particular the tolerance of excessive consumption among men. The article explores the
possibility that tolerant attitudes to alcohol in Ireland persist on migration to Britain and
are then confounded by a culture of binge drinking among young people in general. The
conclusion argues for further research and for culturally sensitive healthcare and health
promotion strategies that take account of cultural and structural factors impacting
on young Irish men in Britain. Current NHS policies on equality, alcohol and suicide
offer timely opportunities to address alcohol misuse in order to improve physical and
mental health and reduce the incidence of suicide among Irish men in Britain.
Keywords: Alcohol, drinking culture, subculture, stereotypes, Irish, Ireland, mental
health, masculinity
Introduction
This paper addresses the issue of alcohol misuse among Irish men in the UK and
focuses on the experiences of middle-aged men before going on explore whether
lessons can be learned that are applicable to younger groups in the UK.
Correspondence: Mary Tilki, School of Health and Social Sciences, Middlesex University,
Queensway, Enfield EN3 4SA, UK. Tel: þ44 (0)208 411 5150. Fax: +44 (0)208 411 6404.
E-mail: m.tilki@mdx.ac.uk
ISSN 0968–7637 print/ISSN 1465–3370 online ß 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09687630600577964
It explores the social contexts of problematic drinking since the 1960s and the
extent to which past patterns have continuing resonance for the Irish abroad. It
argues that addressing problem drinking among sections of the Irish community
in Britain requires that the context and experience of being Irish in Britain is
understood by policymakers and practitioners if health promotion and
therapeutic interventions are to be effective.
The background: Stereotypes, patterns and neglect
The stereotype of the Irish drunk is well known in popular and professional circles
and has created sensitivity around alcohol misuse by Irish people. As with most
stereotypes, it is comprised of a popular myth with a level of truth that helps to
sustain it and account for its persistence in Britain and elsewhere. While
adherence to this stereotype has a detrimental impact on Irish people, it is
important to recognize that there are real problems associated with the misuse of
alcohol among sections of the Irish community in the UK.
The 1999 Health Survey for England included Irish first and second generation
people in Britain for the first time and demonstrated that they were more likely
to drink alcohol and to drink more frequently than the general population or other
minority ethnic groups (Erens et al., 2001). Irish men and women were less
likely to be non-drinkers and both were much more likely to consume alcohol in
excess of the government recommendations. Greater amounts of alcohol were
responsible for the higher mean consumption levels for both Irish women and
men. Although the National Statistics Online website generally renders the Irish
invisible by incorporating them into the ‘White’ category, it unusually presents
a specific table based on the Health Survey for England identified by a
caption entitled ‘Alcohol consumption: Irish most likely to exceed advised levels’
(http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id ¼ 264). In a preliminary study,
McCambridge, Conlon, Keaney, Wanigaratne, and Strang (2004) compared
patterns of alcohol consumption among Irish pub drinkers in London and
Dublin. They found significantly higher alcohol consumption levels in London
than in Dublin. Based on the recommended weekly thresholds, drinkers in
London were much more likely than the Dubliners to be categorized in the high
consumption type and much less likely to fit into the low consumption type.
There was evidence of raised alcohol dependency scores in both cohorts with
male gender and younger age at higher risk.
The relationship between alcohol, mortality and morbidity among Irish
migrants was first reported almost 30 years ago (Cochrane, 1977) and at
intervals since (Cochrane & Bal, 1989; Dean, Downing, & Shelley, 1981). There
is substantial evidence that alcohol-related mortality in England and Wales
among Irish-born people is higher than in the general population or minority
ethnic groups (Harrison, Sutton, & Gardiner, 1997). Alcohol problems are
closely related to homelessness, marginalization, poverty, social isolation
and occupational history (Commander, Odell, Sashidaran, & Surtees, 1999a,
248 M. Tilki
1999b; Harrison & Carr-Hill, 1992; Harrison, Carr-Hill, & Sutton, 1993;
Harrison et al., 1997). Alcohol contributes in a significant way to physical and
mental ill-health and accounts for elevated admissions to both general and
psychiatric hospitals (Canning, Kennell-Webb, Marshall, Wessely, & Peters,
1999; Commander et al., 1999a, 1999b). In a study of hospital admissions, Walls
(1996) identified that Irish people admitted with psychiatric disorders were also
likely to have a secondary diagnosis of alcohol misuse. There is a high incidence of
suicide among the Irish community in Britain (Bracken, Greenslade, Griffin, &
Smyth, 1998; Leavey, 1999) and although no link has been made for Irish people
in England, there is a body of evidence linking suicide with alcohol and substance
misuse in Northern Ireland (Foster, 2001) and in the Republic of Ireland (Farren
& Martin, 2004).
There is some evidence that Irish people with alcohol problems are more likely
to be treated in psychiatric hospitals (Cochrane & Bal, 1989; Commander
et al., 1999a). Conversely a high proportion of clients seeking help from alcohol
treatment agencies in the UK are known to be Irish (Luce, Heather, & McCarthy,
1999). Irish voluntary sector organizations in England report that a significant
proportion of their work relates to providing advice and support to people with
a range of problems associated with the use of alcohol (Kowarzik, 2000, 2001).
In addition a number of Irish organizations in England provide culturally sensitive
services to people with mental health problems, many of which are compounded
by or in some way related to alcohol misuse. This in part reflects a lack of mental
health skill among GPs and other professionals in dealing with Irish
people presenting with alcohol problems (Tilki, 2003). A recent Department of
Health Report (NIMHE, 2003) highlights the offence caused by the alcohol
stereotype and points to the risk of misdiagnosing mental illness when Irish
culture is equated with alcohol problems. It is not clear whether Irish people
suffer general service problems around ‘dual diagnosis’ or whether they are
disproportionately labelled as having drink problems because of their cultural
identity. It is also possible that acknowledging an alcohol problem is less
stigmatizing for Irish people than admitting mental illness. Nonetheless, the
relationship between alcohol and mental ill-health is complex and must be
understood if Irish people are be helped to deal with either or both problems
effectively and sensitively.
Failure to address Irish misuse of alcohol
Despite this evidence and the persistence of the drunken stereotype there has
been scant attention by professionals and policy makers to addressing the
problem and there has been little research in the area. Foster (2003) suggests that
middle-aged Irish alcohol misusers are discriminated against and McCambridge
et al. (2004) argue that alcohol-related needs of young people are overlooked.
Some of this relates to the way in which ethnicity data are collected and used and
in particular the way in which the Irish are aggregated in the White majority
Drinking among Irish men in London 249
category making them invisible. Neglect may also be an acknowledgement of the
inappropriateness and insensitivity of the drunken stereotype but without a
clear strategy to deal with the real problem that exists in parts of the Irish
community. The greater emphasis on tackling drug misuse for all groups
also serves to disadvantage the Irish whose problems mainly relate to alcohol
(Foster, 2003).
Notwithstanding the lack of attention to the problem in policy and practice,
there is a growing body of evidence highlighting the need for urgent action.
Despite statistical evidence of increased mortality as well as mental and physical
morbidity from alcohol-related disorders among Irish people in Britain, there has
been limited attention to the issue. In particular there has been a neglect of the
social and cultural aspects of the problem. Sociological variants are at least as
important as physiological and psychological ones when trying to understand the
relationship between alcohol and human behaviour (Heath, 2000). If this deficit
is to be tackled, the role and functions of alcohol for Irish people must be
understood and must underpin health-promotion initiatives and strategies for
reducing consumption. According to Butler (2002) behavioural change can only
be achieved through a balance of emphasis on the individual and structural
factors that shape health. Health promotion at individual or community level
must be underpinned by an understanding of the social context of unhealthy
patterns of alcohol consumption.
The analysis
This article discusses the social context of problematic alcohol consumption
among middle-aged Irish men in the UK, exploring changes that have taken place
and continuities that appear to persist over time. It describes the alcohol-related
findings from a wider qualitative study into the health of Irish people in
London, which explored social, cultural and economic factors, health beliefs
and behaviours (Tilki, 2003). The main investigation collected data from three
key informant and two lay focus groups and twenty individual in-depth interviews
with Irish born men and women aged 30 and over. Data were analysed using
NUD*IST software and adhered to the principles of data reduction, display
and verification proposed by Miles and Huberman (1994). In addition to
providing contemporary explanations for Irish health disadvantage, the study
revealed information about lifestyle factors and health behaviour that are
pertinent to policy and practice. One dominant and recurrent theme throughout
the data was the issue of alcohol consumption among Irish men and the
consequent implications for alcohol and mental health practice, health promotion
and policy.
This article is based on selected information about alcohol-related health
matters that emerged in the study and which relates to data collected from a focus
group of older Irish men and a key informant focus group of professionals
working predominantly with Irish people. It also includes interview material from
250 M. Tilki
four Irish men aged between 47 and 61, two of whom were single, living in
supported housing and attending an Irish voluntary sector organization for help
with social, health and alcohol/mental health problems. Of the other two, one was
single and living in the private rented sector and the other was in a long-term
relationship and lived in local authority housing. The latter two men, who
described themselves as very occasional drinkers, were recruited purposively as
people who were in good health (in contrast to others targeted because of
particular health problems). However, during the interview it became apparent
that the man in the long-term relationship (Int. M9) had suffered severe mentalhealth
problems in the past, which had been misdiagnosed as alcohol-related
mental illness. This subsample of the total comprises a third of all male
interviewees and provides narrative material that represents a cross-section
of perceptions and experiences. The excerpts recount a complex relationship
between social, socioeconomic and psychosocial factors and alcohol and elucidate
a recurrent theme in the main study.
The centrality of the pub
The social role of the pub for Irish men is documented both in popular literature
(Keane, 1993; MacAmhlaigh, 1964, 1985; Macken, 1949) and in scholarly work
(Greenslade, 1995, 1997). Men who emigrated to the UK in the 1950s and
1960s, migrated as single people and worked predominantly in the informal
economy of the construction industry known as ‘the lump’. They were employed
by building contractors on a casual basis, paid cash in hand and moved all over
the UK, wherever their labour was needed. The ‘Irish’ pub was central to this
shadow economy as the place where contractors recruited men, where they were
picked up, dropped off and paid their wages after a day of casual labour (Cowley,
2001; MacAmhlaigh, 1964). However, it was not socially acceptable to return
home at the end of a day’s work, as there was an expectation that the work gang
repair to the pub for the rest of the evening. Men who withstood this peer
pressure were deemed poor mixers and risked not being offered further work
(MacAmhlaigh, 1985). The concept of the pub as a ‘third place’, a space between
work and home (Oldenburg, 1999) is apt for past and present migrants. For Irish
men in Britain the pub operated as a ‘home from home’ as well as an extension of
the workplace.
Se´amus (lay focus group), now in his late sixties, describes the experience of
living in London in the early 1960s:
When I came here first, I found that the majority of people my age when they came to this
country there was no other place to go, only the pub. It was the only place to meet your mates.
I was a Pioneer (abstainer) when I came to this country but I was living in an oul room, coming
from work and getting the tea and going to going out again. Looking at the four walls.
The entertainment was basically the pub, there was no other place to go.
Although the pub had an important economic function for Irish men in Britain,
its wider social functions cannot be underestimated. It afforded an escape from
overcrowded and inhospitable digs, shared with strangers and where visitors were
Drinking among Irish men in London 251
not allowed. ‘Irish’ pubs were a refuge from wider social isolation and alienation,
offering a safe cultural environment to meet old friends, get news from home and
enjoy camaraderie, craic (fun) and music. While Oldenburg’s (1999) more-recent
idea of the ‘third space’ is broadly applicable for many groups, the ‘Irish pub’ had,
and arguably still has, an additional and important dimension. Irish people have
faced racism, discrimination and harassment over the decades but particularly in
the wake of the Prevention of Terrorism Act in 1974 (Hickman & Walter, 1997).
This act gave draconian powers to the police but also appeared to legitimize antiIrish
sentiment, suspicion and harassment by members of the public (Hillyard,
1993). The ‘Irish’ pub offered an escape from hostility and afforded a safe space
to be Irish and to interact with other Irish people and cope with isolation.
Shane (key informant focus group) is a social worker working within the Irish
community in London explains differences in Irish migration patterns:
Many Irish people emigrated alone and there isn’t the extended family here in the same way as
there is for other ethnic groups and it [the pub] does help, otherwise you’re sitting indoors on
your own.
According to Heath (2000) the public drinking place has a key function in
facilitating sociability and alcohol promotes relaxation and conviviality. In most
cultures, rules around drinking stipulate that alcohol is consumed in a sharing
social context with goodwill and bonhomie. The public space of the pub enabled
Irish men from different counties, working with different contractors or at distant
parts of large construction sites to socialize with friends and get to know others.
It was particularly important for significant numbers of men from Gaeltacht (Irish
speaking) areas who spoke very limited English. In addition to the alcohol, music,
cards and games whiled away the hours for Irish men with no ‘home’ to go to,
kept them in touch with their culture and protected them from homesickness,
loneliness and isolation.
A drinking subculture
While the pub had an economic function for Irish men, it also played a significant
role in challenging the status hierarchies that existed on building sites. Alcohol
has long been regarded as a social leveller and drinking places provide for
communication between people of different ranks and status (SIRC, 1998).
Drinking establishments in different societies have norms and expectations of
behaviour irrespective of social rank (Træen & Rossow, 1994). The egalitarian
atmosphere of the ‘Irish’ pub and the impact of alcohol were in contrast to the
hierarchies on a building site (Cowley, 2001; MacAmhlaigh, 1964). Irish pubs in
different parts of the world are known for an oral culture of ‘slagging’, a
supposedly egalitarian levelling process aimed at challenging pretentiousness and
retaining control (Share, 2003). The influence of alcohol and the flattened social
structure of the pub allowed subbies (subcontractors) or gangers (foremen) to be
teased, taken down a peg or at least spoken to without deference and with
impunity. Conversely, prowess at conversation, cards or darts, a good singing
252 M. Tilki
voice or the ability to play an instrument afforded men with little status as
labourers, a measure of prestige and self-esteem.
Drinking norms in most cultures include the reciprocal giving of alcohol
(Heath, 2000) and are a central part of constructing and maintaining social,
political and economic networks (SIRC, 1998). Reciprocity is inherent in the
rules governing drinking and invariably includes rituals such as buying rounds
(Heath, 2000).
Walter (lay focus group), a former labourer, describes the expectations of the
building trade in the 1960s and 1970s:
On building jobs, sure you had to row in with them and go along with them whether you liked it
[drinking] or not. It used to be about 10 or 12 pints a night. And maybe two whiskey
chasers . . . .
While it was deemed unmanly and miserly for an Irish man not to buy a round, it
was equally frowned upon and even insulting not to accept the drink bought by
another (Cowley, 2001; MacAmhlaigh, 1964). In the informal economy of ‘the
lump’ men could ill afford not to buy a round when their work largely relied
on social networks. In addition the social credit accrued when in work offset the
leaner times when no work was available. Although the pattern of buying rounds
first appears to be egalitarian, it is burdensome both economically and socially
and the system of rounds meant that Irish men drank more as a group and for
longer than they would have done as individuals. Cowley (2001) argues that
subcontractors and publicans who offered advances on wages, delayed cashing
cheques and encouraged a credit through a ‘slate’, contributed to the heavy and
prolonged drinking of Irish men in the construction industry.
Drinking and masculinity
The ability to drink heavily was closely related to perceptions of masculinity.
Alcohol and the pub are important in the construction and the maintenance of
masculinity in many cultures, not least among the Irish in Britain. There are many
drink-related rituals associated with achieving the status of manhood (Heath,
2000; Connell, 1987) and concerns about the association of alcohol and
masculinity pervade contemporary literature (Harnett et al., 2000). Rites of
passage around alcohol exist in most cultures and the first alcoholic drink in a pub
continues to be a ‘coming of age’ and acceptance into male company in Ireland
(Share, 2003).
Peter (key informant focus group), a worker in an Irish community
organization, identifies the role of alcohol in transition from adolescence to
adulthood and highlights how men in the building industry remain part of a
drinking subculture:
For very young men it is still a rite of passage, the whole thing about getting into drink and
proving yourself . . . proving yourself as a true Irish man. But most men grow out of that [culture
of heavy drinking], but some men remain in, who mix with that kind of crowd still continue
particularly . . . historically on the building sites and that, you socialize by going out and
drinking, but very heavy drinking.
Drinking among Irish men in London 253
Several authors identify the link between conceptions of masculinity and ability to
consume alcohol without exhibiting the impairments of intoxication though not
necessarily for Irish men (Heath, 2000; Mandelbaum, 1965; Westermeyer, 1985).
Peace’s (1992) study of fishermen in Ireland highlighted the requirement for them
to ‘hold their liquor’ and remain in control even having imbibed heavily. This is
echoed in a number of historical, biographical and fictional accounts of Irish men
in the UK construction trade (Cowley, 2001; Keane, 1993; MacAmhlaigh, 1964,
1985). However, the same accounts also emphasize the significance of physical
strength and capacity for hard work as aspects of masculine identity. They describe
how men with nicknames like Mule Kennedy, Bull Gallagher, Big Mick or
Elephant John and others ‘horsed it out’, digging trenches, tunnelling, pulling cable
or laying concrete. Masculinity for Irish men was constructed on the basis of
physical (animal) strength and the ability to consume large volumes of alcohol
without staggering, being sick or out of control. It is therefore significant that when
men were unable to work because of redundancy or ill-health, their whole image
of themselves as men came under threat.
Alcohol as self-medication
The nature of work, unsafe working conditions and lifestyle have taken a toll on
the health of Irish men as degenerative disorders and industrial injuries contribute
to excess economic inactivity in middle-age (Aspinall, 2001). Physical illness
expedites exit from the labour market and psychological ill-health and alcohol
misuse often follow. The pub helps maintain continuity with the past and affords
opportunities for odd jobs or occasional work when health allows (Tilki, 2003).
Alcohol may be used to cope with physical pain or depression, to bolster selfesteem
and deal with the emasculating effects of physical incapacity, economic
inactivity or both. There is increasing awareness of the use of alcohol as a form of
medication by Irish people. Tilki (2003) identified a stoic attitude to pain among
Irish men and a particular reluctance to take medication, preferring to rely on the
distraction, analgesic or amnesic effects of a few drinks. The following excerpt
from a man in chronic pain reflects the main study narratives of several former
construction workers, redundant or long-term sick at end of the 1990s (Tilki,
2003). It also shows how alcohol and the company of the pub dulled the pain
initially but in time led to dependence. Int. M6:
I just suffer on and going to the pub and a few jars and forgetting all about them [pains and
aches], until the next day anyway. It [alcohol] was a way of blocking out pain. It takes the edge
off the pain. There’s an element of pleasure in it to begin with but then the addiction, the whole
lifestyle becomes associated with it.
There is a complex relationship between the construction industry, a subculture
of drinking and the use of alcohol to cope with redundancy or ill-health and this
may not be substantially different in any working-class culture. However in her
study Tilki (2003) uncovered an additional Irish dimension, the impact of which
should not be underestimated.
254 M. Tilki
There is now widespread evidence that young people fleeing institutional and
family abuses in Ireland from the 1950s until the 1970s came to Britain. They
invariably had little formal education and were consequently forced to find work
in unskilled occupations. Although not confined to labouring in the building
trade, Tilki (2003) encountered a number of men (and women) who attributed
their alcohol dependence and related mental and physical illness to earlier
childhood factors.
The following man, a heavy drinker with both physical and mental health
problems, described how he used alcohol to deal with flash-backs, which he still
suffered almost fifty years after physical, psychological and sexual abuse in an
industrial school in Dublin. Int. M7:
I’m not saying it [the memory of abuse] hits me every day. It doesn’t, but it does now and
again, I can’t sleep, it starts, this coming back into the mind.
Another man cited below had recovered from mental illness originating in
childhood sexual abuse by a family member. His mental ill-health was
compounded by the use of alcohol and in turn impacted on the treatment
offered (or not) by medical practitioners. Int. M9:
If you take away the Irishness and leave the drink—anybody who drinks the extent that I drank,
there must be something wrong with them. I drank and I kind of couldn’t handle it. I never
drank continuously. Every now again I could go loopy, stressed out, and I used alcohol and
occasionally street drugs. So, yes, I was suicidal. To be honest there wasn’t a day went by when
I wasn’t suicidal. But could I get help? I was sitting in the waiting room reciting nursery rhymes
and poems and talking rubbish and the general public could tell I was mad. But nobody was
prepared to work with me or help me. ‘You are a drunk.’ The result to that is I ended up being
arrested.
While this man believed his illness originated in child sexual abuse, the excerpt
reflects the experience of other Irish people with mental health problems (Tilki,
2003). The use of alcohol to deal with the symptoms of mental illness resulted in
a cycle of despair when his failure to access help increased his consumption and
eventually led to a suicide attempt.
Alcohol: A culturally sanctioned coping strategy?
There is evidence of a relationship between the experience of being Irish and the
use of alcohol to cope with physical or psychological pain and social alienation
(Tilki, 2003). Higher levels of alcohol and dangerous patterns of consumption are
not confined to Irish people but are evident in many deprived groups (Erens et al.,
2001; Wardle et al., 1999). However although structural factors engender
psychosocial stress, culture appears to determine the acceptability of certain
health behaviours as coping strategies. Using alcohol as a form of release is a
culturally acceptable coping strategy for Irish people and plays a significant role in
coping with stress and illness and providing pleasure for Irish men and women
(Tilki, 2003). There is no indication that Irish people lack knowledge about the
link between alcohol and ill-health but consumption is influenced by wider
social factors and is closely linked with the experience of being Irish in London
Drinking among Irish men in London 255
(Tilki, 2003). Lupton (1995) argues that people choose to indulge in healthharming
behaviour because it is pleasurable and, for some, because life is mostly
outside their control. Using alcohol not only affords pleasure in a difficult life but
affords a sense of control in a world where one has little influence.
While alcohol may afford a sense of control for disadvantaged and deprived
people it is less likely to be so for more privileged groups. It is more likely to relate
to the growing use of what Pellegrino (1976) and Warburton (1978) refer to as
‘chemical comforters’ and part of a culture that involves an absence of anxiety,
anger or stress. Despite being aware of the negative consequences of excessive
consumption the more affluent participants in Tilki’s (2003) study saw few
reasons to change their behaviour. Chamberlain and O’Neill (1998) and Lupton
(1995) argue that people from higher socioeconomic groups feel in control and
believe they are responsible for their own destiny. In engaging in health-harming
behaviour it is possible that they believe that other aspects of their lives will
protect them and they will be able to alter if and when they decide to do so
(Chamberlain & O’Neill, 1998; Lupton, 1995). However, this denies the risk of
dependency or the unanticipated adverse consequences that can result from just
one single heavy-drinking occasion. It is acknowledged that the use of alcohol to
deal with physical and social stress is not confined to the Irish community.
However, in view of concerns about Irish mental health, the high incidence of
suicide and recent anxieties about patterns of drinking, it is reasonable to consider
cultural factors that might need to be addressed.
Disentangling the relationship between alcohol and Irishness
Almost three decades ago, Cochrane (1977) offered three hypotheses to explain
the high incidence of mental illness among the Irish in Britain. His suggestion that
patterns of high consumption in Ireland were reflected in the drinking behaviours
of Irish migrants in the UK evoked criticism and much offence at the time.
Almost thirty years later McCambridge et al. (2004) suggest that hazardous
drinking patterns are normative among young people in both London and
Dublin. Although cautious about the generalizability of their sample, they
question the relationship between being Irish in England and the continuation of
some Irish drinking practices on moving to London. Concerns exist in the UK
and Europe about alcohol consumption among youth in general, but the
McCambridge study suggests that the Irish in London differ in one significant
respect. While the frequency of consumption was similar to the UK population in
general, levels of consumption were higher, reflecting those reported in Ireland by
the Strategic Task-force on Alcohol (2002). McCambridge et al. (2004) also
noted a high rate of parental history of alcohol problems in their samples in both
London and Dublin. While there are clearly many variables at play, questions
must be asked about attitudes to alcohol in Ireland that might continue to be
relevant to Irish people in the UK. Greenslade (1995) and Butler (2002) highlight
tolerant attitudes to drink and drink-related problems in Ireland, which co-exist
256 M. Tilki
with high levels of abstinence. Given the large numbers of young Irish-born,
second and third generation Irish people in the UK, and the concerns around
binge drinking in general, it is important to question the potential cultural
influences involved.
Ireland: An ambivalent alcohol culture
Share (2003) argues that Ireland is unusual in that a culture of teetotalism
coexists with one of high alcohol consumption. Although there has always been
and continues to be a high level of abstinence in Ireland, there is evidence of
increasing alcohol consumption with rates rising from second lowest in Europe
1989 to second highest in 2002 (Strategic Task-force on Alcohol, 2002). The
number of abstainers has declined and is still two- to three-times higher than
other European states, but it does not account for the increased per capita
consumption of alcohol (Simpura & Karlsson, 2001). The high levels of
abstention suggest particularly high consumption and research shows that
people in the Irish Republic are more likely to engage in binge drinking than
their European counterparts (Sla´n, 2003). There are gender and age differences
but the problem is greater for younger people and especially for men who
experience more adverse and harmful consequences of drinking (http://
www.healthpromotion.ie/uploaded_docs/Irish_Drinking_Culture.PDF).
Cassidy (1998) describes attitudes towards alcohol consumption and alcoholism
in Ireland as ambivalent since alcohol is condemned while at the same time
having a key role in society. Ireland is a culture of both abstinence and excess
(Ferriter, 1999) and drink is seen as both a pleasure and a problem (Inglis, 2002).
The dichotomous attitudes of tolerance and abstention contribute to ambivalence
and present an obstacle to acknowledging and dealing with alcohol problems
(Greenslade, 1995). The focus on abstention means that young people are not
taught to drink safely as they are in more permissive alcohol cultures in Southern
Europe. In the absence of suitable role models those who do not want to follow
the route of abstinence learn only to drink excessively. The problem is currently
magnified by high levels of disposable income and the aggressive marketing of
alcohol products. While binge drinking among young people is a concern in many
countries, it is possible that ambivalent attitudes in Ireland mean it becomes less
a rite of passage and more a way of life, especially for men. Greenslade (1995)
describes the problem of alcoholism as ‘a good man’s fault’, where the heavy
drinker is treated with forbearance rather than disapproval. He suggests that in
the Irish culture of masculinity the heavy drinker is not lionized but neither is he
seen as particularly aberrant. Some research locates this tolerance of high alcohol
consumption in Catholicism, a key aspect of Irish identity at home and abroad.
It has been shown that even many generations following migration, Irish culture
cannot be divorced from the influence of Catholicism, which has affected a
greater tolerance towards alcohol misuse among Catholic families when
compared with Protestant families (Walls, 2005). The limited research that
Drinking among Irish men in London 257
exists in this area questions whether ambivalent attitudes from Ireland persist
among Irish people in the UK and perpetuate alcohol-related problems among
younger Irish men.
Alcohol and the pub in the wider context of being Irish in Britain
Patterns of migration from Ireland have changed and with a few exceptions it is
mainly young professionals who leave home to enhance their careers in Britain
(Walter, 2002). While it is crucial to tackle the destructive aspects of alcohol
consumption it is also important not to lose sight of the possible benefits it may
have for Irish people away from their homeland. Aside from its economic, albeit
declining, function in relation to the construction industry, the pub still provides
a meeting place for those living in poor accommodation or more commonly
now those living in disparate parts of London. The ‘Irish’ pub offers a sense of
community for those who are reluctant to access other opportunities for social
contact such as the Church or the local Irish centre. There is evidence that
younger Irish people are uncomfortable identifying with a traditional Irish scene
in a 1950s time warp (Tilki, 2003). Therefore the pub, whether authentically
Irish or themed, is more likely to afford access to contemporary Irish music and
culture and an environment where it is safe to be Irish. Health-related behaviours
such as alcohol use and smoking reflect the wider patterning of social life. Given
the persistent stress experienced by sections of the Irish community, the potential
for culture shock and homesickness and continued perceptions of ‘otherness’
(Tilki, 2003), the camaraderie of the pub and the pleasure, release and selfindulgence
associated with alcohol must not be underestimated.
Conclusion
Alcohol misuse among Irish people in Britain is clearly fraught with sensitivity for
both policy makers and practitioners. It is acknowledged that binge drinking is
common among young men from many different backgrounds and that there is a
particular danger of stereotyping Irish people. However, there is evidence of a
significant problem now and a burgeoning one for the future if the issue is not
tackled with urgency and sensitivity. Research on the alcohol culture of Ireland
suggests excessive drinking norms (Ramsted & Hope, 2005; Sla´n, 2003), an
absence of moderate drinking role models (Share, 2003), and a culture of
masculinity linked closely to high alcohol consumption (Greenslade, 1995; Peace,
1992). There is no evidence that confirms that attitudes and behaviours in Ireland
are continued on emigration to Britain but neither is there any to the contrary.
Given the unequivocal poor physical and mental health, high levels of suicide and
concerns about dangerous patterns of consumption among Irish men (and
women) in Britain, urgent action is needed at national and local policy level.
There is a clear need for further research and for campaigns targeted towards the
Irish community in order to create the social change needed to make moderate
258 M. Tilki
consumption acceptable and binge drinking unacceptable. This must be done
with sensitivity and should take a harm-minimization rather than an abstinence
approach with therapeutic activities that are sensitive to the social and cultural
contexts of drinking. The NHS Alcohol, Delivering Race Equality and Suicide
Strategies afford timely opportunities to address the needs of Irish people and
there is both a strong business case and a moral one for doing so.
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