L The Philosophy of Tao Chinese civilization and the Chinese character would have been utterly different if the hook Lao Tzu had never been written. In fact, even Confucianism, the dominant system in Chinese history and thought, would not have been the same, for like Buddhism, it has not escaped Taoist influence. No one can hope to understand Chinese philosophy, religion, government, art, medidne, and even cooking without a real appreciation of the profound philosophy taught in this little book. It is true that while Confucianism emphasizes social order and an active life, Taoism concentrates on individual life and tranquility, thus suggesting that Taoism plays a secondary role. But in opposing Confucian conformity with nonconformity and opposing Confucian worldliness with a transcendental spirit, Taoism is Confucianism's severe critic. In its doctrines on government, on cultivating and preserving life, and on handling things, it is fully Confucianism's equal. 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND THE TAOIST REACTION In some respects Taoism goes even deeper into the way of life, so much so that while every ancient Chinese school taught its own Way ('flo), Taoism alone is known by that name. And in spite of the fact that in the last twenty centuries the influence of Taoist philosophy has not been comparable to that of Confucianism or Buddhism, it has remained an important part of the backbone of every aspect of Chinese civilization. How this movement came to be strong and unique is still surrounded by mystery, for many questions about its historical origin, its founder, and the book in which its basic doctrine« are set forth remain to be answered. The dispute continues as to whether Lao Tzu lived in the sixth or fourth century b.c.. s and whether the Lao Tzu, also called the Taote thing (The Classic of the Way and Its Virtue), is a product of the Spring and Autumn period (722-481 b.c.) or the Warring States times -^ ^ (403-222 o.e.). One thing is sure, however. Although the name *2tJ&-_ "Taoist school" was not mentioned until the first century ^Bf. b.c.,1 the movement must have been going on Cor centuries. ^ caL. Tradition says that ancient philosophical schools emerged *fl^c*^*; from governmental offices, and Taoism in particular from that i%\~*»'f of the historian. What it really means is that they arose in fo+ws*. response to actual historical situations. Unlike ancient Greek t^«4u»L speculation on Nature or ancient Indian contemplation on "i-*-/*^ the spirit, Chinese philosophies, whether Confucianism or ^y^o Taoism, grew as a result of deplorable conditions of the time. Thus Taoism arose in opposition to existing practices and systems, on the one hand, and: on the other, offered a new way of life that is as challenging as it is profound. . _ _.* By the time of Confucius (551-479 b.c.), the house of Chou ~'r^c had been in power for more than half a millennium. It now showed many cracks and its foundation was shaking. Feudal lords began to usurp power, setting up virtually independent states, and war was rampant. Autocratic rulers indulged in extravagant ceremonial feasts, displayed fine weapons, and tried to outdo each other in cunning and strategy, all at the expense of the people. 1-awj and punishment were their last resort to handle the restless masses. A poet, echoing the real sentiment of the people, cried bitterly: Large rats! Large rats! Don't you eat our millet! We have endured you for three years. But you have shown no regard for us. We will leave you. And go to that happy land! Happy landl Happy land! Where we shall be at ease.8 I The- footnotes follow each of rhe ihrce pare« of ih-e Introduction. See-p 31. 4 / The Way of Lao Tzu At the same time Chinese society was entering upon a new era. Iron was more and more extensively used in place of bronze, thus putting the chief metal into the hands of more people and making it easier to produce utensils, weapons, and means of transportation. Agriculture and handicraft became gradually separated. Trade and business grew, and towns and cities developed. Feudal lords increasingly turned to the common people for talents to win wars and to put their own houses in order. Feudalism was unmistakably on the decline and the common man was definitely on the rise. It was a time for both destroying the old and constructing the new. Lao Tzu did both.3 On the destructive side, Lao Tzu launched severe attacks on political institutions and social mores. "The people starve because the ruler eats too much tax-grain," he declared (ch. 75). Such z ruler will bring his own collapse. "When gold and jade fill your hall," he said, "you will not be able to keep them. To be proud with honor and wealth is to cause one's own downfall" (9). It is futile to subjugate people with force, for "the more laws and orders are made prominent, the more thieves and robbers there will be" (57). Since "the people are not afraid of death," he asked, "why, then, threaten them with death?" (74). As to war, it is a symptom of the decline of man. "When Tao prevails in the world, galloping horses are turned back to fertilize (the fields with their dung). When Tao does not prevail in the world, war horses thrive in die suburbs" (46). There were those who offered the doctrines of humanity /: (jen), righteousness, rules of propriety («') and wisdom as remedies for the degeneration, but he regarded these as no less symptoms of chaos. To him, "propriety is a superficial expression of loyalty and faithfulness, and the beginning of disorder" (38). "When the great Tao declined," he said, "the doctrine of humanity and righteousness arose. When knowledge and wisdom appeared, there emerged great hypocrisy" (18). Therefore, he said, "Abandon sageliness and discard wisdom; then the people will benefit a hundredfold. Abandon humanity and discard righteousness; then the people will return to filial piety The Way of Lao Tzu / 5 and deep love. Abandon skill and discard prolil; then liiere will be no thieves or robbers" (19). These outcries have led Hu Shin (1891-1962) to call Lao Tzu a rebel.* If this sounds like an exaggeration, let us remind ourselves that throughout Chinese history Taoism has always been the philosophy of the minority and the suppressed, and that secret societies, in their revoll against oppressive rulers, have often raised the banner of Taoism. 2. THE MEANING OF TAO The far more important clement in Lao Tzu's teachings is, however, the constructive one. This is his formulation of the philosophy of Tao. In this he evolved a concept that had never been known in China before, a concept that served not only as the standard for man but for all things as well. The word tao consists of one element meaning a head and another meaning to run. It means that on which something or someone goes, a path, or road, later extended to mean "method." "principle," "truth," and finally "reality." All of this is well summed up in the common English translation, "the "Way." It is a cardinal concept in praoirally all ancient Chinese philosophical schools. Hitherto the connotation had been social and moral, but in Lao Tzu it connotes for the first lime the metaphysical. It is the "mother" (1, 52) and "ancestor" (4) of all things. It exists before heaven and earth (25). It is the "storehouse" of things (62). It is at once their principle of being and their substance. "All things depend on it for life" (34). In its substance it is "invisible," "inaudible," "vague and elusive" (14. 35), indescribable and above shape and form (14. 41). It is one, a unity behind all multiplicity (14, 42). It is single like an uncarved block that has not been split up into individual pieces or covered up with superficial adornment (28, 32). It is everlasting and unchangeable (7, 16. 25). It is all-pervasive and "flows everywhere" (34). "It operates everywhere and is free from danger" (25). Use it and you "will never wear it out" (6y "While vacuous, it is never exhausted" (5). It dc- 6 / The Way of Lao Tiu pends on nothing (25). It is natural (25), for it comes into existence by itself and is its own principle for being. It is the "great form" (35). It is nameless (wu-ming) (l, 32, 37, 41), and if one is forced to give it a name, he can only call it "great," that is, unlimited in space and time (1, 25). It is nameless because it is not a concrete, individual thing or describable in particular terms- Above all, it is non-being (wit) (1, 40). "All things in the world come from being. And being comes from non-being" (40). This concept of non-being is basic in Lao Tzu's thought. As Chuang Tzu (between 399 and 295 a.c.) said, the system of Lao Tzu is "based on the principles of non-being and being." *^>-In a sense being and non-being are of equal importance. They complement and produce each other (12). "Let there always be non-being," Lao Tzu says, and "let there always be being" (1). As Fung Yu-lan has said, by non-being is not meant that there was a time when nothing but non-being existed, but logically non-being must be prior because before beings come into existence, there raust be something before them.0 In the final analysis, then, non-being is the ultimate, and in Chuang Tzu's statement it comes first. On the surface non-being seems to be empty and devoid of everything. Actually, this is not the case. It is devoid of limitations but not devoid of definite characteristics. Han Fei Tru (d. 233 B.c.), the first commentator on Lao Tzu, did not understand Tao in the negative sense of emptiness but in the positive sense o£ involving definite principles. He says: Tao is that by which all things become what they are. It is that will) which all principles (/í) are commensurable. Jj Principles are patterns according to which all things come into being, and Tao is the cause of their being. Therefore it is said that Tao puts things in order (íí). Everything has its own principle different from that of others, and Tao is com-mensurate with all of them. . . . According to definite principles, there are existence and destruction, life and death, and flourish and decline. . . . What is eternal has neither change nor any definite, particular principle itself. Since it The Way of Lao Tzu / 7 OB 3 í» ft n ň Cf 3 rr- R S" P ŕ Q S' p» O i " p* rp -i u S •i O II II I! I I K tit - 5 ^. í c. f Krt S «í 2 g 4 ^ te a -S » ti*** * s S a «1 s « 2 I * " S = H 2 £ .5 S 2 « . > *> u «-• u — '5 «-S - « 8 u -, S .s «?a o o JfjlŠ s s „ •IM ■S Já .5 2 -S ä -a > -s 2 íá ^ Ml « 2 -e a 2. -a £ 2 y S í s i a J! 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So far as potentiality is concerned, there is really no difference between "power" and "virtue." As the Webster's International Dictionary defines it, virtue is "active n j^ quality or power; capacity or power adequate to a production ~*p Vú* of a given effect." If it is objected that "virtue," to ordinary '/? íífeu people* does not mean this, but means moral excellence, the an- ^ -^g. swer is that ordinary people do not understand "power" in ->? v— this sen«e but in the sense of force, which is diametrically op- *** &?~ posed to the teachings oE the Lao Tzu. The Lao Tzu itself says that "The all-embracing quality of the great virtue follows alone from the Tao" (21). If in one's life one follows Tao, that is virtue indeed.28 What is tbc life of virtue? It requires the usual moral qualities taught in almost alt ethical systems. To Lao Tzu, deep love, frugality, and nat-dajing to be ahead of the world are "three treasures," and because of them one becomes courageous, generous, and leader of the world (67). He urges us to love the earth in our dwelling, love what is profound in our hearts,, love humanity in our associations, love faithfulness in our words. love order in government, love competence in handling affairs, and love timeliness in our activities (8). He wants us to maintain steadfast quietude and to be tranquil, enlightened, all-embracing, impartial, one with Nature, an 2. r r ft &r?ii 12 E^ ~ En G-ÖUft">oife LS n— C" S* <§ n -í 3 »■a S - r« c. B f. ŕfi o-;i_cJa5 2 S b t g 9. B ^ m _ T ft r» r _ B Kg K Q "?a?a? d ^x « "? S o p-fe-rl» "a! Vr ™ "5. w r- ff 5- w ? ? Í t|- J < B 2i|f*Í|l 2 o & 3 "o 5 3 5 P H ň 0 € &5 cr i» a. 5' ju r." 5-g 2. =•=■-, s-1 a« = 'řšsrí| = 2.fi|š- 8 i J 5" SI S. B ô S" § \\\ Oíí O -^ ft ~"3 "• H " ft 2. o -o = ftftuS«o7-S^Oft v- x c. 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WUh regard to one's destiny, Lao Tzu aims at returning to it, while Confucius aims BE establish-2- ing it- Metaphysically, the basic concept of Lao Tzu is non-being while that of Confucius is being. Politically, Lao Tru jM) leaves people to their own transformation» whereas Confucius 1 insists on transforming them through education, moral guid- anccand personal influence. Lao Tzu wanířuYTc-"r>econie one with PJature, while Confucius wants us to become one with Heayen. Both seem to advocate forming one body with all tilings, but while in Lao Tzu the subject and all objects are to be interfused and unified, in Confucius there is a gradation from being affectionate to relatives;, being humane to all people, and finally being kind to all things." All in all, it is not incorrect to say, as popular writers do say, that the philosophy off Lao Tzu is for the individual while that of Confucius is Cor society, and that the former is for the aged while the latter is for the young. Surely the Taoism of Lao Tzu is more feminine and Confucianism more masculine. One is unmistakably more passive and the other, more active. Lao Tzu did not even mention any ancient king,M while Confucius loved and eulogized them. Lao Tzu rejected ceremonial and musical institutions, but Confucius promoted them. This is interesting because Lao Tzu, according to tradition, was an expert on these matters, on which Confucius went to consult him. Some scholars have tried to explain these differences by saying that while Lao Tzu came from Ch'u, south of the Yellow River, where culture was characterized by the ideal of weakness, Confucius grew up and taught in Lu, north of the river, where the ideal was strength. This geographical factor is one of those on which Hu Shih has based his theory that Lao Tzu was a ju (literati) of the old type, that of the weak, whereas Confucius was a ;« of a new lype, that of the strong.87 Perhaps the differences are due to the fact that Lu was historically, politically, and culturally a strong center, whereas although Lao Tzu served as a curator of archives in the capital of Chon. he originally came from the j small and oppressed state of Ch'cn. Consequently, Lao Tru (1 took the attitude of protest against government and criticism IB / The Way *>f Lao Tzu of institutions, whereas Confucius directed his efforts to pauici-pation in governjnent-Bnd-promoting-cuUut-c—Jt may have been that,"raving been keeper of records at the capital. Lao Tru saw at close range the vices of social and political institutions more clearly than did Confucius. All these suggestions are no more than idle speculation, however. It is more profitable to note the similarities between them in order to offset the possible impression that the teachings of Lao Tzu and Confucius are irreconcilable. A number of similarities are pointed out in the comments on the various chapters. Suffice it to mention here that__^oth are primarily in-terestcdin moral^soxiali-aiid politico! re[r»im, that both-cherish the same basic values,suclias humanity, righteousness,38 deep love,and fai thfulness. Both oppose the use of force and punishment. Both avoid extremes ancMeach thc-golden rule. Roth highly esteem the integrity of the individual and social harmony, although their approaches are different. By implication, at least, both emphasize the goodness of human nature and the potentiality of all to become sages* It-is because of these and other similarities that Taoism and Confucianism run harmoniously parallel throughout Chinese history so that every Chinese is at once a Taoist and a Confucianist- Another similarity between Lao Tzu and Confucius is that just as Confucius' teachings were developed by Mencius (S71-289 b.c.). so those of Lao Tzu were developed by Chuang T/u. Mencius and Chuang Tzu were contemporaries but were probably not aware ol each other. Instead of comparing these two, however, it is more necessary here to compare Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu. They are often referred to as Lao-Chuang, as if their doctrines were the same or those of Chuang Tzu "but an elaboration of Lao Tru's philosophy. In fact, there are vast differences between them. 7. LAO TZU AND CHUANG TZU COMPARE» In every aspect Chuang Tzu carried Taoism to a higher stage of development. Lao Tzu's "One" becomes in Chuang Tzu the The Way o] Lao Tzu / 19 f o M fasting ol the mind" in which "the mind is empty to receive all things"61 and "sitting down and forgetting everything" in which "ihc body is abandoned, the intelligence is discarded, one is separated from the body and free from knowledge, and one becomes identical -with a great penetration." °2 Such an experience is definitely mystical. There is nothing like this in the Loo Tzu. Every passage of it can be understood in terms of ordinary human experience, whereas many in the Chuang Tzu deal with pure experience that transcends the mundane. Many writers, especially translators, have presented Lao Tzu as almost the greatest mystic in Chinese history. They have either confused him with Chuang Tzu or have taken any intuitive philosophy as mysticism. It should be emphasized that, broadly speaking, the differences between Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu are a matter of degree rather than kind. The differences are tar outweighed by the similarities, which are too many to mention. It Is enough to» point out that the doctrines of both are exclusively devoted to Tao and its virtue. It is interesting to notcToorthat Chuang Tzu also came from south of the Yellow River and shared Lao Tzu's spirit of the frontier, the unorthodox, the minority, and the oppressed. 8. INFLUENCES ON NEO-TAOISM. BUDDHISM, AND NEO-CONFUCIANISM Both of their philosophies were raised to a higher level in the Neo-Taoism of the third and fourth centuries. We shall bypass the Huai-Tian Tzu and the Lieh Tzu. The former is by Liu An (d. 122 b.c.) whose originality is negligible. Aside from a reiteration and elaboration of earlier Taoism, his only con-tribution is a rational approach to metaphysics and cosmogony that helped to usher in the rationalism of Neo-Taoism. The Lieh Tzu is probably a product of the third century. Its ideas/ of the equality of things, indifference to life and death, follow-1 ing one's nature, and accepting one's fate are all original ingredients of Taoism, especially that of Chuang Tcu. But thc\ 22 / The Way of Lao Ttu Taoist doctrine ol taking no action is degenerated into a complete abandonment of effort, spontaneity is confused with resignation, and having no desire is replaced by hedonism. It represents no development of Taoism at all. The most important development of Taoism in the history of Chine« thought is that óf Neo-Taoism. It finds its expressions in the commentaries on the Lao Tzu and the Book of Changes (I ching) by Wang Pi (226-49) and the commentary on the Chuang Tzu by Kuo Hsiang (d. 312). In them, non-being is no longer essentially in contrast to being, but is the ultimate of all, or pure being (pen-wu), the One and undifferentiated. According to Wang Pi, original non-being transcends all distinctions and descriptions. It is the pure being, original substance (pen-t'i), and the One in which substance and function are identified. It is always correct because it is in accord with principle. Where Lao Tzu had destiny. Wang would substitute principle, thus anticipating the development in Neo-Con-fucianism. Just as Wang Pi went beyond Lao Tzu, so Kuo Hsiang went beyond Chuang Tzu. The major concept is no longer Tao, as in Chuang Tzu, but Nature (rzu-jan). Things exist and transform themselves spontaneously and there is no other reality or agent to cause them. Things exist and transform according to principle, but each and every thing has its own principle. Compared with Wang Pi, he emphasizes being rather than non-being and thel many rather than the one. To Wang Pi, principle transcends things, but to Kuo Hsiang it is immanent in them. I These rnarjpT Taoist concepts of being and non-being were carried over to Buddhism from Neo-Taoism. In the third and fourth centuries, Buddhist thinker* practiced "matching the concepts" of Buddhism and Taoism, in which a Buddhist concept is equated with oné in Taoist thought. Following Taoism, the early Buddhist philosophical schools centered their thoughts on being and non-being, some even calling their own schools "School oí Original Non-being," "School of Non-being of Mind," and so forth. Like the Neo-Taoists, the Buddhists The Way of Lao Txu / ?J a- t o ? i?ÉH sile § Iff ** A K E - w R 9 í H s * " rt - j o t n o ť 5 ^-ľT S! 5 5 3 «■rl SI!1 » =T3 Š *s S - ° i. 2 fi. « o " Stí rt 3 n 2g *-3 S g c ä o 3 h* B.ř f ŕ B ť 3-8 - n ^l ť S 2. c - 3" h » So i g« g H E p »o ä - = 3; c. S 0 h 3 a. BS.-*?' ft 3 BřEspřJ r» Ci s • ■ c -n ŕ H 3 H ľ* o 1« « a r 18 ä:« a s - s o ■ 8 S 5 ? S, 'V f s í g g» S s S 5 o «a f IM o. r o o =r c S 3 Č 9 R n b S. S S 2 ' řfr «f » o- 2: ET §§ § O ft - 3 5-3 » S r rt s- i }§&bf Iffff! OS S 3 - n n e. í s N. to Slil in ihe en lire N co-Confucian movement, the Taoist concept of Tao as the natural and universal principle of existence has been borrowed and made the backbone of the system, so much so that the school is called ihe School of Principle. T&ČjJ. The above survey is intended to give an outline of the development of Taoist philosophy and its influence on Chinese thought. Parallel with it was another development, namely, that of the Taoist religion. In reality it was a degeneration rather than a development, for the religion appropriated some Taoist ideas, twisted its doctrines, made Lao Tzu its spiritual founder, and turned the Lao Tzu into its Bible for a purpose alien to the philosophy of Lao Tzu. The Taoist religion and Taoist philosophy are entirely different things, called by different names in Chinese, the one Taochia or the Taoist school, and the other Tao-chiao or the Taoist religion. Unfortunately, they are both called Taoism in the West, thus confusing the two and giving rise to wrong interpretations of Taoist philosophy. 9. THE TAOIST RELIGION The origin of the Taoist religion is still not clear. The practices of divination, astrology, faith healing, witchcraft, and the like had existed from very early days. By the fourth century .^ B-c, there was, in addition, the belief in immortals who were^'í supposed to live in islands off the China coast. The belief was *■£ K so widespread and so firm that feudal lords sent missions there to seek elixir from them. On top of this effort, the ancient Chinese resorted to sitting in meditation, concentration off thought, dietary techniques* medicine, breathing exercises, bathing of all sorts, including sun bathing, various kinds of gymnastics, such as extending and contracting the body, sexual techniques, and alchemy, all directed to the search for the preservation of life, that is, longevity, and for immortality. Pries t-magici ans, called fúrtg-ähih or practitioners with special formula, went around to offer their services. By the early first 2G / The Way of Lao Tzu century of our era these jang-shik came to be known as too-shihr that is, practitioners of the Way. In the mean lime, a cult emerged bearing the names of the legendary Yellow Emperor of antiquity and Lao Tzu, most y probably because their teachings of everlasting life, or similar/' teachings attributed to them, were a great help to preserving life and to achieving immortality. In spite of the supremacy of Confucianism as the state doctrine since HO b.c., when «on> Confucian scholars were dismissed from office, this cult continued to grow. In 103 b.c.. Taoist scholars were again allowed to serve in the government, thus raising the prestige of the Yellow Emperor and Lao Tzu. In a.d. 167, the emperor even sacrificed io them in the capital. Needless to say, by this time the word Vaohad assumed a special significance and possessed, especially for the masses, almost a magical meaning. In the middle of the second century, a rebel by the name of Chang Ling (fl. a.d. 156), who had established a semi-independent state on the borders of Szechuan and Shensi, attracted many followers through faith healing and other magical practices. He charged five bushels of rice for membership in hisjjttfj; « .group. Consequently his movement has been known as the '** Tao or Way of Five Bushels of Rice and eventually became the Taoist religion with practitioners of the Way as its priests. His name came to be known as Chang Tao-Iing. He may have been the first to use the name Tao-chiao.*9 If so, did he purposely coin the term to stress the fact that his movement was a religion to be sharply distinguished from the Taoist school? Chang Ling's movement was carried on and spread by his grandson, Chang Lu (fl. 188-220), who called Chang Ling the ■ftCelestial Teacher. For thirty years he maintained an tndepend-'^rent state on the border of Szechuan and Hupei and promoted the Way of Five Bushels of Rice. Following the practices of his grandfather and also other rebels who had spread their own cults with similar practices, Chang Lu enforced prohibition, gave away food and practiced other charities, encouraged moral deeds, especially filial piety, prescribed repentance, roed- The IVay of Leo Tzu / 27 itaüon, and the use of charms as means to heal illness, exhorted people to honor Lao Tzu, and taught novices of his cult to read the Lao Tzu. It is. easy to understand why the Lao Tzu was turned into the yible of the new religion. Its spirit of revolt gave the rebels a strong support- Lao Tzu was enjoying great popularity among both the masses and the rulers. In many places the Lao Tzn is difficult to understand so that the Taoist priests could interpret it to suit their own purposes. It is j-hymcdjmd therefore easy to recite and to be transmitted from month to mouth. Most important of all, it promises that "a gootl preserver of life vill not meet tigers" and "the wild buffalo cannot butt its horns «gainst him" (50). Many passages seem to assure an everlasting life on earth. "The spirit of the valley never dies," it says (6). it talks about one who "dies but docs not really perish" (33) and about "long life and everlasting vision" (59). The "profound female" (6), "the role of the female in the opening and closing of the gates of Heaven" (10). "the union of the male and the female," and ihe infant's organ being aroused (55) all suggest sexual techniques to achieve immortality. "Keeping the spirit," "embracing the One" (10), and "maintaining steadfast quietude" (IG) resemble yoga concentration. "Keeping the hearts vacuous" while "filling the bellies" (5) and "concentrating the vital force" (10) appear to describe breathing exercises. No wonder the priests of the new religion took full advantage of the book and made it virtually the manual for the preservation of life and for the search for immortality. In all probability, they and their followers honestly believed that Lao Tzu actually taught these techniques, in spite of the fact that he uttered not a single word about artificial methods to prolong life, physical ascension to heaven, or immortals: roaming the universe. The Chitang Tzu is a better source for this type of thing, and the priests drew from at even more heavily. As the search for immortality on earth was intensified, the cleavage between the Taoist religion and the Taoist school widened.«» The religious development corrupted the Taoist 28 f The Way of Lao Tzu philosophy, particularly that of leaving things to take their own course. But it did show an interesting sidelight on the scientific character of Taoist thought. Alchemy, medicine, the pill for immortality, and so forth, were definitely pseudo-scientific adventures. What is really significant is, as Needham has very well brought out, that the Taoist concepts of the order, unity, and uniformity of Nature, of Tao as the very structure of particular and individual types of things, of following objective instead of human standards for truth, and the spirit of observation are essentially scientific.70 As the search for immortality failed, the Taoist priests concentrated their efforts on seeking longevity through physical health and spiritual tranquility. As a result, commentators on the Lao Tzu interpreted it in the light of yoga. This tendency began with Ho-shang Kung's commentary, probably of the fourth century. From then on, this interpretation became increasingly popular until ihe rationalistic Neo-Confucianists of the eleventh century restored in their commentaries the philosophical character of the classic. Ever since then, the philosophical commentary by Wang Pi has been in ascendency.'1 The amazing thing is that in recent years more modem writers have gone out of their way to find yoga in the Lao Tzu. The phrase "long life and everlasting vision" (59) simply means longevity, but "everlasting vision" has become for "YValey "fixed staring."72 This is putting much yoga into the mouth of Lao-Tzu.78 He is right, however, in stressing ihe fact that the Taoist religious practitioners understood the Lao Tzu in this spirit. 10. "IAOISM IN CHINESE LIFE The Taoist religion ha* continued to this day. while Taoist pBiilosophy has been assimilated into Buddhism and Neo-Con-fuctanisni. It no longer exists as an independent philosophical system. In the last diousand years there has not been a Taoist school or a single outstanding Taoist philosopher, book, or theory. This does not mean, however, that Taoist philosophy The Way of Lao Tiu / 29 is dead. One finds it everywhere, for it is tightly woven into the fabric of Chinese life. It is found in Neo-Confucianism, which has been the dominant philosophy in China In the last eight hundred years. One finds it in the rugged individualism of the Chinese which is sometimes expressed in the sense of contentment, fatalism, and retirement, and sometimes in nonconformity and revolt-71 One finds it in the love of spiritual tranquility and mental peace, and in the transcendental oat-look and broad perspective that are the basis of tolerance, patience, and indifference to things. One finds it in the enjoyment of the simplicity of life, in spontaneity and noninterference, in the tactic of withdrawal in order to advance, a tactic frequently used in the handling of ordinary affairs as well as in military operations and politics. One finds it in the concealment of wisdom in silence, and wealth in seeming poverty, and in the love of nature that takes the Chinese to the garden and to the mountains. And one finds it in all sorts of ways and means to preserve life and to nourish the spirit. Whether in conversation or in tea drinking, whether in arranging flowers or in writing poems, and whether in the landscape garden or in landscape painting, these aspirations are evident, for there one's spirit should be pure, one's mind should be free of selfish desires, simplicity should be the keynote, and Nature should be allowed to take its own course. Does this still hold true in mainland China? From every indication it does. The study of the Lao Tzu is as lively as ever. A new development there has been the effort to make Lao T*u an advocate of materialism. The concept of Tao has been reinterpreted in materialistic terms on the grounds that Tao is the basic substance of all things, their necessary nature, their lav of change, their condition of existence, and their sum t-Oial.7» Whether the arguments are sound or not. the fact regains that even in the midst of a gigantic revolution, Taoist thought continues to provoke thinking. Much of this inspiration comes from the Lao Tzu, or Tao-te Wing, a classic of about 5250 words. No other Chinese classic ot such a small size has exercised so much influence Over such SO / The Way of Lao Tru a long period of time. About 950 commentaries have been written on it and more than 40 English translations made of it, in both respects more than any other Chinese classic, including the Confucian Analects. Regardless of what shapes things in China may take in the future, (In: I mo Tzu will continue to be a source of inspiration for the Chinese and perhaps for the rest of the world as well. Notes 1. In the Shih chi (Records of the Historian) by Ssu-ma Ch'ien one should use "the Lao Tzu" instead of "Lao Tzu," tut that would be very clumsy. 4. Ghung-Jtuo cfie-hsüeh shih ta-kang (Outline of the History of Chinese Philosophy), p. 50. 5. Chuang Tzu, ch, 33, SPTK, I0:35a. Cf. Giles (tr.), Chuang Tzu (1961 edn.), p. 319. 6. The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy (tr. Hughes), p. 62. 7. Han fei Tzu, ch. 20. SPTK, 6:7a-8a. Cf. Liao» (tr.). The Com- plete Works of Han Fei Tzu, I, 191-95. 8. "Taoism," in Harley Farnsworth MacNair (ed.), China, p. 272. 9. Chuang Tzur ch. 2, SPTK, 1:18a. Cf. Giles, p. 34. 10. Science and Civilisation in China. Vol. II, History of Scientific Thought, pp. 36-37. 11. See discussion on this pDini by Chang Chung-yüan, "The Con- cept of Tao in Chinese Culture," Review of Religion. XVTI (1953). 127-28. 12. Hu Shih, Chung-kuo che-/isüeh shih ta-kang, p. 56. 13. Needham, p. 49. 14. Sec the Confucian Analects, 18:6-7. 15. The Way and Its Power, p. 92. 16. Chuang-Loa t'ungpien (General Discussions on Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu), p. 123. The Way of Lao Tzu / 31