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Kunst, Richard Alan
THE ORIGINAL "YIJING":  A TEXT, PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION, TRANSLATION, AND INDEXES, WITH SAMPLE GLOSSES
University of California, Berkeley Ph.D. 1985
University Microfilms
International 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor. Ml 48106
The Original Yijingz  A Text, Phonetic Transcription, Translation, and Indexes, with Sample Glosses
By
Richard Alan Kunst
A.B. (Yale Uriiversity) 1966 M.A. (University of California) 1969 C.Phil. (University of California) 1975
DISSERTATION
Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY" in
Oriental Languages
in the GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
Approved: .. fa^^l.t?^
Chaipiel^ \ Date
, kJW A &\^U......if. /!?*/.
DOCTORAL OECBEE CONFERRED
"The Original Yijing; A Text, Phonetic Transcription, Translation, and Indexes, with Sample Glosses"
Copyright 0 1985 by
Richard Alan Kunst
"The Original Yijing; A Text, Phonetic Transcription, Translation, and Indexes, with Sample Glosses"
Richard Alan Kunst
Abstract
The Yijing ^       , also called Zhouyi Jfj       , and known in the West as the Book of Changes, is one of the oldest and most familiar texts of ancient China. The "original" Yijing dates from the earliest period of recorded Chinese history, the late Shang and Western Zhou dynasties, around the beginning of the first millennium B.C.E. It came into existence as an orally transmitted, organically evolving anthology of omens and their prognostications, popular sayings, historical anecdotes, and wisdom about nature, which were assembled into a manual around a framework of hexagrams and their solid or broken lines by diviners relying on the manipulation of yarrow stalks to obtain oracles.   This diviner's manual became increasingly popular during the centuries of the Zhou dynasty. It was written down, edited, and elaborated with commentary, and by the Han dynasty, (the centuries before and after the beginning of the Common Era) it had become a larger and much more complex work, which was a source of scriptural inspiration for natural and moral philosophers in China and eventually also in CJapan and Europe.
This study includes tools to assist in understanding the original diviner's manual: first, a text which indicates probable emendations and the modern graphic counterparts for archaic orthography: second, a transcription of the entire text into standard pinyin romanization, also giving the Old Chinese readings where useful for syntactic or phonological analysis—for example, for rhyme and onomatopoeia; third, two translations, literal word-for-word and a
- i -
more interpretive version; fourth, several introductory studies on the relation
the Early Old Chinese language; fifth, numerous reference aids, such as a glossary, a type-list and frequency count, and a concordance to graphs appearing in the text, all computer-generated; sixth, sample glosses for two complete hexagram-chapters; and, finally, a photographic reproduction of the transcription of the Mawangdui manuscript of the text discovered in 1973, which was used in reconstructing the original text and its meaning.
of the Yijing to primitive systematic thought, oral-formulaic literature, and
- 2 -
CONTENTS
List of Tables page iii
Preface iv
Abbreviations and Symbols xiv
Definitions xvii
PART ONE: INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 1
1. Introduction 2
The Origins and Early History of the Yijing Text 2
The Social and Intellectual World of the Yijing 10
The Philological Study of the Text 16
2. The Structure of the Text: The Yijing and Primitive
Systematic Thought 19
3. The Yijing and Oral-Formulaic Literature 62
4. The Language of the Text 82
Reading the Text Today: Graphic and Phonological Problems g2
A Grammatical Sketch 95
a. Syntax 102
b. Modification 105
c. Affixation 107
d. Substitution 111
e. Number and Units of Measure 117
f. Relational Particles and other Function Words 119
g. Negation 126
h. Interrogatives 137
i. Adverbs and other Verbal Auxiliaries 140 j. Reduplication 147
Some Important Lexical Items 150
a. fu       *capture' 150
b. hui 'f^-' trouble' 159
c. ]£ ^5 'auspicious' 161
d. jiu %k " misfortune' 163 *—
e. li ^jj "favorable' 168
f. li J||[j "threatening, threat' 174
g. jin "5C "distress' 176
h. wang       "go away' 179
i. xiang /heng ^ xtreat' 181 j. xiong J?^ vominous' 190 k. yong 'use' 191 1. you ^gj %there be,' vhave' 196 m. yuan 'grand,' "very' 198 n. zheh pa x determination' 200 o. Other Notable Lexical Usage 211
Notes to Part One 216
PART TWO: TEXT, PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION, WORD-FOR-WORD
TRANSLATION AND FREE TRANSLATION 238
Hexagrams By Number 239
PART THREE: GLOSSES ON THE YI3ING TEXT (SAMPLE) 368
Hexagram 1:     Qian 369
Hexagram 50:    Dtng    ^ 421
PART FOUR: APPENDICES 439
Appendix A:      List of Proposed Emendations in the Text 440
Appendix B:      Frequency Count of Graphs in the Text:
A Type-Token Analysis 441
Appendix C:      Hexagrams Arranged in Order of Text Length 450
Appendix D:      Index to Wen Yiduo's Yijing Glosses in
"Leizuan" and "Putang zashi" 451
Appendix E:      Index to Hexagrams by Pronunciation, in both
Traditional and Mawangdui Order 452
Appendix F:      Phonetic Index and Glossary to Graphs in the
Yijing 453
Appendix G:      Concordance to Graphs in the Yijing 484
Explanatory note 484
Base Text 488
Concordance 499
Appendix H:      The Wenwu 1984.3 Transcription of the
Mawangdui MS. 604
BIBLIOGRAPHY 612
ii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.   Words and Phrases with Two or More Occurrences
Concentrated Exclusively or Primarily in One Hexagram 32
Table 2.   Occurrences of Some Words with "Low" Meaning 39
Table 3.   Distribution by Line of "Low" Meaning Words 40
Table 4.  Occurrence of Some Words with "High" Meaning 41
Table 5.   Distribution by Line of "High" Meaning Words 42
Table 6.  Occurrence and Distribution of the Word zhohg <fy x middle' 43
Table 7.   Distribution in Line Texts of 21 Graphs Containing
"Heart" Element ( ^ //Ui*) 43
Table 8.   Paired Words of Opposite Meaning 48
Table 9.   The Number Vocabulary of the Yi 118
Table 10. Reduplicated Expressions 148
Table 11. Rhyming and Alliterative Imitative and Other Binoms 149
Table 12. The Color Vocabulary of the Yi 214
Table 13. Pleonasms and Near-Pleonasms 215
iii
PREFACE
In recent years there has been a surge of interest in the Yijing, both in China and abroad, among both scholars and those seeking inspiration from Eastern wisdom.   The latter group in the West has been well served by a flood of publications capitalizing on the Yijing/s trendy appeal.   The majority of these, if they are not disguised reprints of the major translations done by the giants of sinology a few generations past—Legge in English, Wilhelm in German, Philastre in French—are merely reworked "interpretations," which in fact pursue a long tradition in Yijing studies of "letting the past serve the present."
While there is little new to be found in the popular works, the scholarly community can rejoice in the abundance of new information available for the study of early China, including the Yijing, and the emerging new techniques for dealing with it.   I refer both to the immediate past—the dazzling archaeological discoveries of the 1970's—and to the broader background of the twentieth-century concern with separating the veneer of legend from tne historical core of ancient China, a mission made possible, more than any other factor, by the initial discovery of the "oracle bones" at the turn of the century.   Yet while other early Chinese texts, such as the Shijing or Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, have benefited from a reassessment in the light of new evidence and in the new     gu spirit of "skepticism toward antiquity," the Yijing has only begun to be looked at afresh.   I hope that this study, which has imbibed deeply from the well of skepticism and new knowledge, will encourage others to give the text that fresh look it so much deserves.
iv
My own interest in the Yijing got its start when, as a new graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley, I reverently pulled from the shelf high in the stacks of the East Asiatic Library the first volume of the Sibu beiyao collection containing the text.   Opening that and laying it side by side with the Wilhelm-Baynes translation, I naively tried to match the English words with their Chinese originals.   It was a naive attempt partially because Joseph Needham's apt description of the Wilhelm-Baynes layout as belonging to the "Department of Utter Confusion" certainly applies equally well to the Chinese text itself as it has been typically rearranged since the Song dynasty.   But it was naive too because then I had no inkling of the enormous role which metaphor and allegory have played in the scholarly tradition of the Yi.   I callowly imagined that, based" on my rudimentary knowledge of the syntax and diction of Old Chinese, with the help of some good dictionaries, I could piece out a first approximation of the sense of the work which would bear a resemblance to Wilhelm's, or to Legge's.   I was wrong.   There was little resemblance.   I blamed my inadequate enlightenment and, like the great majority of serious students of early China, left the Yi to wisdom-seekers.   But I was unrepentant in my literal-minded approach to the text.
Several years later I had the good fortune to become reacquainted with the text on the occasion of a seminar on the Yijing given at Berkeley by Professor John Cikoski.   He shared my confidence that knotty problems of interpretation in ancient Chinese documents were susceptible of solution by an unromantic, linguistically rigorous commitment to paying heed to the nuts of phonology and bolts of syntax, before going on to the construction of the text as a whole.   I learned much from him in long discussions of Classical Chinese grammar and its relation to the pre-Classical language of the Yijing hexagram and line texts, what I call here Early Old Chinese.
v
I came to appreciate that the great translators of the past, sucn as Legge and Wilhelm, had not really set for themselves the goal of translating the "original" Yijing. Instead, they meant to capture a slice in time of the intellectual and spiritual development of the China they knew so well, conveying to the Western reader the significance that the great Yijing tradition, including all the learning of the "wings" and the library of commentary on commentary, xuan zhT you xuan—the Da zhuan as it is often termed nowadays—had for the educated classical scholar of their day. Indeed, each of them relied heavily on a well-known late Qing scholar of the old school—Legge on Wang Tao and Wilhelm on Lao Naixuan. As a result, the translations of Legge and Wilhelm are rich in metaphorical understanding but transmit only a pale reflection of the primitive meaning of the text. Legge also apparently decided that if Zhu Xi was so seminal an influence on the later interpretation of the Yijing text, he would sometimes simply translate the embellishments of Zhu Xi, or Cheng Yi and other Song scholars, and not bother with the original text at all.
Legge's translation and his interspersed remarks are sometimes tinged with the defeatism that led Bernhard Karigren to lard his works on ancient China with references to the "rarely intelligible" "rigmarole of the Yi," and other scholars to claim that the modern text is "hopelessly corrupt." Wilhelm was somewhat more optimistic about his command of the text, one might even say fatuous.   Since the time they wrote, however, we have had genuine reasons for optimism.   Principal among these is the body of new historical documents roughly contemporary with the Yi which has been made available through the ongoing decipherment of the constantly expanding corpus of Shang and Zhou dynasty oracle bone and bronze inscriptions. About the same time that my interest in the Yi was rekindled, I was introduced to an entirely new discipline, when I took a course on the
vi
paleography of these inscriptions from Professor David N. Keightley of the Department of History at the University of California at Berkeley. My debt to Professor Keightley is immeasurable, and not merely because I received a grounding in the Shang inscriptions from the West's leading expert.   Never in my experience has a teacher made so sincere and thorough an effort to improve the quality of a student's thinking and its reflection in the written word as he has done.   Moreover, the pyromancy of animal bone and turtle shell and the achillomancy of yarrow stalk and hexagram are two aspects of a single mantic tradition, and Keightley is at the forefront of understanding the relation of the two.   He has encouraged and supported my study of the Yijing from the beginning with admirable tenacity.
In the past few years a string of new publications from China dealing with the Yi has brought the state of Yi scholarship to a critical mass at home and abroad.   The long-awaited release of the full manuscript of the Yi excavated at the Mawangdui site in Changsha in 1973 has come about, at least in part, with the publication of a modern-character transcription of the text in the March 198* issue of Wenwu magazine.   In the meantime, another fragment has already been discovered at the Fuyang site in Anhui and awaits full publication.   There is every expectation that more manuscripts lie buried and waiting.   The past five years have also witnessed the publication of several new or newly revised studies of the Yi, as well as old studies which were written during the Cultural Revolution and awaiting official sanction to be printed.   These include numerous works by those deans of Ylxue, Li Jingchi (who died in 1975) and Gao Heng, but also the works of many younger scholars, whose work is unfortunately slightly limited by the unfashionability in contemporary China of the May Fourth spirit of skepticism.   Almost every issue of the journal Zhongguo zhexue contains a new article on the Yi. One exciting new thrust of scholarship is devoted to
vii
furthering Zhang Zhenglang's analysis of the "hexagram number signs," which appear on some bones and vessels.
It is in this favorable context that I submit this study to the reader as a kit of tools for the future analysis of the original Yijing. I have retained that faith in a nut-and-boits approach to the text which I referred to above.   If there is a methodological bias implicit in the proposed text and translation which follow in Part Two, it is a ruthless literal-mindedness toward the text.   I have tried as much as possible to determine from both internal and external evidence the meaning that each word had in the Early Old Chinese language (EOC) in which the Yijing diviner and his client conducted their oracular consultation, then to construe each phrase as straightforwardly as possible, in consonance with what we know to be the regular syntax of EOC, as found in text parallels in the Shijing, the inscriptions, and the older parts of the Shujing. The result should be an understanding much closer to that of the relatively simple Western Zhou Chinese people of 3000 years ago than to the urbane fin de siecle world-view of a Lao Naixuan or a Wang Tao.
In the case 01 the great majority of the hexagram and line texts, I have been able to choose the best interpretation from those already proposed by commentators ancient and modern.   In some cases a simple fresh reading, free from pre-conceived notions, of the glosses of the more linguistically-oriented Han commentators such as Yu Fan or Ma Rong is all that is necessary to reach a good interpretation.   But in a surprising number of cases a straightforward rendering of the text, perhaps one suggested by our knowledge of the language of the Shang OBI or the society they reflect, has been overlooked by the previous exegetes.   In such cases I offer my own interpretation, without the benefit of previous textual authority.   In pursuing this strict constructionist method, I have often been led to treat several
viii
phrases occurring within a single line text as unrelated entries, resulting from the composite formation of the text.   It seemed desirable to carry this method out consistently and let the internal relations of the text emerge from the most natural readings possible, rather than being imposed by a traitorous English interpretation.   Nevertheless, such English necessities as verb tense, explicit subject, and pronoun number and gender all conspire to force a decision on the English translator to which the Chinese text is quite indifferent.   I have tried to cope with this distortion, familiar also to translators of Chinese poetry, in part by supplementing the more interpretive free English translation with a word-for-word one, without indicating a commitment to any particular parsing or time reference.   While I believe many problems in our understanding of the text have been satisfactorily solved, or are very near to solution, it would be dishonest to deny that scores of poorly understood passages remain, in which I have had to settle for a less than totally satisfactory solution.   This is emphatically an experiment.   The translation should be regarded as a tentative, evolving one, which will change as our understanding grows.
Several introductory studies in Part One analyze the relation of the Yijing to primitive systematic thought, the theory of oral-formulaic literature, and the Early Old Chinese language.   Our knowledge of EOC is admittedly inadequate, and I hope that this translation makes a small contribution toward improving it.   Each of these studies takes up various aspects of the question of interpretation I have raised here.   After Part Two, containing the text, piny in transcription, and English translation, I give in Part Three relatively complete sample glosses for two hexagram-chapters, which indicate the kind of evidence for the various alternative interpretations of each passage which should ideally be provided for the remaining 62 hexagram-chapters as well.   Then a series of appendices in
ix
Part Four are intended to help the reader find his or her way easily around the text.   These include a phonetic index and glossary of graphs, various other indices, a type-list and frequency count, and a concordance to graphs in the text.   Finally, the Wenwu transcription of the Mawangdui MS. may not be conveniently accessible, and in any case it is difficult to consult in its published form, since its order is completely different from that of the received text, yet it contains no cross-index, or even the serial numbering that the Western reader is most comfortable with.   Hence I reproduce it photographically in Appendix H, with added serial numbering.   A given hexagram and line text may be found if that appendix is consulted together with the phonetic index to hexagram names in Appendix E.
Some readers may be interested in the methods used for computer generation and printing of Appendices B, C, E, F, and G. The concordance of Appendix G and the frequency count of Appendix B were both done in collaboration with Dr. Peter Nancarrow of the faculty of Oriental Studies of the University of Cambridge, using an Ideomatic Encoder of his own design and a concordancing program in FORTRAN, run on a mainframe IBM computer at the Cambridge Computing Laboratory. They were "printed" by a plotter equipped with a ballpoint pen.   I would like to acknowledge the financial support of the Duke University Research Council for the compilation of the concordance and thank 3ojan Nakamura and Yu Yingmin for their research assistance.   The other appendices, and some of the supplementary information in the concordance, were compiled using the editor program of a system I developed at Duke University for Computer-Assisted Instruction in Chinese, called "Chinese Vocabulary Database Manager." It is written in compiled BASIC and runs on a Victor 9000 microcomputer equipped with a Chinese Character Generator board from Eastern Computers, Inc. of Virginia Beach, Virginia. Printing was done
x
with an Epson FX-80 dot-matrix printer in graphics mode.
The concluding Bibliography is the final tool in the kit.   I have made an effort to incorporate not only all works which I explicitly cite and draw upon in the translation, but also full citations for virtually all the works which I am aware of in Chinese, Japanese, and the major European languages which contain original philological analysis of the Yijing text.   These include quite a few obscure but nonetheless significant works, such as those published in Beijing on the eve of the Japanese invasion by the imaginative scholar Jiang Shaoyuan and his colleagues.   (Jiang was the first Chinese scholar to review Arthur Waley's pioneering article, "The Book of Changes," and took up from him the baton of speculative rethinking of the text, ii. newspaper columns published every two weeks or so.)   I have been able to consult personally most, but not ail, of the works listed in the Bibliography. I have made a special effort to list every publication related to the Yi by the major textual commentators of the modern school in China: Gao Heng, Li Jingchi, Wen Yiduo, Qu Wanli, Guo Moruo, Yu Xingwu, Ping Xin, and Xu Shida, as well as Jiang Shaoyuan. Also listed are most of the new translations from the original Chinese into other languages since the first Western translation into Latin by Regis and de Mailla, published in the 1830's, as well as a number of reprint and derivative translations.   A curious fact is that there as yet exists no translation into modern Chinese, the preferred form being the paraphrase which elaborates upon and supposedly elucidates the original.   Most Japanese scholarship on the Yi is disappointingly tied to a strictly scriptural, inspirational approach.
In addition to those scholars named above, there are many others who have contributed much to the development of my thinking before and during the course of this study.   I would like to acknowledge my debt to all of them here.   I owe my interest in China to my teachers at Yale: in
xi
particular, the late Arthur and Mary Wright, Hugh Stimson, who gave me my foundation in Classical Chinese, and Jonathan Spence, who in turn introduced me to Joseph Needham's Science and Civilisation in China. I was fortunate to study as a graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley with some of the great scholars of 20th-century American sinology, including the late Peter Boodberg and Shih-hsiang Chen, as well as Cyril Birch, Kun Chang, and Edward Schafer. I hope that my translation lives up to the spirit of the Boodberg-Schafer injunction to seek first to understand the natural world we live in, then apply that knowledge to the written text.   We look up to the same moon and stars that the ancients did.   I learned how to teach as an apprentice to Professors Birch and Samuel Cheung. To Professor Kun Chang, under whom I began this study, and Professors William S.-Y. Wang and Yakov Malkiel I owe my training in linguistics.   Two great linguists whom I have had the honor of knowing, the late Y. R. Chao of Berkeley and Wang Li of Beijing University, and a third whom I never met personally, but feel that I somehow knew, the late Bernhard Karlgren, have had a profound influence on my thinking, one which underlies almost every page of this study.   Others who generously offered advice and support when I needed it include Sarah Allan, David Nivison, Paul Serruys, Ken-ichi Takashima, Kidder Smith, Weiming Tu, Nathan Sivin, Edward Shaughnessy, and my wife Kathy. Dr. Shaughnessy's 1983 dissertation, "The Composition of the Zhouyi," has raised the discourse on that subject to a new level of sophistication and incidentally includes insightful new interpretations of numerous passages in the text.   I cherish the memory of many pleasant hours talking with him about the Yi over the past several years.
I spent two happy and productive periods of research in China, first in the Department of Philosophy of Beijing University in 1980, and again in 1983, in the Department of Chinese of Nanjing University. In 1980 I
xii
interviewed Gao Heng, living in retirement and ill health in Beijing; and in 1983, I visited Huanan Shifan Xueyuan, the school in Guangzhou where Li Jingchi had served as Professor of Chinese from the early 1950's, through a crippling attack of polio in the early 1960's, until his death in 1975. There i talked with several of Li's former students now teaching in his department. In the course of these visits to China I had occasion to talk with numerous scholars, who, when I asked them to read aloud or elicited quotes from them of various parts of the text, served as unwitting informants in shaping my ideas on how the Yi, or indeed any other ancient text, is to be read aloud today in Modern Standard Chinese. It is quite a distinguished list of linguistic informants: in addition to Wang Li and Gao Heng, there was Zhou Zumo, Lu Zongda, Yang Bojun, Pan Yunzhong, Xu Yu, Zhang Oainian, Lou Yulie (who took an afternoon away from editing Wang Bi's collected works to read the entire hexagram and line texts aloud for me).   In the United States, other informants included Li Fang-kuei, Chou Fa-kao, Zhu Dexi, and Li Xueqin. I hasten to add that few of my radical rereadings of the Yi text would receive the immediate endorsement of this illustrious panel.
Finally, I wish to thank my dissertation committee chairman, Professor John Jamieson, who also facilitated my stay at Beijing University in 1980 under the sponsorship of the Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China, and the other members of the committee, Professors Jeffrey Riegel and David Keightley, for their patience and unflagging support during the long gestation of this dissertation.
November 1984 Durham, North Carolina
xiii
ap.
BiHP
BMFEA
DEF
DK3
Documents em: EOC GSR
Gu Hanyu
HOJJ3(XB) interp. 3AOS j-
Jijie
JWGL
KG
KGXB
LOC
MC
MOD
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS according to, quoted in (<Latin apud) Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology,
Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (Stockholm)
definite modifier, or determiner (qf ). See Part One, Chapter *, "A Grammatical Sketch." 'v
Morohashi Tetsuji, ed., Dai kanwa jiten ~k \lL /£.<!■
Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Documents emended to
Early Old Chinese (= pre-classical Chinese)
Bernhard Karlgren, Grammata Serica Recensa
Gu Hanyu changyongzi zidian ^ >3( \\ ^ jf^ ^
Huang Qing jing jie (xu bian) |? >^ ffi (£j $}) interpretation
Journal of the American Oriental Society juan
Li Dingzuo, ed., Zhouyi jijie     ^] . Also in
eds.   of Li Daoping and Sun Xingyan (see Bibliography).
Jinwen gulin ^ JT ed., Zhou Fagao /S >^v
et al.
Kaogu
Kaogu xuebao
Late Old Chinese (= Classical Chinese) Middle Chinese
marker of explicit modification zhT /L (borrowing Y.R. Chao's term for de       in MSC)
xiv
MS.
MSC
OBI
OC
Odes
RK:
SBCK ed.
SBBY ed.
SCC Shi
Shiwen Shu
S
SUF
SW3ZGL
Tso
W-B
WZBI
XHZD
Yi
Mawangdui  £^ ^ Yijing Manuscript (Discovered
1973; original unpublished as of 1984, except for several fragments, totalling approximately one sixth of the whole, principally in Wenwu 1974.7 Plate I. A full transcription in modern characters has also appeared in Wenwu 1984.3 under the title "Liushisi gua" 7x "f V2? . Unless
otherwise noted, citations of MS. refer to the fragment published in 1974.
Modern Standard Chinese
oracle bone inscriptions
Old Chinese (= Karigren's Archaic Chinese)
Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes
author's note
Sibu congkan KS- %>f J|[ f\| edition (Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1929-36)
: edition (Shanghai: Zhonghua
Sibu beiyao (J9 Shuju, 1927-35)
Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China Shijing ("The Classic of Songs," = Maoshi
Lu Deming, ed., Jingdian shiwen *fJ2- 3C
Shujing ^ ("The Classic of Documents," = Shangshu
Shima Kunio, Inkyo bokuji söruiffi^        h $f fiff. suffix
Shuowen jiezi gulin % % a        %       # » ed., Ding Fubao      ^ ^ et al.
James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 5: The Ch'un Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen
R. Wilhelm, The I Ching, or Book of Changes, tr., Cary Baynes
Western Zhou bronze inscriptions
Xinhua zidian ^        ^ ^
Yijing |j J0, ("The Classic of Changes," = Zhouyi
xv
1.0, 1.1, 1.2, etc.   Indicates a hexagram "chapter" and line address in the Yi text; i.e., 1.0 says that the word or phrase in question occurs in the first hexagram, or chapter, in the order of the received text, and in the hexagram text—the "0" line—of that hexagram.   1.1 refers to the first line text of the same hexagram, which traditionally corresponds to the bottom line of the hexagram picture.   See Definitions below.   Note that the symbol 1/1, with slash instead of dot, as used herein refers, rather, to the Shijing, Song 1 in the Mao order, Stanza 1, i.e., the same convention as used in the Harvard-Yenching concordances.
Single quotes enclose an English gloss, a meaning.
'       " Double quotes enclose a translation or a quotation.
* An asterisk before a transliteration signifies a
reconstructed form; unless otherwise specified, Karlgren's Archaic Chinese form taken from GSR
> Means "evolved historically into."
< Means "derived historically from."
(       :) (1) In pinyin transcription, means "graph should be read
not as enclosed in parentheses but as follows." (2) In translations, means "the literal translation enclosed in parentheses may be more freely rendered as follows."
/ In word-for-word translation, indicates a boundary between
two graphs (// accounts for a graph without its own discrete translation).
small ^, g, etc.    Subscript capital Roman letters in the Chinese text show "rhyme scheme."   Such a letter following a graph indicates this graph rhymes with, or is a near-rhyme with, other graphs followed by the same letter under the same hexagram.
(      ) In the Chinese text, parentheses surrounding a graph
indicate that the preceding graph is a protograph or a "loan" graph for the graph in parentheses.   In general it should be understood that the word represented was usually written from the Han dynasty script regularization onward with the graph enclosed in parentheses, rather than with the preceding graph.
[      em:] Square brackets in the Chinese text or in the pinyin
transcription indicate that it is proposed to emend what is enclosed in brackets with what follows.   If there is uncertainty concerning what the emendation includes, Appendix A, "List of Proposed Emendations in the Text," may be consulted.
xvi
DEFINITIONS
1) "hexagram" gua       or "hexagram picture" guahua i|f
One of the 64 symbols made up of six solid or broken lines, e.g.,
, zzl —,--, each of which has a series of statements
associated with it.   The hexagrams thus serve to divide the Yi into 64 "chapters," varying in length from 30 graphs (No. 58 Dui ^ ) to 95 graphs (No. 47 Kun |J] ).
2) "hexagram name" guaming   ^|«- ^
One of 64 one-or-two graph tags, each of which in the Yi text follows a "hexagram" and precedes a series of "hexagram text" and "line texts."   Occasionally, the hexagram name forms the first part of the hexagram text which follows it, but more typically it repeats a recurrent graph or graphs found in the line texts which follow.
3) "hexagram text" guacf
The 64 passages of varying length which follow the hexagram names and precede the line texts for any given hexagram.   Also called tuan ^ (perhaps a protograph of zhuan ^ * engraved text'?). Sometimes translated as "judgment." Together with the line texts yaoci ^ ffiZ , also called zhou i£J£ (cognate with, perhaps the same word as, yao ^ ^ xsayingO; zhouci |f$i|^j xicf ^^ffl^or ^ ^%ft appended text'; or shici /fc ^j^-*achiliomantic (yarrow divination) text'.   Numbered in this work 1.0, 2.0, 3.0, . . .64.0.
xvii
"line text" yaocf (sometimes read xiaoci)
The six passages of varying length which follow each hexagram text, plus two extra passages, one each for Hexagram No. 1 Qian-^r and No. 2 Kun j?^ , for a total of (64x6)+2=386 passages in the Yi. Each line text is preceded by a two-graph heading, one graph of which is always      ,      , S , lj2 , % , > (in MS.       ), or ("First,' "second,' "third,' "fourth,' "fifth,' "top,' "useO and the other graph of which is always a       "six' or a ^ "nine.' These headings serve to identify the position, starting from the bottom, and nature ("six' = broken, "nine' = solid) of the line in a hexagram picture to which a line text has been attached.   As these headings were probably not a part of the oldest text, and are in any case entirely predictable from the shape of the hexagram picture itself and the order of the line texts, they are recorded in the text which follows, but not translated or otherwise discussed in this work.   Line texts are designated 1.1 (i.e., Hexagram No. 1, first or bottom line), 1.2, . . .1.6, 1.7, 2.1, 2.2, . . .2.6, 2.7, 3.1, 3.2, . . .3.6, 4.1, . . .4.6, . . .64.1, . . .64.5, 64.6.
xviii
1
PART ONE
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES
2
1. Introduction
The Origins and Early History of the Yijing Text The Yijing , also called the Zhouyi      ^ , and usually known in
the West as the Book of Changes, is undoubtedly one of the oldest works to be handed down from ancient China. It is also perhaps the most familiar Chinese book the world over.   In the editions we commonly see it in today, it is a work of singularly complex design.   Its complexity is in part a result of its long and interesting textual history, with new material having been added to the text frequently during the first millennium or so of its existence.   It is also a result of the fact that the Yijing was canonized by the Confucians, and treated as authoritative scripture.   In fact, it is the first in order in the Confucian canon.   As scripture it became the subject of further manipulation and rearrangement for doctrinal, philosophical reasons.
In studying the Yijing text today it is essential to discriminate the separate strata which comprise the text.   We may divide these strata conveniently into two broad types of material.   The earliest stratum, that of the jThg       "classic," came into existence during the early centuries of the first millennium B.C.E. The other type of material are the zhuan "commentaries," also known as "wings," which were gradually added to the text of the classic much later in the millennium—from the Warring States period to the Han dynasty.   The purpose of commentary was the explanation and elaboration of the meaning of the classic.
It is the former stratum, the text which I refer to as the "original" Yijing, with which this study and translation are concerned.   In the form in which we see it today it is an anthology of omens, popular sayings,
3
prognostications, historical anecdotes, nature wisdom, and the like, which have all been blended together and structured around a framework of hexagrams, each consisting of six solid or broken lines.   There are a total of 64 hexagrams, and each has a series of phrases associated with it, which contain the omens, prognostications, and the like.   Some of these belong to what is called the "hexagram text," or "hexagram statement," while the rest are parceled out to one or another of the six lines as "line texts," or "line statements."  (See the "Definitions" section on these and other terms.) This has the effect of dividing the entire text of some 4100 graphs in length into 64 rather short chapters, and each chapter, in turn, into seven verses.
In keeping with the traditional view of the Yi text as inspired wisdom, which Confucius himself was supposed to have valued so highly that he repeatedly wore out the leather thongs holding together the bamboo strips in his copy of the text, the authorship of various parts of the text was in the past attributed to various pre-Confucian sages and wise kings of the Shang or early Western Zhou. In particular, the hexagram texts were attributed to King Wen, the honorary founder of the Zhou and father to the actual founder, King Wu; and the line texts to Wen's son Dan, the Duke of Zhou, the brother of King Wu who consolidated    his conquest of the Shang. These attributions have all been discredited since the skeptical reevaluation of early Chinese history during the May Fourth era earlier in this century. But they are not totally false either.   They are best viewed as being true on a mythic level.   They accurately reflect both the correct stage in the maturation of the Chinese consciousness in which the Yi emerged and the great esteem in which the text was subsequently held.
As far as historical truth is concerned, the text is now universally recognized to have had its origin in the rich divinatory tradition of early China. It was not a political or moral treatise but a diviner's manual.   It did
4
not have a single identifiable author or even authors, but was the result of gradual accretion over centuries.   The most that could be claimed is that a single editor, working in the waning years of the Western Zhou dynasty, that is, roughly 800 B.C.E., wrote down the text and subjected it to extensive polishing.
The earliest divinatory tradition of which we have extensive knowledge is
the reading of cracks generated by fire in the shoulder blades or other bones
of various animals, or in the plastrons (underbelly shells) of turtles. This
was the famous oracle bone tradition of the Shang dynasty, called
scapulimancy, plastromancy, or simply pyromancy.   Similar divinatory
practices existed across continental Asia, extending in the west to the Druids
in England, and toward the east, to the Algonquian Indians of North
America. But there was a parallel set of divinatory practices based not on
animal substances, but instead on various vegetable substances—grasses,
bamboo, nuts, seeds, herbs, and the like.   These practices typically also
involved numerical computation, manipulating the vegetable medium like lots,
and prognosticating from such features as randomly generated remainders.*
Furthermore, these mantic traditions appear to have been more common in
the oceanic zone around the Pacific rim, and to have spread inland from
there.   While the Yijing text may well have had close connections to Shang
pyromancy too, it is nevertheless first known historically in connection with
one of the botanical traditions, namely the achillomancy of yarrow stalk 2
manipulation.
The text of the Yijing grew organically over a period of many centuries, perhaps millennia, as it was transmitted orally among the professional diviners who used the yarrow plant to obtain oracles.   It served as a manual of ready reference of the consequences of relevant past divinatory determinations.   Yarrow (Achillea millefolium) has been regarded in many
5
places in the world, including England and the Mediterranean world of
Homer, as a plant with numinous qualities, since it is a hardy, long-lived
perennial which grows prolifically almost anywhere, from numerous stalks,
and also has several medicinal virtues.   It is principally used as a styptic
3
and coagulant, stemming the flow of blood from a wound.   The many different names by which yarrow has been known in Chinese, English, and other tongues often refer also to its magic power.   For example, the ordinary Old Chinese name shT ^ (< *sigr) is probably related either phonetically or graphically through etymology and word magic to shi jjj^ (< ♦d'iar) "sign, signify'; zhY ^  (< *ti?r) "meaning'; zhi       (< *ti9r) 'finger'; jT       (< *kigr) "calculate, consult, inquire'; and suan |^ yjffi\t ^ *swan) "counting tally, calculate.'  Just as in England yarrow was associated with old age, and sometimes called "Old Man's Pepper," its Chinese name too may mean something like "the wise old stalks," with shT ^ a derivation of qi « *g'itr) "old.'4
We can get a view of the process of oral transmission and organic growth of the Yijing text by looking at the oldest references to the Yi in other works.   These works are the Zuozhuan ^ 'j'^ and the Guoyu ^       , each of which contains a number of episodes involving consultation of a diviner and his yarrow stalks.   Significantly, the text the diviners quote often differs from the received text we have, suggesting that the tradition they were drawing upon was broader in scope than what remains in the modern Yi text, or, equally likely, that they were extemporizing within the freedom allowed by an orally transmitted tradition.^
Other than a single debatable reference to the Yijing in the Lunyu       *   , the Zuozhuan provides the first external dating information we have on the antiquity of the text.   The Zuozhuan itself was somewhat fluid in its earliest development and probably didn't achieve its modern form
6
until the 4th-3rd centuries B.C.E., so we cannot be absolutely sure of a date earlier than this for the Yi either, but since the period of time which the Zuozhuan chronicles is the Chunqiu "Springs and Autumns" Period, 770-476 B.C.E., it has been frequently argued that the Yi text must have been completely set down before 770 B.C.E.^
The effort to pinpoint the date more precisely when the Yi took shape has focussed mainly on internal historical evidence.   It has been based on a handful of anecdotal references to specific persons and places perceived in the text by some readers, combined with a highly tentative correlation of the social and cultural world reflected in the vocabulary of the text with the believed social and cultural world of the Zhou people of the early first millennium B.C.E. As an example of an anecdote used to assign a date, in the line text 11.5 (see "Abbreviations and Symbols" for the system of textual citation employed here), and again in 54.1 and 54.5, there occurs the sentence
ríi YÍ guí mei  ^ ^   $$f jfc "Di Yi sent his daughter in marriage." The Shang king named Di Yi ruled around 1100-1021 B.C.E., and scholars like Gu Jiegang jfe^       jfjjj ("Zhouyi guayaoci zhong de gushi") or Qu Wanli
("Zhouyi guayaoci cheng yu Zhou Wu Wang shi kao") have argued that this was a record in the text of an event of the recent past. Since the latest of these anecdotes is believed to have referred to an event in the first century of Zhou rule, the Yijing itself, it is argued, probably dates from around that time.
One case of dating based on anecdotes and names alleged to appear in the text, which, however, resulted in a very different conclusion from that of Gu Jiegang or Qu Wanli, is the notorious contention of Guo Moruo 2|p
tnat even tne early stratum of the Yi was not compiled in Western
7
Zhou but in the first half of the Warring States Period (ca. 5th-4th B.G.E.),
the fact that Guo acknowledges the compiler incorporated much material of
very primitive date, he nevertheless also perceives Chunqiu period anecdotes,
and even argues that the text has a southern, Chu, character to it/
Dating which is based on correlation of ideas and customs in the Yi with
those held to be characteristic of specific historical times and places ranges
from the contention that the phrase gu fou        ^ , "drum on an
earthenware pot" (30.3) reflects an early Zhou custom of the northwestern,
modern Shaanxi area,   to the belief that the ideology of the Yijing reflects
a declining society (6.6, 42.6), with an interest in eremitic withdrawal (18.6,
33.4,5,6), and thus cannot derive from the vigorous young dynasty of the
early Zhou kings like King Cheng and King Kang, but rather derives from 9
late Western Zhou.
Some preliminary but promising attempts have also been made to fix a date for the text from linguistic, philological evidence.   Most evidence points to a Western Zhou date, possibly early Western Zhou, rather than Shang or Chunqiu or later.   For example, Chen Mengjia argued that the repetition of the phrase yong xiang "use in (sacrificial) offering" (41.0, 42.2, 47.2,
and, with  ^   used for ^  , also 14.3, 17.6, 46.4 ) is shared with the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions (WZBI) while xiang is never used in the Shang oracle bone inscriptions (OBI) as a sacrifice word.^ Moreover, the use
Zhou king, argues for a Western Zhou date no earlier than the time of King Cheng, ca.   late 11th century, B.C.E. (Chen Mengjia, "Duandai," II, p. 106). For further examples of lexical criteria in dating, see Chapter Four below.
Concerning the question of the local origin of the text, I have already referred above to Guo Moruo's theory of a Chu character to the text.
in the southern
. Despite
heaven' (14.3), presumably as a reference to the
Zheng Yantong goes so far as to see Chu expressions (j^-^  ) in the text: e.g., zhun       and zhan j^^in 3.3 zhun ru zhan ru "bunching and turning'; mang       "weeds' (13.3); jian       (39.0-6) (no explanation—does Zheng claim that this is similar to the Chuci particle used in the sense of and
so'?)   None of these words, Zheng claims, would have been likely to have been used by the Western Zhou people.** A much sounder bit of regional, dialect evidence, I believe, is to be found in the common usage of the word chuan ^jj   for "river.' Chuan appears 12 times (5.0, etc.), while no other word for "river' appears except a single case of He^^ "the He (Yellow River)' (11.2). This may be analyzed as a typical northwestern dialect usage of the homeland area of the Zhou people, retained even today in many Shaanxi and Gansu place names (e.g., Yanchuan^ )\ \   , Luochuan y^.) | j , Yinchuan"^|/ ))\ , Yichuan      Slj , Chuankou Jlj C?  , Songjiachuan y^ *^ etc.).12
Much more work can be done to analyze the diachronic and regional dialect character of the language of the Yi text.   At present the preponderance of the evidence confirms a Western Zhou, northwestern provenance for the text.
The discovery of the Mawangdui Yijing manuscript in Changsha in Hunan
province in 1973 gives us the first relatively complete, reliable early text of
the work.   It's entombment can be dated to 168 B.C.E., and the manuscript
itself was probably written in the preceding decades, in other words, the
early Han dynasty.   Hence it antedates by several centuries the hitherto
oldest version of the Yijing and the other Confucian classics inscribed on
stone during the late Han dynasty, and known only through fragmentary 13
rubbings.    It has been consulted in compiling the text and translation in Part Two, but since a transcription of the MS. was not published until the spring of 1984, careful, intensive analysis of the Mawangdui version of the
9
text is only now beginning.   As has often been observed, the totally different hexagram-chapter order of the MS. does prove that different text traditions existed in the pre-Han period, which were distinct not only in wording, but elso in such a fundamental regard as arrangement.   Also, the fact that a manuscript on silk of the text and related commentaries was buried as part of the personal library of a member of the local aristocracy in the somewhat remote area of Changsha indicates how popular the Yi must have been.   It remains to be seen whether the discovery in old Chu territory lends credence to the Guo Moruo-Zheng Yantong hypothesis of a Chu origin. (See also Appendices A, E and H for more on the MS.)
A preliminary assessment of the contents of the Mawangdui manuscript is that, once its rearrangement is taken into account, it closely follows the wording of the received text.   But there are hundreds of individual words which are written with different graphs from those used in the received text.   While the great majority are doubtless simple phonetic loan applications, some may be useful in suggesting how the early Han scribe understood, or misunderstood, the text.   It is likely that some of the variant graphs are the result of an ongoing editorial process of "tidying up" the text, which continues even today when one or another scholar proposes to emend a line so as to make it conform to an argued logical arrangement which the Urtext was supposed to have, such as the bottom-to-top semantic correlation with hexagram lines (see also Chapter Two below).   In addition, all the variants are of interest in the study of early Han phonology.   In general, the numerous orthographic variations in the Mawangdui manuscript provide a substantial justification for seeing many of the individual graphs of the received text itself as phonetic loans.   Thus the manuscript gives both theoretical support and further data to the effort pursued in Parts Two and Three to understand the Early Old Chinese words underlying the archaic
10
orthography of the Yi text.
The Social and Intellectual World of the Yijing
The Western Zhou society in which the Yijing emerged was a class
society, made up of a small elite aristocracy and the majority of common 14
folk. Our text quite accurately reflects this organization of society: on the one hand there are the "nobles" (junzi Jfr       ) and the "big men" (da ren
X. )> two names which appear to refer to the same aristocratic class. ^ On the other, there are the "small men" (xiao ren /] v ^\ ). Guo Moruo would divide up the classes referred to in the text more narrowly, distinguishing the junzi from the da ren.   He argues for four groups: da ren, junzi, xiao ren, and xing ren 9f"|j )\^ "persons being punished."   The rulers are the da ren and junzjf, while the ruled are the xiao ren and xing ren.^
Whether we see the junzi as a group identical with or distinct from the
da ren, it is clear that this term, which became so prominent in subsequent
Confucian thinking, does not refer to men of high virtue, as it did for the
Confucians, but rather to the ruiers, officials and aristocracy—that is, to
17 — v
those of high station in life.    The term junzi had an interesting evolution,
having first referred to the aristocracy as those who were "offspring (zt) of
the rulers (jun)," that is, scions of the ruling class.   This expression was soon
lexicalized, with zt reduced to a suffix.   Thus Peter Boodberg proposed the
18
English equivalents "lordson" or "lordling."    Its usage in the Yi is analogous to its usage in the Shi and the "Zhougao"      "f^j section of the Shu. As in the Yi, there too junzi are mentioned in opposition to the xiao ren, the "small men."   For example, in Shi 167/5 there is the stanza,
jja bi si mu  ^ i'jg <J3
"We have yoked these four stallions,
si mS kuf kuf G3 ^H3^%
11
the four stallions are strong;
ft™ suo n M $    ifc.»
the lord (leans on=) is conveyed by them xiao ren suo fei /J v /v ^
and the (small men=) common soldiers are (legging
19
them=) following them on foot." Or, again, Shi 203/1:
junzf suo lu % J , "That is where the noblemen tread, xiao ren suo shi      J\ pf^ •
20
where the (small men:) commoners look on." Already in the Guo feng       /f£ section of the Shi, roughly the 9th-7th centuries B.C.E., the word junzi had been extended to serve as a polite term of respect, said by women of their husbands.   Eventually it referred to anyone capable of noble, gentlemanly behavior.
The two-class division of society into commoners and aristocracy applied to free men.   But there were others in the society who were not free, or were less free.   Whether they were bought and sold as chattel slaves or not has been long debated.   They are mentioned in the Yi on several occasions, but the text does not provide much new information.   The common EOC terms chen       and giejjare the more usual terms in the Yi for male and female slaves, or "bondservants," a term I use in Part Two to imply servitude without necessarily involving a monetary transaction.   But each of these terms may in some contexts also extend to less servile relations, such as those of "subject," "minister," "vassal," in the case of chen, or "concubine," in the case of qie. Other persons in a less free status are
called tong       , p_u J^T and possibly also ru
The text also contains two possible references to still another category, of
12
fei ren , literally "non-person" or "not a person" (8.3, 12.0). If there
were such non-persons, then we must ask the question most scholars have regarded as too simple to be worth asking: who was a ren? Was the concept not coterminous with humanity itself?   One possibility, known from other cultures, is that ren was a term reserved for the in-group, the wo ■jjffc "us" of the text, referring to the Zhou, or possibly all the Hua-Xia 3p ^ "Chinese" people, with fei ren as a reference to all the other residents of ancient north China, the inhuman "barbarians." But ren often occurs in the OBI modified by a fang border-state name or other place name.   Even the lowly qiang ^ , whose bodies provided fodder for the Shang sacrifices, are on occasion called qiang ren.   We would not expect this if ren simply referred to the Zhou. Alternatively, ren may be a collective term for the free classes, excluding those in servitude, who in any case were often captured among the inhuman barbarians.   This is close to the view of Chen Mengjia, who paid close attention to the meaning of ren in his study of the OBI (Zongshu, pp. 605-611, 625).
The economic stage of society which the text reflects is quite clearly a primarily pastoral and hunting society, and secondarily an agrarian one. There is only one mention of cultivation in the whole text (25.2), while there are numerous references to herding, hunting, fishing, and the raising and gelding of livestock.   Furthermore, the overwhelming importance of sacrifice in the text also reflects a society in which animals are more common than cereal grain.   On the other hand, there are a number of references to gathering plants of economic importance, very reminiscent of the Shijing. If the identifications in Part Two are correct, these plants include cogongrass, dodder, caltrop (Tribulus terrestris), and wild grape. The following animals are referred to (here too not all identifications are secure): fox, bird, horse, crane, pig, piglet, fish, bovine, pheasant, wild goose, tiger, leopard, elephant,
13
silver carp, mountain goat, turtle, hawk, vole (or similar rodent), hamster (or similar rodent), lia-bird, ewe, ram, and crane.   While herding, hunting, and gathering are of primary importance, the text does refer several times to those living in towns (yl ^ ), so che society had also developed a degree of urbanization.
As touched upon below in Chapter Two, the Western Zhou dynasty was
just beginning to embark on the path of intellectual development which led
to the splendid flowering of "a hundred schools of thought" in the Warring
States Period. This evolution has been masterfully described by E. R. Hughes
in his book Chinese Philosophy in Classical Times under the title "From
Tribal Religion to Philosophical Inquiry" (..xiii-xxxiii, 1-12). He paints a
picture of the gradually awakening consciousness of the individual and the
slow accumulation of the building blocks of what we conceive to be rational
argument, such as causal connections, orderly exposition, hypothesis, and the
like, in the period beginning with the Shi and the Yi, through Confucius, to
Mo Di, Mencius, or Han Fei. (We might wonder whether the sense of "causal
connections" is perhaps not underdeveloped but overdeveloped in the Yi!) The
Yi occupies that period where magico-religious ideas dominated.   It was not
only a pre-intellectual era, but also a pre-moral one.   The text is filled with
sentences which describe "does" or "did" situations, which in the moral
reinterpretation of subsequent ages are turned into "shoulds." At the same
time that ancient Chinese society became more prescriptive, it became
21
intolerant of diversity.    Hence, the later interpreters of the text, anxious for an orthodox consensus, wracked their brains for imaginative ways to relate mutually contradictory determinations in one connected thought, since they could not allow them to coexist.   Let us quote one line text to illustrate the simultaneous effort to prescribe behavior on the one hand and resolve internal contradictions on the other.   The line text 17.4 is a typical
1*
case.   I translate it first as it is rendered in Part Two: suf you huo       ^ ^ , "In pursuit there will be a catch. zhen xiong      [*{ , The determination is ominous. you fu zai dao ^  ^ ^ , There will be a capture in the road, yl mfng h£ jiu   »k 0% 1% %t
If they (the captives) are used in a sacrificial covenant,
what misfortune will there be?" The interpretation of Zhu Xi, represented in the translation of James Legge, binds the various parts together into a version which is barely recognizable as the same original text: "The fourth line, undivided, shows us one followed and obtaining (adherents). Though he be firm and correct, there will be evil. If he be sincere (however) in his course, and make that evident, into what error will he fall?"22
Nevertheless, while the society which produced the Yijing was not concerned with what was morally right and wrong, with the good, the true, or the beautiful, it was extremely concerned with correct behavior and proper timing for life's rituals.   By far the most important of these rituals reflected in the text is sacrifice and all its attendant procedures.   While the majority of hexagram-chapters have at least one mention of a sacrificial rite, some hexagrams have an overriding concern, such as Hexagrams 19, 31, 52, or 59. Many of the sacrifices involve a step-by-step procedure, such as a careful dismemberment of the victim, which might be either animal or human.   The descriptions may seem crude and barbaric to us, but, of course, they were not so to those concerned.
Sacrifice was accompanied by consultation of the oracle in order to
15
determine when to sacrifice, to which deity or ancestor sacrifice should be
made, and what objects should constitute the sacrificial offering.   We are
very familiar with these concerns of ancient Chinese divination because they
appear regularly as topics in the Shang OBI. To these are added a range of
other sacrifice-related concerns, such as an interest in the behavior of
victims before and during the sacrificial rite, the paraphernalia used, or the
23
procedure to be followed for dismemberment of the victim.    The emphasis which the text gives to sacrifice in the translation in Part Two is much greater than in previous translations.   Each of the newly claimed references to sacrifice will have to be carefully considered for accuracy.
The other world of the spirits which is the object of the entreaties of divination, sacrifice, and prayer is always present implicitly in the text, but the spirits are not often referred to by name.   There is only one mention of Di vff?, the Lord on High so familiar from the Shang OBI. The deity supposed to be of greater importance to the Zhou people, Tian ^ , "Heaven," is mentioned two, possibly three, times, and another time as part of the conventional reference for the Zhou king as tian zi, the "Son of Heaven." The rest of the eight cases of tian in the text appear to be non-religious references to the sky above.   Other references to the spirits are problematic: three occurrences of the word gui ^£, of which two.are probably the name of a tribe in this world, while the third is part of the name of an asterism; one or two other possible names of spirits, such as zhT
= cjf       "Earth Spirit" (29.5); and references to such nature deities as Mt. QiiPx>
Closely related to the importance of sacrifice in the text is that of tribal warfare and captive-taking raids.   The frequency of the word fu >-OfSj-) %capture' (booty or human or animal captives) attests to this. Inter-tribal raids not only supplied slave labor for the victorious state, but
16
also victims for the victors' sacrifices.   Warfare appears often as the topic of prognostication, usually as a brief inquiry whether or not an attack will be successful.   The names of various border tribes appear in the text, and probably also the Yin (Shang) state.
The Philological Study of the Text Interest in interpreting the sense of the Yi text began at the time of the awakened consciousness of a past, of a received tradition, in the Han dynasty.   Whole schools of interpretation emerged, each of which had its favorite text tradition.   Although the majority of Han works on the Yi have been lost, many glosses of the most distinguished commentators were preserved in later collections of annotations.   Principal among the collections are the Jingdian shiwen      v^Zjj^ j£ oi Lu Deming 6^ (see Shiwen
in Bibliography), compiled in the late Six Dynasties period; the Zhouyi jijie
^      JJ^ of Li Din§2UO % /if ^   ' in tne Tan8 dynasty (Jijie); and
the great Qing dynasty redaction of Jijie by Sun Xingyan \/\. Some
of the Han commentators are famous for their notes on a number of old texts, while others were Yijing specialists.   Some are deeply committed to line analysis of the hexagram picture, while others eschew it in favor of a more linguistic, literal approach.   Finally, some were seeking scriptural justification for their own philosophical predilections, and consequently distorted the text to fit their message.   Here are the names of the main Han and Six Dynasties commentators drawn upon in the translation: Zheng Xuan       ^ , Ma Rongjjj        , Xun Shuang ^ jfe , Yu Fan^ J-Jj , Wang Su ^ ^   ; and to a lesser extent, Meng Xi       ^ , Xiang Xiu f^J
Jing Fang^ , Lu Ji f|r % J, Gan Bao f" ^ , Wang Bi $ , Cui Jing ^ 'j^> Chao shi ^      , (pseudo-) Zi Xia ^~ ^  , and Xu Miao
1*&
17
In the Sui-Tang period, aside from the collections of commentaries
referred to, there was Kong Yingda s $\j jpfy^       extremely influential
multiple commentary, Zhouyi zhengyi        ^       ||> , in which he appended
his own remarks to those of Wang Bi. This edition became a standard, and
was used also as the text of the Yi in Ruan Yuan's |^ 7(j Qing dynasty
edition of the classics, Shisanjing zhushu "f"     fj^ which is the base
text for the translation in Part Two below.   The next peak of activity in Yi
exegesis is in the Song. There were many famous Song Yi scholars, the most
prominent of which was certainly Cheng Yi ^£       , with his Yi zhuan ^
a -de
j^. But of the Song commentators, only Zhu Xi^  %^    and his Zhouyi benyi yfj       J^- could be said to have had any influence on the
interpretation in Part Two.
A really significant step forward comes with the great Qing philologists. Once again as in the Song, there are famous names in Yijing studies—Hui Dong jjl ^ , Jiao Xun %        , Mao Qiling ^ Wang Fuzhi J_
Z_ » and so on—who, while their philosophical contributions are no doubt significant, are of little or no help in the philological interpretation of the text in its Western Zhou social and intellectual context.   For help we must turn to the great names in general philology who were at the same time interested in the Yi. Two names stand out above the rest: Wang Yinzhi
^fl ^L. and Znu Junsheng ^^^_^"-2* Also useful are Yu Yue J-j ^tSc, at the end of the Qing, and, particularly for phonological study of rhyme in the text, Jiang Yougao *.T. ^ and Gu Yanwu/j!^ ^        . The
"middle-of-the-road" edition of the Yi authorized by the Kangxi emperor and completed in 1715, called Zhouyi zhezhong ^   (see Li Guangdi),
is a convenient arrangement of the text and Song commentators, chiefly Zhu Xi and Cheng Yi. This was the principal edition used by both Legge and Wilhelm. It differs in selection and arrangement of commentary, but not in
18
wording, from the Shisanjing zhushu edition.
Since the beginning of the twentieth century the discovery and decipherment of the Shang oracle bone inscriptions and continuing progress also in understanding the vastly increased corpus of the Zhou bronze inscriptions have both served to usher in a revolutionary new epoch in the study of the Yi text.   We are now in the unusual situation of having available to us contemporary documents which were unknown to even the earliest commentators in the late Warring States and Han times.   At the same time modern linguistic advances, especially the careful, conservative reconstruction of the Old Chinese phonological system by Bernhard Karlgren and the numerous Chinese and western scholars who followed in his steps, has provided another hitherto underdeveloped tool.   Among the many scholars who since the 1920's have participated in this revolution in understanding the Yijing, and who constitute what I would call the "modern school," the leaders are Gao Heng ^ "J , Li Jingchi | , Wen Yiduo ^  — ^ , and
Qu Wanli       ^ ^ . Their works, and those of many more, are listed in the Bibliography. In the past few decades, new types of contemporary Zhou (or Han) documents have emerged from the Chinese soil, such as the divination inscriptions on jade from the Houma site in Shanxi, the meteorological-astronomical divinations from Mawangdui, and the calendrical-astrological divinations from Yunmeng. Although their existence has been known for some time, the "hexagram number signs" on pottery and bronze vessels and on divination bones are being newly understood. Along with the new Yijing manuscripts from Mawangdui and Fuyang in Anhui, these new materials of great comparative value should open many productive avenues of research in the future.
19
2.    The Structure of the Text: The Yijing and Primitive Systematic Thought
In this and the following chapter, I attempt an analysis of several of the major organizing principles we can detect in the Yi text.   While the Yi is an anthology, a pastiche of many traditions, and one which was not compiled in the space of one lifetime, let alone by a single genius, nevertheless, it is by no means a random conglomeration of words and phrases (although the obscurity of some passage1: has led some despairing scholars to such a conclusion!)   There is a primitive orderliness in its arrangement, reflecting the handiwork of no doubt countless unofficial "editors" through the ages. Here my concern will be to peer into t'.ie remotest reaches of Chinese intellectual history and discern what elements of the system of thought for which the Yijing became so well-known throughout later Chinese history existed already at the time the hexagram and line texts came into existence in the Western Zhou, and contributed to that orderliness we see in the text.
The task is not a simple one.   There is little solid contemporary historical evidence to go on, beyond that which the text itself can provide. Anachronism is rampant in Yijing studies.   In an intellectual tradition which has often ascribed an extravagant antiquity to various texts and cultural traits, the Yi has suffered more than most at the hands of the mythologizers.   Yet, to anticipate our conclusions, despite all the confusion of fact and fantasy, the hexagram and line texts do document a distinguished role which the original Yijing played in the beginnings of systematic thinking in China. The era when the text was taking shape, the Shang and Western Zhou periods, was not yet one in which we can speak of philosophy or science.   For that intellectual step forward we must wait at least until the
Spring and Autumn era of Confucius, when society gradually awoke from its magico-religious patterns of behavior, and developed a self-conscious moral sense.   But if we think in terms of proto-philosophic, proto-scientific modes of thought, the Yijing is a rich storehouse.   It can be shown that the content of the hexagram and line texts is organized with a sensitivity to both the sounds of words and their meanings.   That is to say, there is a phonological basis to the internal arrangement in rhyme and homophony, leading to puns or double entendres.   And, more important, there is a semantic basis, particularly emphasizing the pairing of words and concepts with opposite or complementary meanings, but also grouping words and concepts of generally similar meaning, and arranging words in the text so as to correlate with the hexagram pictures in a spacialiy significant fashion. These devices are described in detail further on.
It must be stressed that, in keeping with our overall plan, we are concerned here exclusively with the content of the "original" Yijing, the hexagram and line texts.   Hitherto when the Yi text, as opposed to the post-Han philosophical tradition based on the Yi, has received the attention of intellectual historians, it has been primarily the Yizhuan which has been dealt with.   Often the ideas of the Yizhuan have been projected anachronistically backward to the era of the classic itself.1 Of most interest to scholars has been the Yizhuan's complex system of trigram and hexagram concepts for classifying and relating phenomena, which probably arose during Warring States time, along with the ylh-yang theory of polar complements. Another aspect which has been well studied is the information the Yizhuan,
as seen from a late Warring States period perspective. In addition a certain group of scholars has for years published studies proposing to see in both the Yi classic and the commentary the foreshadowing of a great range of
especially
provides on the history of technology,
2
21
modern scientific discoveries.   Possibly the most famous of these is the
claim of an alleged awareness of a binary numbering system already in the
Western Zhou classic, which in turn makes China the intellectual incubator
of the computer revolution.   Or the claim that the polarity of y_in and yang
lines anticipated the discovery of electricity.   Such efforts continue today,
often couched in the most modern of terminology.   For example an article
published in 1983 in one of Shanghai's best-known intellectual magazines
argues that the hexagrams were originally a code optimalized for efficiency
of information transfer, and that their use in divination was later and 3
secondary.   Coding theory and computer technology, the author observes,
have proven that with r expressing a numerical value in the decimal system,
efficiency is highest when r = e = 2.7183. Since as a number system base r
must be an integer, either 2 or 3 is optimal.   A hexagram is composed of 2
trigrams, each of which is a 3-place expression, with each place capable of
2 states.   Thus, trigrams being units each of whose dimensions is optimalized
(3 and 2), hexagrams are also highly efficient. . . .   Quite apart from the
problem raised by conclusions based on unrealistically early datings inherent
in such studies as this one, it is unnecessary to try to enhance the already
remarkable achievements of early China by clothing its concepts in
modern dress.   At least we should first try to grasp what meaning the
u
concepts and symbols manipulated by the ancients had for them.
The Structure of the Text Rather than pursuing a line of inquiry based on either the thought of the Yizhuan or the hexagram signs and their infinite capacity for manipulation, let us train our sights on the content of the hexagram and line texts and abstract their general structure and organizing principles.   First, note some statistics.   By consulting the tables in Appendices B and C the reader can
22
perceive that the text of roughly 4000 graphs in length is divided into 64 hexagram "chapters" of quite uneven size, ranging between 95 and 30 graphs each, with the average length being around 64.^ Each hexagram chapter is divided into seven line-verses, that is, one hexagram text and six line texts (with an extra seventh in the first two hexagrams only).   There is also wide variation in the length of these lines.   Longest is line 2.0, the hexagram text of Hexagram 2 Kun      , with 30 graphs, and next is 38.6, the sixth, top, line text of Hexagram 38 Kui        with 27 graphs.   There are five lines as short as a mere two graphs (12.3, 32.2, 34.2, 40.1, 58.6). For example, 34.2 says simply zhen ji |i   ^ , "The determination is auspicious."
What accounts for the division of the text into these 64 little hexagram-chapters, each neatly subdivided into line-verses?   Or, put another way, what accounts for their association with hexagram pictures, which provided a matrix of 64 rows, and 384 cells, which could be filled in with suitable verses?   Why not have 32 chapters, associated with pentagrams, or 256 chapters, and eight-lined octograms, or in fact any other number?   It is not yet possible to answer this question, but a common view of the evolution of the 64 hexagrams, which perhaps needs to be reconsidered in the light of the newly identified hexagram number signs (see note 4), is that they evolved through a gradual process of increasing the complexity of a simple system of drawing lots, in which the answer was originally just "yes" or "no," "lucky" or "unlucky," through some kind of digrams and trigrams to, ultimately, hexagrams.^ There the elaboration stopped, if not by chance, then for some yet to be articulated social or intellectual reason.   The explanation may be supplied in the future by a historian of mathematics, who can reconstruct the various primitive numbering systems of neolithic Asia, by relating vestiges which remain in India, China, 3apan, and other countries, and demonstrate that the hexagrams and trigrams reflect an early
23
non-decimal based system of counting (just as the words "dozen," "eleven," and "twelve" do in English). Such a system would have been used for calendrical calculations and record-keeping.''
Several scholars have already advanced hypotheses based on the ancient calendar, or on links with the configuration of divinations on a bone or turtle shall used in Shang pyromancy.   It would be plausible to expect a connection between line texts on one hand and days or other calendrical units on the other, conceiving of the role of the Yijing diviner as that of
g
"daykeeper," as the diviner is known among the Ixil, a modern Maya people. In 1935 James Menzies proposed the idea that the Yijing evolved out of Shang pyromancy, based on the similarity of the Yijing's structure to the sets of divinations on gui       days (the last day of the ancient ten-day "week," or xun ejj ), concerning the fortunes of the coming xun. These were typically of the form xun wu [also read wang j huo ^ , "there will
be no disaster in the xun."   (Compare the virtually identical phrase in the Yi, 55.1 suT xun wu jiu ^ ^       , "though it be a xun ten-day week,
there will be no misfortune.")^ Menzies noted that the oracle bone inscriptions are often arranged on the bone in bottom-to-top order, especially for xun divinations, where it is the general rule.** This resembles the bottom-to-top correlation of Yi line texts with the lines of the hexagram signs.   Moreover, the typical series of six ten-day week divinations comprising a full 60-day sexagenary cycle corresponds to the six line texts of a hexagram.   Menzies's argument was subsequently restated and expanded by Qu Wanli, and published in 1956 as "Yi gua yuanyu guibu kao."
A similar line of inquiry based on the OBI was pursued in Japan in works by Naito Torajiro ft J[fe ftp (Naito Konan ) in 1923, and
Kaizuka Shigeki   |*j   <J.'|<       jf^j in 1947. But Naito and Kaizuka reached a conclusion different from Menzies and Qu Wanli. They successively developed
24
the idea that the six lines of a hexagram corresponded not to the divinations
for the six ten-day weeks in a sexagenary cycle, but to a modified system
12
of the divinations for each day of a ten-day week.    In brief, they argued
that in an original Shang version of the Yi, traces of which remain in the
present text, there were only five lines to a hexagram chapter, and a pair
of adjacent chapters formed one large one of ten lines, each line of which
keyed to one of ten yarrow stalks used as lots.   These were in turn used to
identify one of ten sorcerors in charge of determining the auspiciousness of
each of the ten days of the Shang xun week.   Or rather, since only nine
days were divined about, omitting the last, gut, day, perhaps one "hexagram"
'3
had five lines and the other had four."   When the Zhou took this system
over, however, they modified it to fit their own calendar of four lunar
phases, chu jf ^fj ^ , etc., which was tantamount to a month of four
seven-day weeks.   (There are instances of this hypothetical system in the Yi,
as well, in the three references to something happening in or within dT n
-fc,  0 , "seven days," in lines 24.0, 51.2, and 63.2.) Like the Shang, the
Zhou ignored the last day of the cycle, leaving a total of six days, each
with its yarrow stalk identifying a lot and sorceror; and the oracle sayings
used in divination were thus also arranged in corresponding units of six,
rather than in nine as with the Shang. In these two numbers also lies the
origin of the terms "six" and "nine" as designations of hexagram lines in the
Yi (Kaizuka, "Kiboku to zei," p. 519).
Wolfram Eberhard, noted for his studies of Han dynasty calendrical
science, also referred to the Yi system as representing an early calendrical 14
form.    But he drew only on Han sources and did not raise the possibility of the Yi being related in structure to. the calendar in its most primitive stage.   Eberhard's paleoethnographic studies are often of value in understanding the folkways underlying the language of the Yi. In the case of
one hexagram, Hexagram 18 Gu ^g, the various manifestations of the gu poison beliefs which he researched overlap with a clear calendrical concern. But I do not believe Eberhard had this in mind.^
The Nature of the Hexagram and Line Texts When it comes to the question of how the divinatory subject matter which fills the hexagram and line texts came to be arranged as it is, the job is easier, since we may analyze the texts themselves.   The best word to describe the process by which the material was organized is "systematization," although of a primitive sort, appropriate to its age. Primitive science everywhere began with the careful observation and recording of nature.   This was soon accompanied by the conviction that there was regularity in natural process.^ Thus there came about an aspiration to discover the general laws underlying the multiplicity of phenomena.   We find this empirical, proto-scientific spirit in operation in the many statements scattered throughout the Yi text which generalize from past experience with specific divinations and their consequences.   If the advice of the oracle was sought regarding, say, the success of a military campaign, the yarrow stalks were then manipulated and such and such a hexagram and line would be "encountered," to use the terminology of the Zuozhuan, where many such, consultations are recorded.   That is, the process of manipulation narrowed the relevant lines to just one.   Then the diviner chanted one or more of the phrases associated with that hexagram or line, which he had committed to memory.   Let us suppose that in a flush of enthusiasm he made an optimistic prognostication based on all the information at his disposal, including the pregnant phrases he had chanted, but then subsequently the campaign was embarked upon and met with defeat.   We can be sure that this erroneous prognostication left an indelible
impression on the mind of an intelligent diviner, if it did not cost him his life.   In a constant process of fine-tuning the instrument of divination he might have noted the episode down somehow for future reference.   If this experience was repeated very often in connection with the same line, simple inductive reasoning would lead to the conclusion that this could not be fortuitous.   A general prognostication zheng xiong , "ominous for an
attack," would gradually form part of the oral, and later written, tradition to be remembered in divining the consequences of encountering that line. It would be transmitted to the diviner's apprentices, and with favorable reinforcement in subsequent divinations, become part of the repertory of the community of diviners at large.   The whole process would be aided by the universal psychological predisposition to recall positive cases which affirmed the conclusion, while ignoring the testimony of negative ones which refuted it.^ At the appropriate stage in the development of Yijing divination, at least some of this empirically derived information was gathered together and subjected to editing.   In our present text, a total of ten lines have just this notation: "ominous for an attack" (9.6, 27.2, 34.1, 41.2, 47.2, 49.3, 49.6, 51.6, 54.0, and 64.3).
The same empirical spirit informed the preservation of hundreds of omen records in the Yi text, sometimes together with the notation of their consequences, sometimes without comment.   It was curiosity and a desire to be able to explain by inductive reasoning the apparently irregular phenomena in the world about them that led diviners, the intellectuals of their day, to keep such careful records of a wide range of topics.   Whether an omen was taken directly from nature or man-made, whether it was spontaneous or contrived, through, for example, the manipulation of the yarrow stalks, it was regarded as an important fact, through the preserving of which other future facts of a similar nature could be better understood.   Henri Maspero
27
referred to these records of past divinations as "precedents," famous cases,
often sketched in a brief verse or a few mnemonic words, which called to
mind the full anecdote surrounding the original case for the trained 18
diviner.    Much earlier than Maspero, over a hundred years ago, several
European scholars working in China had correctly perceived the composite
nature of the Yi as a manual of ready reference for working diviners.
Joseph Edkins, writing in 1883, described the "scissors and paste" compilation
of the text, which he thought was based on stiil earlier compendia.
"Success" might be taken from one manual, "after seven days there is a
return" from another, and so on, each being a record of what a particular
19
combination of lines led to in a particular divination.    A decade later
Thomas Kingsmill perceptively distinguished two types of language in the Yi
which were "jumbled together"; one, "memorial words" in verse with rhyme
and rhythm, and the other, "attached cues," consisting of words like jf ^
"lucky," or she da chuan       ^ )\\    "cross great streams."20 He
reconstructed the procedure of an early divination like this: after the grass
was manipulated and a hexagram arrived at, "the soothsayer then repeated
the memorial words attached to each line till something supposed to have a
bearing on the question turned up.   He then repeated the attached cues."
Our conception of the formation of the Yi text today is not
fundamentally different from that of these astute early scholars.   Since the
1920's the studies of numerous Chinese scholars, especially Li Jingchi, have
deepened our understanding of many points regarding the structure of the 21
text:    for example, that the contradictions in prognosticatory judgments so
frequently to be found in the text, which have led to so many forced
readings in order to avoid them, result from amalgamating the results of
22
many separate divinations over a long period of time;    that we see in the diviners' remarks in Zuozhuan and Guoyu, which sometimes coincide with the
28
modern text of the Yi, sometimes diverge from it or extrapolate on it, the
continuation of the process of accumulation of ad hoc, impromptu diviners'
23
verses and prognostications which formed much of the Yi text itself; that
the anecdotes embedded in the text are probably all based on actual
divinations, recording essential facts related to the subject being divined,
rather than being historical allusions used only for rhetorical effect and
added prestige, as is the case with the shen qian       ^ "divine oracle
2k
slips" of later times;    or that the stress laid by the ancient Chinese on the
special significance of the correlation of two or more different omens for
determining good and bad fortune led to the practice of divining an omen
after it was observed to clarify its meaning—combining the interpretation of
natural signs with divination by turtle shells or yarrow stalks being felt to
be a double guarantee of accuracy—and that in the case of the Yi, if a
certain hexagram and line were encountered upon manipulation of the stalks,
that omen or the verification of its result was often noted in connection
25
with the line in the text.    According to this hypothesis an omen like, for example yjj tuo fu J^CJ^/C)'?JC.» "a cart nas its axle-suPPOI"t come
off," appears in line 26.2 because it was this line which was encountered, perhaps repeatedly encountered, when the stalks were manipulated in divining the significance of this omen.   If we read the text with these insights of Li Jingchi's in mind, it makes much better sense.
I do not mean to suggest that ancient China or the compilers of the Yijing were unusual in displaying an enthusiasm for abstracting general predictive principles from accumulated divinatory experience. Compendia similar to the Yijing in blending omens with proverbs, verses, and a variety of useful lore have been passed down from antiquity all over the world. A recent issue of the Journal of the American Oriental Society devoted to "Oriental Wisdom" literature (Vol. 101.1, January-March 1981) contains
29
several examples from India, the ancient Near East, and the Islamic world.
So also for a number of the codices or the Book of Chilam Balam of the 27
Maya.    The modern version of the genre is perhaps the farmer's almanac.
Many such works are striking in their similarity to the Yi in both structure
and social function.   Consider, for example, the compendia of precedents
passed down in connection with ancient Mesopotamian liver-divination, called
hepatoscopy or haruspicy.   The oldest of these compendia now extant date
from 7th century B.C. Babylonia, but they are believed to be copies of
works dating back perhaps as far as the Sumerian civilization of the early
28
third millennium B.C.    A description of a hepatoscopy manual could apply equally well to the Yijing, changing only the particulars of the tools of the trade:
. . . [the compendia] enumerate so many and such varied phenomena as could not have appeared on one occasion alone. In the early days of liver-divination we may take it for granted that no such collections existed, but as the art developed the priests must have soon realised the need of compiling such catalogues; for no augur however skilled could retain in his memory the meaning of so many and such complicated omens as they believed they saw on the sheep's liver.   There must, moreover, have been occasions when they were particularly impressed by what seemed to them a correspondence between some liver-omen actually observed and the events which happened afterwards.   Of these omens and of their interpretation indicated or confirmed by experience they would most certainly not fail to preserve an account for future reference.  Besides, the utility of such texts for training the future baru-priests in terminology and principles of interpretation must have been keenly appreciated in the temple schools.   Thus there gradually grew up in the temples great collections of interpreted omens which served firstly as books of reference for the aruspice when drawing up the result of a liver-inspection, and secondly as manuals for the young baru-priests, and according as fresh liver phenomena were observed and interpreted, they were doubtless added to the collection (Dillon, p. 29).
The significance of these works in the history of the development of a
scientific spirit of empirical observation, classification, and the formulation
of general predictive principles has been thoroughly explored by Jean
30
Bottero, in his "Symptomes, signes, ecritures en Mesopotamie ancienne." Most of Bottero's conclusions apply equally well to the Yijing.
The Topical Classification of Omens
We must now further consider the process of arranging the text I have
termed systematization.   For there is an important function missing in the
account so far.   Although, as I have described, omens and anecdotes were
noted in connection with the line encountered in the act of divining, this
would, we must assume, produce a random distribution of subject matter
among the 450 hexagram and line texts, or at least among the 386 line
texts.   Yet this is anything but the case.   In other words, the text shows
signs of having been manipulated, either in the process of recording
information itself or subsequently, by an editor or editors.   The guiding
principle in this process was a desire to classify the material in a variety of
ways that would bring out the underlying orderliness of natural phenomena.
Classification answered a basic need of early man in coping with a terrifying
world.   The Yi was "a filing system for natural novelty," Joseph Needham
has written with primary reference to its later development, which met "that
need which . . . was one of the greatest stimulating factors of primitive
science, namely the need for at least classing phenomena, and placing them
in some sort of relation with one another, in order to conquer the
ever-recurring fear and dread which must have weighed so terribly on early
men.   Any hypothesis would be better than none, but hypotheses which would
take some of the terror out of disease and calamity there must at all costs 29
Perhaps the oldest example of classification in China we have a record of is the taxonomy inherent in the Chinese script itself.   For example, already by the Shang dynasty a class of words was identified as related to fish by
sharing a "fish" classifier (      ), or a class of natural objects was grouped together as plants or grasses, by sharing a "grass" classifier (^ |). Another early classification is implied by the device of incremental repetition in the Shijing, the words mutually substituted in successive stanzas being perceived by the singers of the Shi songs as sharing a common trait.^ Thus in Shi 125/1 there is cai ling ^ ^ , "I gather the ling plant," and for ling in 125/2 is substituted ku       "the ku (bitter-) plant,' and in 125/3, feng ^ "the feng plant.'  Or in 151/2 there is
wei ti zai hang, bu ru qi yl
"the cormorant is on the dam, it does not wet its wings," which in 151/3 is repeated with another body part, zhou "beak,' substituted for yu As I argue in the following chapter, incremental repetition in the Shi and line text parallelism in the Yi are likely to be two related aspects of a single oral tradition, and, indeed, the line texts of the Yi carry the classification of the Shi incremental repetition to a much greater extent.   (According. to the hypothesis put forward there, a Shi line like 151/2 could have had a "key" in Yi Hexagram 5 Xu (Ru), such as ru yu liang
^% > "lt gets wet on tne dam.")   The implied taxonomies of the script, the Shi, and the Yi are made explicit in such Han dynasty works as Erya jffcj       and the "Diyuan"        ^ chapter of Guanzi |? Jf- .31 This is just one of several ways in which the Yi may be regarded as a forerunner of the Erya and other works in the Ya/fi£  tradition of early lexicography.^
It is certainly an overstatement to say that the subject matter of the Yijing text is classified topically, but it takes no sophisticated statistical tests to perceive that the distribution of certain key words—not the divinatory jargon, but other ordinary lexical items—in the text is far from random.   These words, of which I count 58 specimens, including several
32
phrases, have undergone a kind of preliminary sorting, so that they are concentrated exclusively or primarily in one hexagram-chapter.   There is a high, but not 100 per cent, correlation between these words and the hexagram names, which is not surprising, since it is our assumption that most hexagram names were picked by choosing just such prominent words to serve as convenient identifying labels.   Below is a list of these "key words."
Table 1.   Words and Phrases with Two or More Occurrences Concentrated Exclusively or Primarily in One Hexagram
* ft 1 g& 19 I 35 |[ 51 £ 3 |g 20 3f]0(*£j%)36 f<(|§) 52 •|p  *            **   ^  21            **    ^    37        ** *,J[|;&53
<f>>$5 f   22 **8?&38        ** |f
tk 6 14 23 '      I 39 f
#p 7       it 2*       Mw      M 56
^                  £ £ 25 g ,1 £   <ff) 57
j£f   27 ^[ 42 & 58
J   12            *              27 « ;| 59
13                    >^    29 2jf 45 |f 60
ffc15 M 30 4f   *6 *   |/ 62
16      i£   {%&)      31 g   47 **     ^ 62
Pit 17 32 ^ *8       **  >j| 6*
* 17      j/g. (/jfc)      33 ^ 49
§18   #£tf£>  3* If 50
* totally different from hexagram names ** partially different from hexagram names
Note that Jhe following hexagram names, which occur only one time or not at all in the text of one hexagram, do not appear in the above list: No. 1 Qian       (once, reduplicated), No. 2 Kun $tf (0), No. 9 Xiao chu  /Jx ||
54
55
(0), No. 11 Tai ^ (0),33 No. 26 Da chu       J   (0), No. 28 Da guo ^
(1), No. 44 Goujcfc (1), No. 61 Zhong fuf^.    (1?), and No. 63 Ji ji
^ /^f ^* There is an extensive literature dealing with the hexagram
34
names and their irregularities.    Hence I will not concern myself further
with them here, other than to note that there are still unexplored aspects to
the irregularity which may be able to help explain the origin of the
hexagram names, as well as elucidate the process of editing the text in
general.   For example, of the group of some eight names which have been
claimed to form the first word or words of their respective hexagram texts,
a full six occur together in a continuous series of hexagrams (No. 9 Xiao
chu 4^ J|   [one interpretation], No. 10 Lu J%%, No. 11 Tai ^ [one
interpretation], No. 12 Pi ^ , No. 13 Tong ren j&j X.  , and No. 14 Da you
~i\ ^ [one interpretation]).   This seems unlikely to be an accident.
Th«.-re are a number of such localized features of the Yi text.   Another is
the extraordinary regularity of the series^ Hexagrams 48-53. Further study in
this direction will probably uncover more.
Although I have referred to the arrangement of the key words above as
the result of a preliminary sorting, this can only be a partial explanation,
since it is unlikely that a sorting of any list of randomly accumulated omens
would produce a selection so limited in general, yet of considerable depth
with respect to the various contexts of each omen word.   There must have
35
been a conscious effort to gather examples of certain categories of omens. Li Jingchi has suggested that an editor—presumably, someone other than a diviner—went so far as to supplement certain parts of some hexagrams in the process of polishing the text to make it more orderly ("Xukao," p. 123). In Li's view, in Hexagram 52 Gen R^, the phrases 52.1 gen qi zhf   0 ^£ ^yt and 52.4 gen gf shen   ^ ^fc       , which in Li's interpretation mean, respectively, "pay attention to taking care of the feet" and "pay attention to
34
taking care of the trunk of the body," were not part of the original diviners' corpus, but were added by an editor in the final years of the Western Zhou to make a relatively complete progression from foot to head through successive line texts.   But this need not be the case if the text is drawing upon material already in catalogue form.   A systematized sacrificial procedure, of the kind reflected in 52.0-6 in my different interpretation in the translation in Part Two, as well as in Hexagram 23 Bo fjjA, Hexagram
rather sketchy catalogues of images provided by ancient songs, which are discussed in the following chapter, magical practices such as spells and incantations are also frequently in catalogue form.   Bronislaw Malinowski has given some examples: "The sorceror will mention all the symptoms of the disease which he is inflicting. . . ," or he "in tones of fury will have to repeat such verbs as "I break—I twist—I burn—I destroy,' enumerating with each of them the various parts of the body and internal organs of the victim" ("Magic Science and Religion," p. 69).   It is possible that similar catalogues evolved naturally in the course of Yijing divination and its concomitant sacrificial rites, without the efforts of a subsequent single editor.
Some hexagrams have a greater concentration of omens and other information on a specific topic, even without any explicit key word. Hexagram 26 Da chu ^ ^ is a well-known example, with a horse, a calf,
and a pig which appear in three line texts being the "big domestic animals"
"travel" (Tanyuan, "Preface," pp. 6-7).   Similarly, we can perceive topical
provides one kind of a list.   In addition to the
concentrations in other hexagrams, notably those concerned with sacrifical ritual.   Of special interest are those few which gather early wisdom about nature, such as Hexagrams 38 Km       and 55 Feng ^*, which have more than their share of ancient astronomical lore, or Hexagram 28 Da guo "j^. with botanical lore.
Adjacent Related Hexagrams
There is a certain amount of topical connection also between adjacent 36
related hexagrams.    All hexagrams in the Yi are related in pairs through their hexagram signs or "pictures" (guahua ^Jv ^ ). Each odd-numbered hexagram sign is either the inverse (fandul ), top-to-bottom mirror
image, of the following even-numbered hexagram sign (e.g., Hexagrams 43
■ and 44 ) or, in the eight cases where symmetry would result
in no change, the reverse (xiangdui with the polarity of yang solid
lines and yln broken lines changed (e.g., Hexagrams 27 :EE       and 28 ). The connection of such adjacent related hexagrams is usually through common language in the line texts of the adjacent pair which are attached to the same line in a hexagram sign and its mirror image.   Thus in each of the mirror-image texts 43.4 and 44.3 appears the passage
tun wu fu (*pliwo), 31 xing (ciqiet) zlju (*ts'i3r-tsio) "with no skin on the buttocks, his travel is labored." In 63.3 there is the line
Gao Zong fa Gut fang, san nian ke zhT "the High Ancestor (Shang king Wuding) attacked the Gui border-state, and conquered it in three years"; while in 64.4 is the similar line
f ft f f *
Zhen yong fa Gui fang, san nian you shang yu da guo "Zhen used this (i.e., as a result of encountering this line in divination) to attack the Gui border-state, and in three years was rewarded in the great state."^ In 11.2 there is
m t
peng wang
". . .companions perished" and in 12.5, with wang reappearing,
£i wang £i wang "Might it flee? Might it flee?" But the connection between hexagrams need not be only between mirror-image line texts.   In the same hexagrams No. 11 and No. 12 there are several other connections.   Line 11.0 has
-I- % ± *
xiao wang da lai
"he will go small and come great," while 12.0 has the counterpart
A 'It '1- % da wang xiao lai
"he will go great and come small." (It was this well-known pair of phrases which in part gave rise to the common metaphor using the two hexagram names No. 11 Tai       and No. 12 Pi y£j to symbolize good and bad fortune, as in the expression pY jf tai lai v^j  $2 J^? 3J^> "out of the extreme of misfortune comes prosperity.") Lines 11.1 and i2.1 both have the phrase
37
U I # ^ I #
ba mao ru yj <ji hui
"pull out the cogongrass, roots and all." Line 11.2 has
(bao:) pao huang
"the gourd (lit., *a wrapper'?) is hollow"; while 12.2 has
bao (cheng:) zhehg "wrap the steamed meat offering"; and 12.3 has
bao xuT
38
"wrap the offering of prepared delicacies." Note that in some of these cases the topical similarity may actually be limited to the use of a common graph, in different but related senses. As we will see below, graphic resemblance is, along with phonetic resemblance, an important organizing principle in the Yi.
There are a few cases of topically related lines which are not true mirror images, since they occur in a pair related through reversed polarity. Line 29.4 has
yong fou
"use earthen vessels," and 30.3 has
bu gu fou
"do not drum on an earthen vessel." There are even several cases of connections between adjacent hexagrams which are not related through their hexagram signs.   For example, in 56.4 there is
flr * f f
de qf zT fu
"he gets his money-axes," and in 57.6 there is
Ik  * I /t
sang <ji zi fu
"he loses his money-axes." In 16.6 there is
cheng you yu
"there is a collapse in the wall," and in 17.1 there is
(guan:) guan you yu
"there is a collapse in the lodging-house." Note that in the latter case the phrases occur in a top and a bottom line, as if they were mirror images, yet there is no apparent connection (No. 16 — — , No. 17--).
Arrangement of "Low" and "High" Words Another way in which the shape of hexagram signs is used to provide a framework for systematization is through using the bottom-to-top arrangement of the hexagram lines as a metaphor for the low and high of the real world.   Words with "low" as a component of their meaning,
39
especially names of lower body parts, occur more often in line texts at or
near the bottom, words with "high" as a component of their meaning,
especially names of higher body parts, in line texts at or near the top.
"Middle" meaning words are more likely to occur in the middle line texts.
Here again is evidence of an increasing sophistication in the analysis of
language and meaning.   Li Jingchi, Wen Yiduo, and Qu Wanli ail observed
39 '
this feature of the text and gave some examples.    Qu's analysis was the most thorough, but mixed in with some very convincing statistics (e.g., 6 out of 6 cases of zhj ^jj: 'foot' in bottom lines) were many other more debatable claims.   We can see to how great an extent this system works by listing the examples they gave, plus some added ones, and citing all occurrences, rather than only the ones which support the argument. Even when this is done, it is clear that the distribution of these words is indeed intentionally skewed in favor of semiotically appropriate lines.
Table 2.   Occurrences of Some Words with "Low" Meaning (including all graphs containing  !£ "foot,' regardless of meaning)
zu ,4L	"leg'	23.1, 50A
	"foot'	21.1, 22.1, 34.1, 43.1, 50.1, 52.1
	"lame'	10.3, 54.1
iiln f	"crippled legs'	39.1,2,2,3,4,5,6
Zhfzhu' ||j j.	!§ "balky'	44.1
	"leap'	1.4
IT jf	"climb'	51.2
CTU /S	"valley'	47.1, 48.2
i. Ik	"step on, shoe'	2.1, 10.0,1,2,3,3,4,5,6, 30.1, 54.1
	"wear on foot'	21.1
	"tail'	10.0,3,4, 33.1, 63.1, 64.0,1
40
43.4, 44.3, 47.1 31.1, 40.4
I. 1 28.1
II. 1, 12.1
Table 3.   Distribution by Line of "Low" Meaning Words
Line Number of occurrences
6 2
5 2
4 7
3 6
2 5
1 25
(0) 3
What I find particularly interesting, perhaps even disconcerting, about this list is that not only is there a predominance of low lines, but even where the lines are not low in the hexagram, there seems to be a slightly greater number of fourth lines, i.e., the bottom line of the upper, "outer" trigram. I say this is disconcerting, because this implies a trigram consciousness, and hitherto, with the exception of the occurrence of a few trigram-like figures among the newly identified hexagram number signs on early sacrificial vessels and oracle bones and turtle shells (see note 4), there has been no firm evidence of a consciousness of trigrams until after the end of Western Zhou, and certainly no evidence of trigram thinking reflected in the Yijing text itself.   The generally held view among a number of Western scholars, including Henri Maspero, Rene Barde, Joseph Needham, and others—a view-not subscribed to, or even noted, by any Chinese scholars—is that the trigrams are a product of analytic thinking, applied to the unitary complexity
of the hexagrams passed down from a tradition which had apprehended them 40
only globally.    I have found this argument convincing.   It is a process familiar in intellectual history throughout the world.   The evolution of
tun		"buttocks'
V mu		xtoe, finger'
qian	/&	% submerged'
jie hui	^7	Nsub-offering mat' Nroots'
41
cognitive phenomena is not, as is the assumption underlying the view of these Chinese scholars, necessarily from the simple to the complex, at least not in recorded history, but is often the opposite, the case of language itself being a well-known example.   When we look at the distribution of words with "high" meaning, however, we find more evidence to corroborate the evidence provided by the "low" meaning words.   The implication of trigram consciousness is even more apparent.
	1 OU1C T.	Occurrence of Some	Words with "High" Meaning
gao		"high'	13.3, 18.6, 40.6, 63.3
shou		"head'	1.7, 8.6, 30.6, 36.3, 63.6, 64.6
ding		* crown of head'	28.6
mian	iB	* face'	47.6
qiu		"cheekbone'	43.3
iii		"jowls'	31.6
*H		"cheeks'	31.6, 52.5
she		"tongue'	31.6
)iao		"horns'	34.3, 35.6, 44.6
mu		"eye'	9.3
✓ er	ft	ear	21.6, 50.3, 50.5
ya	f	"fang, tusk'	26.5
kou	0	"mouth'	27.0
wu		"canopy'	55.6
tian		"sky, tatoo on forehead'	1.5, 14.3,6, 26.6, 36.6, 38.3, 44.5, 61.6
kang		"gullet'	1.6
	%	"nose'	21.2
		"cut off nose'	38.3, 47.5
mu		"cover'	49.6
42
xuan		"bar atop cauldron'	50.5,6
sheng	4	"rise'	13.3, 46.1,3,5,6
jT zT tl		"snivel and snot'	45.6
shan		"mountain'	17.6, 14.4
ling	ft	"ridge'	13.3, 51.2, 53.5
xu	&	"hill'	46.3
qiu	Z~	"hill'	22.5, 27.2, 59.4
deng	ff	"climb'	36.6, 61.6
]ue		"rafter'	53.4
dong		"ridgepole'	28.0,4
Table 5.   Distribution by Line of "High" Meaning Words"
Line Number of Occurrences
7 1
6 26
5 11
4 4
3 14
2 3
1 1
(0) 2
The concentration of words with "high" meaning in the high hexagram lines, especially the top, sixth line and the third line, the top line of the lower, "inner" trigram is apparent.   The antiquity of trigram consciousness may need to be reconsidered in the light of this evidence and the presence of trigram-like signs on Shang and Western Zhou archaeological finds.
If words with "high" and "low" as a meaning component are concentrated in high and low line texts respectively, what about "middle" meaning words? Are they concentrated in the middle lines of the hexagram?   Below I list the results of two tests of this proposition.   First is the distribution of the word zhong       "middle'; second is the distribution of all words in the Yi containing the "heart" element ( '/\ , 'IV), (dealing separately with the 34
43
occurrences of the technical divinatory term hui       * trouble').
Table 6.   Occurrence and Distribution of the Word zhong       % middle'
Line Number of occurrences
6 0
5 1 42.5
4 3 24.4, 42.4, 55.4
3 3 3.3, 42.3, 55.3
2 4 7.2, 11.2, 37.2, 55.2
1 0
(0) 3 6.0, 55.0, 61.0
Table 7.   Distribution in Line Texts of 21 Graphs Containing "Heart" Element ( '|v ,'£,>>)*
Line Number of Occurrences (sans '[%■)     Number of Occurrences (with 'J«j»)
6 4 9
5 9 18
4 12 18
3 9 16
2 6 9
1 4 7
(0) 0 1
Each of these very tentative experiments does indicate a predominance of middle lines, although with such a limited sample this distribution may be coincidental.   Note that there is no predominance for the middle trigram lines, the second or fifth lines.   Qu Wanli's claim ("Wu Wang shi," pp. 14-15) that zhong often appears in these lines is not generally true.   It is especially interesting that there is a preference for the middle even when the semantic link with "middle" is only formal, through having a "heart" element. The statistics for the "heart" and "foot" elements suggest that it might be fruitful to examine other classifier elements, to see whether the Yi in this regard does indeed show an early graphemic sophistication.
44
Paired Opposites
In the Yizhuan and in the vast commentary literature in the Zhouyi tradition there are a number of pairs of concepts of opposite or complementary meaning which are frequently used for analyzing both the Yi text and the hexagram and trigram signs, and through them, worldly affairs
important to stress that, apart from a few isolated cases of yTn, tian, and
in a concrete sense, these paired concepts do not appear at all in the Yijing itself.   However, words of opposite meaning are paired so frequently in the Yi that we may perhaps conclude that they foreshadow the development of these other pairs later.   Many Chinese scholars have not hesitated to see in
"the mutual transformation of opposites"). A good example is 11.3, which contains the pairs "level/slope" and "go/return":
"there is no level which does not slope, there is no going without returning." The frequent use of such paired concepts is perhaps the principal area in which the continuity of the tradition between the Western Zhou Yijing and the Warring States-Han Yizhuan can be observed.   There are no detectable references to the symbolic correspondences of either trigrams or hexagrams
qian as words in the hexagram and line texts, and one case of tian/dl used
wu ping bu bei, wu wing bu fu
(e.g., "Xun is wood
, etc.)
45
nor any of the other correspondences with compass points, tastes, colors, animals, and so on.   However, the notion of symbol itself is fundamental to the Yi, being the essence of any omen or mantic art, and the system of symbolic correspondences may be viewed as a logical outgrowth of the diviners' business of interpretation of such symbols.
It is not surprising that the Yijing text gives little hint of other Warring States-Han period ideas such as the theory of Five Phases, wuxing ^ , since the Yizhuan also have little to do with the Five Phases, aside from a concern with movement and change, reflected in the frequency of such words as 21 ^7   change,' bian f^jk *change,' hua 'ft, Ntransformation,' and dong
"movement/ There is only rare mention of change in the Yi hexagram and line texts, although once again it may be implied by the act of divining itself, and particularly its timing.
Another typical characteristic of the Yizhuan, their consistent moral
concern, could only come about after the "dawn of conscience" in the era of 42
Confucius.    The pre-Confucian world of the Yijing was a pre-moral world. The contrast between the straightforward "value-free" language of the Yi and the ethical ideas imposed on it by the Yizhuan and the subsequent commentary literature can be seen in virtually every phrase.   For example, when the Yi line text 60.5 says
"a sweet joint: auspicious; there will be a reward in going," it probably refers to a prognostication based on the tasting of a branch broken off the stem of a plant, perhaps the pungent yarrow itself (a practice to be compared to the plucking of daisy petals, accompanied by reciting alternately the paired charges, "she loves me, she loves me not").   But by the Warring States period and later, the ethically engaged men of these
gan jie ji wang you (shang:) shang
times would prefer to understand 60.5 as a prescription for proper living. Compare James Legge's version of the line, which translates the commentary: "The fifth line, undivided, shows its subject sweetly and acceptably enacting his regulations.   There will be good fortune. The onward progress with them will afford ground for admiration" (The Yi King).
for a maiden," which had originally been a standard formula indicating that
if the client or subject of the divinatory determination was a maiden, it
would be favorable for her, came by the Warring States period to be
construed quite differently.   In the zhuan, 37.0 is typically understood to be
advice to the young girl to hang on with determination to her maidenly
virtue.   Cf. Legge: "what is most advantageous is that the wife be firm and
_ i-
correct."   In other words, the word zhen ^  underwent a shift in meaning between the times of the jlhg and the zhuan which is roughly equivalent to the spread in meaning of the English translation "determination." (Legge's "wife" also ignores the EOC meaning of nu, * young girl, unmarried woman, which results in a slight change in sense for the passage; it is not clear how the zhuan understood nu.)
As we consider further the notion of paired concepts of opposite meaning, we must bear in mind this evolution from jTftg to zhuan. The pairs are undoubtedly an important organizing device in the hexagram and line texts. Everything in the world could be classed and ordered, variously depending on whether it was "big" or "small," whether it involved "going out" or "coming in," whether it happened "first" or "later," and so forth.   The step from the concrete, specific pairs of the jlhg to the abstract, philosophical concept pairs of the zhuan was one of refinement, ethical elaboration and concomitant deemphasis of the practical oracular function, and, most important, generalization.   Here are some examples from the text:
, "determination favorable
47
- up'Tdown' (62.0)
bu y_i shang, y_i xia
"not suitable for going up, suitable for going down";
- loseTget' (48.0)
*, £
wu sang wu de
"there will be no loss, no gain"; -"southwest'/"northeast' (or "south and west"/"north and east"?) (39.0)
A xT nan, bu A dong bei
"favorable to the southwest, unfavorable to the northeast"; -"beginning'/"end' (63.0)
chu jf zhong luan
"auspicious for the beginning, but a mess at the end"; -"advance'/"withdraw' (20.3)
guan wo sheng jin tui
"observe our sacrificial victims advance and withdraw"; . -"inside'/"outside' (8.2 and 8.4)
bjf zhT zl nei. . .wai bl zhT
"ally with someone from within. . .ally with someone outside"; -"big'/"small' and "exist'/"not exist' (18.3)
.V *      .     v /    A ..X
xiao you hui, wu da jiu
"there will be a little trouble, but no great misfortune." There are an astonishing number of such pairs in the text.   It may be seen from the following list of over 100 cases of paired opposites to how great an extent this device has been exploited.   Again, it is difficult to ignore the remarkable level of lexicological sophistication this list implies. In the great majority of cases both members of the pair appear in contrasting statements in the same line, as was the case in all but one of the examples above.  In a few cases the members appear individually in contrasting statements in separate lines of the same hexagram, as in the case of 8.2 and 8.4 above; or in adjacent related hexagrams; or in the same line, but not in explicitly contrasting statements.
Table 8.   Paired Words of Opposite Meaning
Actions
you ^ "have'/wu ^ "not have'	2.3, 12.4, 53.1, 55.1,	18.3, 41.4, 43.6, , 57.5
sang ^| "lose'/de "get'	2.0, 48.0,	63.2
shT      "lose'/de ^ "get'	17.3, 35.5	
sun       "lose'/de "get'	41.3	
sun       "diminish'/vl ^ "add to'	41.1,2,5,6,	42.2,3,6
jin       "advance'/tui "withdraw'	20.3, 57.1	
wang ^fe. "go'/lai come'	11.0, 12.0, 48.0, 51.5	31.4, 39.1,3,4,6,
wang ^JL "go'/fu ^ "return'	11.3	
lai       "come'/fu^^l "return'	24.0, 40.0	
guo       "pass'/yu £^"meet'	62.2,4,6	
chu 4J "go out'/ru \ "go in'	24.0, 36.4	
wei tyj^ "tie up'/jie"untie'	40.5	
nao       "sag'/long fj^ "bulge up'	28.0,3,4	
hao-tao weep and wail'/ 13.5, 56.6
xiao ^£ "laugh'
Spacial concepts
shang Ji "up'/xia ~f. "down' 62.0
nei pt] "inside'/wai       "outside' 8.2,4
xi nan        ^  "southwest'/ 2.0, 39.0 dong bei ^ -^.(^ "northeast'
dong lin #        "east neighbor"/ 63.5 3cT ifn             "west neighbor"
tian ^ "sky'/di       "earth' 36.6
Time concepts
xian £  "first'/hou fl "later' 2.0, 12.6, 13.5, 18.0, 38.6,
56.6, 57.5
chu fffi "beginning'/hou ^f^_ "later' 36.6
chu^  "beginning'/zhong"end' 38.3, 57.5, 63.0
a 3   "day'/xi £  "night' 1.3 Descriptive words
xiao y\K "small'/da ^ "big' 3.5, 11.0, 12.0,3, 18.3, 62.0
gan "£f "sweet'/ku ^ "bitter' 60.5,6
gan "if "sweet'/xian ^ "salty'(?) 19.1,2,3
ming       "bright'/hut #j| "dark' 36.6
ping 5p- " level '/bei j^jr "sloping' 11.3
jiu ^J" "misfortune'/yu       "honor' 2.4, 28.5
jf     " auspicious'/xiong j^j" ominous' 3.5, 6.0, 32.5
"illness7xi ^ "joy' 25.5, 41.4, 58.4
pT jg" "bad'/xi || "joy' 12.6
pjf-^ "bad'/ji ^ "auspicious' 12.2,5, 33.4 People
xiao ren "small man'/ 12.2
ren "big man'
xiao ren "small man'/ 23.6, 33.4, 34.3, 40.5, 49.6
junzT ;f| "noble'
xiao ren /\s.       "small man'/ 7.6 "dFjun       ^   "big ruler'
chen |^ "vassal'/jun ^ "ruler' 62.2
chen       "vassai'/wang ^ "king' 39.2
chen J?   "slave man'/ 33.3 qle       "slave woman'
zhang fu   j£ "3^   "grown man'/ 17.2,3 xiao zl /j» -J- "youngster'
fu       "husband'/qT       "wife' 9.3, 28.2
fu       "husband'/fu       "wife' 28.5
fuzi  5^        "husband'/ 32.5 fu ren "wife'
jia ren   ^ /\ "family man'/fu zi     J 37.3
\ x       , *"wife
shi -jr "young man'/nu       "maiden' 28.2,5, 54.6
zhang zT -|r -J"   "eldest son'/ 7.5 dia 5 3-    younger son
zu tfL/ forefather'/      ^ 62.2 bt £tfj * foremother'
xing ren ^ A  "traveller'/ 25.3 yl ren ^ "townsman'
Note that while a couple of hexagram names do appear in the above list (3ie
Pt J , Sun^f , Yxi        Jia re'n % K , [Xiao] guo [/Js ] ^ , Fu ^), the only case of a contrasting pair of hexagram names appearing in the text itself as opposites is Hexagram 41 Sun and Hexagram 42 Yi. Since Kun j^f and Tai ^ do not, in the modern text at least, appear as anything but unconnected labels for their hexagrams, the paired opposites familiar in later Chinese tradition, qian/kun and pT/tai, referred to earlier, are not included. Another claim made by Qu Wanli ("Wu Wang shi," p. 14), that the names of adjacent hexagrams were selected so as to be opposite in meaning, can be seen to have little basis in the text itself, but apply only to the
51
metaphorical meanings attached to the names by the later tradition (or in the case of Hexagrams 63 Ji ji and 64 Wei fi ^       , to names
assigned later in order to establish an opposition).
Rhyme
The system of paired opposites can be reinforced by the rhyming of each member in the pair: J?j^ 0^ *g'og-dog/ ^   *si°g« Rhymes can make a clear pair out of two words which are not obvious antonyms: ^   *pi9g/ ||- *^]3g. This technique of rhyme actually extends well beyond the paired opposites to create many new pairs or clusters of associated words.   It is the most important part of a rich texture of sound symbolism, onomatopoeia, graphic associations, punning and word play—indeed, word magic—in the Yi, which constitutes the last major method to be considered here which the text exploits for organizing and classifying its divinatory subject matter. Despite its importance, this aspect of the text has barely begun to be studied, so it will be possible here only to give a few examples and raise a few questions.   A few of these aspects are taken up again in the following chapter, as they relate to oral-formulaic literature.   Then in Part Two a systematic effort has been made to show for the entire text such aspects affecting sound texture as rhyme and onomatopoeia.   There a "rhyme scheme" apparatus has been employed to show how rhyme links up the various parts of the text, both within a single line text and between line texts.
Rhyme is not nearly as common or as regular in the Yijing as it is in the Shijing or other more purely lyric material.   Yet 20 or so hexagram-chapters have extensive rhyming, another 29 have some rhyming, and only 15 have no rhyming at all or only doubtful rhyme.
The following hexagrams have extensive rhyme: 1, 2, 3, 12, 29, 30, 31,
52
38, 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 61, 64.
The following have some rhyme: 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34, 36, 37, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 49, 57, 59, 60, 62.
The following have no rhyme (numbers with asterisks have one rhyme with a prognosticatory word): 8, 14, 15, 16, 17*, 18*, 19, 24*, 32, 33, 35, 40, 46, 58, 63.
Note that again there is a suggestive clustering of the hexagrams: virtually no rhyme in 14-19, extensive rhyme in 45-56 (except for 49, with only a little).   This may reflect a purposeful editorial arrangement of the text, contrasting diviners' traditions, or different dialect strata.   In the Yijing, rhyme's function, as it is in literature, is to satisfy the author's (diviner's) desire for harmony and unity; facilitate memorization and trip off the tongue during recitation; and please the ear of the listener or reader, while aiding him in the process of grasping the logical structure of the work.   But rhyme is first and foremost a joyful, playful activity.   In the Yi rhyme undoubtedly serves a further function in enhancing the authenticity of the oracle.   This comes about through a principle of word magic, that objects which are similar in name are somehow related in reality. The rhyming of two or more words establishes a connection between the objects or actions they denote which goes well beyond the phonological level. To return to the rhyme "step on a crack, break your mother's back," the word magic linking the two objects "crack" and "back" is established phonologically, by rhyme, and elaborated semantically, in the prognostication that the "back" will "break," suggested by the object "crack." This is the essence of Yijing rhymes, connecting two phrases phonologically, and in turn semantically, by rhyming the final syllable in each phrase.   An example of unusual literary quality is the following line, 61.2:
53
ming he (*g'ak) zai yTn,
"There is a crane calling on the shady northern slope,
31 zi he (*g'wa) zhT, its offspring answers it.
wo you hao jue (*tsiok),
We have a fine beaker (of wine),
wu yu er mi (*mia) zhT.
43
I will empty it together with you." Here a primary rhyme between the last stressed word in each phrase he and mi      , as well as a secondary rhyme between he       and jue ^, serve to connect the initiating natural image, familiar as the xing gjpi "inspiring' motif of the Shi songs, with the human experience which follows. We may consider such an image or literary symbol as a kind of conventionalized omen, prefiguring a future event; while here the whole in turn serves as a symbol for the diviner and client to interpret as they see fit in the context of the client's particular divinatory inquiry.
A small library of works over the centuries has debated the semiotic function of the xing images, and a school of modern scholars has argued in favor of seeing the images as arbitrary, meaningless, and chosen for the sake of a good rhyme.    While this is a healthy corrective for absurd allegorizing, I think it misses the point to imagine that rhyme was so inconsequential for the Chinese of the second and early first millennium B.C. Rather than being a meaningless similarity of sound alone, rhyme was one way of making sense of the world.   This is best demonstrated by the Yijing text as it has come down to us, with all its many associations of phrases based primarily on
54
rhyme.   We cannot clarify in every case, or even in most cases, the specific circumstances under which the phrases came into being and entered the text.   Did the consciousness of a rhyme lead to the determination of a particular omen-symbol?   Or was an established omen-symbol somehow able to be described, through the skill of the diviner, in felicitously rhyming terms?  Or did those series of phrases distinguished both by their content and by their rhyme manage to survive especially often?   Whatever the case, we can be sure that they were regarded as of enough significance, independently and in concatenation, to be worthy of preserving in the Yijing manual.
It is possible, though not yet proven, that even some of the one or two
word pronosticatory formulas of the Yi, especially many cases of the phrase
wu jiu (*g'iog) %j ^J" , "no misfortune," are related by rhyme to the phrases
preceding them.   In the text and phonetic transcription in Part Two, I have
marked such rhymes wherever they seemed plausible.   The issue of rhyme in
the prognosticatory phrases was raised by Gu Yanwu        ^ jj^,  back in the
17th century, in his study of Yi rhymes.   If I understand his tone correctly,
he was perhaps not the first to do so.   But in Gu's day the whole issue was
confused by assumptions about the Yi text in general which we know today
to be invalid.   What Gu said was this:
. Anciently divining texts often used sound harmonizing ( % ff*1) so as to make them easy to recite.   Although the Yi of the Xia and Shang have not been transmitted down through the ages, the meaning of the Yi didn't begin with King Wen. The reason why the Yi judgments, which were made by King Wen, use only the few rhymes they do is that the structure of the Yi is different from that of the Shi. If one were determined to connect up images and auguries, forcing links above and below for the sake of sound, this would destroy the Sage's meaning.   Thus I only cite those cases which are exact. (Yiyin, 5/la.)
Whether it was because of an unwillingness to "destroy the Sage's meaning," or because of an obscuring of the text which was accomplished since the
55
Song dynasty by embedding the Yizhuan, phrase by phrase, in the middle of the hexagram and line texts, without any distinguishing marks such as reduced character size, all the Qing dynasty studies of rhymes in the Yi fail to note cases of rhyme which seem obvious to us today.
Conrady must have noted the rhyming of some divinatory formulas too, since he argues, in his effort to show that the Yi was a diviner's manual converted from an old dictionary, that the divinatory phrases were deliberately inserted in the text where they would rhyme, so as to disguise the conversion ("Yih-king-Studien," p. 426).   Conradys perception was valuable, even if his conclusion was ludicrous.   The implications of this feature, if true, are interesting, and similar to those questions already raised above about rhyme in general.   Would an object or an event be more likely to be augured as "auspicious" if part of the language describing it rhymed with jf < *kiet      ? Consider, for example, line 50.2:
ding you shf (*diet), wo chou you ji (*dz'iat),
"A ding cauldron has food in it. My mate has an illness.
* suagf-A^-A
bu wo neng ji (*tsjet), ji (*kiet).
It cannot reach me. Auspicious." Or would such a conclusion be especially likely to be noted in the text in those lines where there was rhyme?   It must be stressed that counter-examples considerably outweigh examples.   Even for wu jiu there are only 13 perfect rhymes out of 100 occurrences.   But if near-rhymes and assonances are included, the number of cases is increased somewhat. Hence it is conceivable that in the next line," 50.3, hui < *>(mw9g "trouble' is noted in part because it is a near-rhyme with ge < *kek ^, se < *s9k ^ , and shi < *d'i*k ^ , all of which occur earlier in the same line.   If for jiu
near-rhymes such as *g'iog/*d'iok are allowed, the total for wu jiu of cases related by rhyme rises to 24 or more out of 100. Near-rhymes of this sort are frequently encountered in folk literature and popular rhymes. An example is the following ditty heard among children in North Carolina: "Hot dog baby, chicken in the gravy, here comes a lady with a bald-headed baby."
Alliteration
Other phonological devices for association of words and the objects and events they denote have been studied much less than rhyme.   This is true not only for the Yi, but for Chinese literature as a whole.   Alliteration does occur, although it does not seem to be exploited frequently.   For example in 60.3,
* n n h %
bu jie' (*tsiet) ruo, ze jie (*tsia) ruo,
"if he is not (joint-like =) moderate, then it will be "alas!' (-like),"
the onomatopoeic sigh *tsia ("tsk-tsk"?) is the undesirable alliterative
45
aftermath of not being *tsiet.    Or again, in another manner construction with ru, we have 3.2:
zhun (*tiw?n) ru zhan (*tian) ru,
"bunching and turning." Several alliterative binoms also occur.   To choose a not-so-obvious example, 45.1:
hao (*g'og) yj-wo (**iet-*uk) wei xiao (*siog)
"a wail, with a cackle, becomes a laugh." Here yi-wo, "cackle-cackle," is the sound of a hen calling or person laughing.   Compare the phonetically similar English "hee-haw."*^
57
Deeper Layers of Meaning Obvious puns or double entendres can be detected here and there in the text, and these too can serve as associative devices for systematizing natural phenomena.   There are doubtless many cases which escape our notice. Gerhard Schmitt's study Spruche der Wandlungen auf ihrem geistesgeschichtlichen Hintergrund makes a start toward uncovering some of the deeper layers of meaning in the Yi. As his title suggests, this does not mean anachronistic yili JE-        philosophizing, which is the deeper meaning so many have projected into the hexagram and line texts, but rather what he calls "Lautrebus" (sound rebus riddles) and "Nebenbedeutung" (extended meanings, overtones, "supra-meanings" in the sense referred to in the following chapter).
Line 29.4 (q.v.) is not only a good example of organization through extensive rhyming, but may also be a case of double entendre operating through an entire phrase.   In the interpretation of Schmitt and a number of scholars whose readings he follows (not, however, entirely adopted in the translation in Part Two), 29.4 means "They filled the flask with wine, and filled the tureen with meat slices (^ emended to       = "Schnitzel,' "meat slices').   They used earthenware.   It was passed in to the bound one (dem Gebundenen) through the light-hole in the ceiling.   In the end, no fault" (Spruche, pp. 22-30).   This may be an allusion to the incarceration of the Zhou King Wen by the Shang in a dark subterranean dungeon at Youii ^ ^ , an idea already suggested in the Han by Cui Jing      'J-jj^ , as quoted in Zhouyi jijie (cf. Wen Yiduo, "Leizuan," pp. 35-36).   Leaving aside the details of this story, its supporting evidence, and all the problems which surround the understanding of this line, what is of interest here is that Schmitt proposes to see a secondary meaning for each of the first few
graphs, based on his principle of "Nebenbedeutung." Zun^j? suggests zun ^ "to honor'; jiu < *tsiog       suggests shou < *diog       "longevity'; gut < ♦kiwsg)       suggests kao < *k'og       "old age'; and fou < *piog ^ suggests bao < *pog ^ "treasure.' At a deeper level, then, the first part of the text of 29.4 is a "sound rebus" riddle for       ^       , ^ and says,
"Wine in the flask, symbolic of long life in honor, and the tureen, symbolic of old age—both should be taken care of as treasures."   The last phrase, yong bao recalls the familiar Western Zhou bronze inscription (WZBI) formula yong bao yong Jfj , which has a variation yong bao.   Still another
secondary meaning for fou is proposed by Schmitt: bao < *pog "sated,' with er yong bao, ^  ffl meaning, "there was a second portion, and he
was thereby satiated."   (That is, King Wen had to endure a long imprisonment.)
Some will undoubtedly find such hypothesizing of deeper layers of
meaning implausible and far-fetched.   It does, however, have the advantage
of providing a resolution of the problems created by competing resolutions of
a word or phrase, each of which seems backed by convincing evidence.
Already from the time of the earliest Han commentators there are
considerable divergences in the understanding of many Yijing passages, a
situation not unusual with other ancient texts too.   But in the case of the
Yi, it may often be the case that a given word in a single context or in
several adjacent contexts was meant from the beginning to be ambiguous.
Or rather, put differently, it was the polysemy inherent in a word which
gave it a numinous quality and led to its incorporation in the text in
contexts capable of more than one reading.   As has been observed of China
and other early civilizations, early science grew out of magic, and here in
the Yi, curiosity about the interrelation of sound and meaning, a seed of
47
linguistic science, is found to be growing in a bed of word magic.
59
Consider line 44.1:
xi y_u ]in ru,  zhen ji,
"Tied to a metal spindle. The determination is auspicious.
f £ fi t & .
you you wang ]ian xiong,
Ominous for going and seeing someone.
lei shi (*sieg?) fu (*p'iug) zhi-zhu (*d'iek-d'iuk)
An emaciated pig: the captive is balky." (?)
According to one different interpretation, the latter part of the line says, "A
tied-up pig is led, but is balky" (reading       *lwia as loan for ^ *liw9r
"tie with rope,' and ^  as protograph for ^  pou "to ieadO^ In still
another interpretation, fu ^   is the protograph for       ru "suckle,' and the
latter part of the line then reads, "An emaciated old sow walks haltingly,
49
suckling her litter as she goes along."    There are numerous other variations, based on different readings of individual words, as well as on different parsings of the passage, but in general the binom zhi-zhu at the end is quite naturally viewed as descriptive of the pig just mentioned, or at least of the captive likened to the pig.   The first and last parts of line 44.1 would then be unrelated, or at most related only through a rather obscure metaphor, as in the Gao Heng scenario quoted in note 48 above.   There is no reason to doubt this reading.   Yet as we investigate the nature of the ni^.^ "spindle' (or possibly a brake on a [spinning-?] wheeji^ there begin to appear associations with fu ^   in its oldest attested meaning of "capture,' and some of its specialized derivates,      , or ^ , "bobbin, spindle spool,' which may mean literally a "captor' or "receiver' for the weft thread.^* If this is not coincidental, the last three graphs of 44.1 may also mean "a bobbin is
balky, moving in fits and starts."
In the very next hexagram (not related in a hexagram pair), and also in the first line, 45.1, this thread-spinning theme seems to be continued. That line begins with the phrase
you fu, bu zhohg, nai luan, nai cul ruo Now in the Yi there is evidence that both the words zhohg       xend' and luan Nmess' have not fully lost their original more specific senses. These are, respectively, the tied-off end of a thread (Shin)igen, p. 774) and a mess or tangle of threads (Shinjigen, p. 27).   Cul ruo describes a bunched-up appearance, "bunch-like, in a mass."  Encouraged by these implications of the involvement of thread, here too we can interpret fu       as meaning, at least at one level, a special kind of textile-related capture, referring to the "weft-thread captor" or bobbin.   Then 45.1 says, "If there is a bobbin and it is not tied at the end, it will be a mess and all bunched up."   But if 45.1 and the last part of 44.1 concern a bobbin, does that mean we have to give up the other plausible meanings for 44.1 already referred to?   Does the exegesis have to be an either/or decision?   What I would very tentatively suggest is that such a narrow view may not be necessary.   Furthermore, it may not accurately reflect the deliberate ambiguities the diviner intended in the original—the double entendres which gave his divinatory art even more power and flexibility.   Thus 45.1 itself could serve as a double entendre, the concrete situation described serving as an omen applied to the taking of captives or booty, the usual situation referred to by the phrase you fu ^ ^- (f^ ), "there will be a capture."52
The interpretation proposed here for 44.1 and 45.1 needs to be scrutinized by experts in the field of early textile technology, who must take into account what form and function a bobbin was likely to have in the Western
61
Zhou. More generally, the Yijing needs to be looked at with an eye for the possibility of puns, double entendres, and multiple layers of meaning of all kinds.   If lines such as those discussed here can be conclusively shown to involve deliberate ambiguity, this will have important implications for the exegesis of the entire text.
Summary
This chapter has considered the structure of the Yijing by analyzing a number of ways in which the text reflects the primitive systematic thought of the early first millennium B.C.   In particular, in the Yi the accumulated divinatory experience of the past and a great deal of other information is preserved, arranged, and classified so as to stress the orderliness and predictability inherent in apparently random phenomena.   The devices used in this process of systematization were seen to include the topical sorting of the data into hexagram chapters and hexagram and line text verses; the correlation of adjacent pairs of hexagrams; the further grouping of many words and phrases in line texts corresponding to lower, middle, or upper hexagram lines depending on the extent to which their meanings were felt to have a "low," "middle," or "high" component; the pairing of words of opposite meaning; rhyming and other phonological criteria of association; double entendres and related word play or word magic.   A number of examples of each device have been given and other evidence has been presented in tabular form.   To further appreciate how these and many more examples naturally occur in their organic context, the text and translation in Part Two can be consulted.   The following chapter pursues another avenue toward understanding the composition of the text, through placing the Yijing, along with its contemporary document, the Shijing, squarely in the middle of the tradition of oral-formulaic literature.
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3.    The Yijing and Oral-Formulaic Literature
The Yijing evolved in the same social and religious milieu as that other famous classic of the Western Zhou dynasty, the Shijing *^   j£, or Book of Songs. While the Shi and the Yi are not often treated together, the former being in the province of literature, and the latter left to the devices of philosophers interested in developing their own systems of thought, nevertheless they share a considerable number of features.   In particular they are both products of the oral tradition of early China. The Shi emerged from that tradition as a collection of some three hundred folk-song lyrics, which had been transmitted from mouth to ear for many generations, and embellished with each new singing.   The Yi emerged, after a similar process of oral transmission and growth, as an anthology of omens, proverbs, folk-rhymes, and historical allusions, strung together to form a diviner's manual.   If we recognize that the Yi evolved in a way akin to the Shi, we can better understand the composition of hexagram and line—why certain obscure phrases with a common element are grouped in the lines of a single hexagram chapter.
The fundamental character of the Shi as oral poetry, relying on a singer's skilful weaving together of many stock formulas and themes, in the same vein as the Iliad of Homer, the Anglo-Saxon epic Beowulf, or the English ballads, has become more familiar in recent years, since the publication of Arthur Waley's translation, The Book of Songs, the studies of Shih-Hsiang Chen, and especially since C. K. Wang's monographic study of oral formulas in the Shi, The Bell and the Drum. I would suggest that the body of knowledge concerning the theory of oral-formulaic poetry in general and the Shi in particular is relevant also to the Yi. If we can make better sense of the obscure imagery of the Yi, it may even shed light on the rich symbolism
63
and imagery of the Shi songs themselves, meanings which the singers of Western Zhou took for granted, but which are no longer alive.
While I believe the common inspiration behind the Shi and Yi has been overlooked, the existence of common language in the two works has, to be sure, often been noted.   There are phrases, even whole couplets, in the Yijing which are so poetic, both in form and feeling, that they could have been lifted intact from the Shijing. They are cited in almost every literary history, in which the Yi is seen as a bridge between the literary "sprouts" appearing in the Shang oracle bones and the fully developed tradition reflected in the Shi.1 But in addition to these well-formed passages, there are many other fragmentary words and phrases which suggest the oral formulas of the Shi.
We should also note that, as Wen Yiduo, Gao Heng, and others have pointed out, the old words used traditionally to refer to the hexagram and line texts (see "Definitions"), which are now usually called the guacf ^ and yaoci respectively, or guayaoo ^Jx together, meant
"folk-song' or "chant.'  Thus in the Zuozhuan and Guoyu, the hexagram and line texts are always referred to as zhbu < *d'iog^jj^ , which is related to, probably a loan graph for, yao < *diog        folk-song. In other places, such as in the "Taibu"        ^   section of the Zhouli, they are referred to as song ^i^"chant,' a term which also calls to mind the Shi, through connection with the Song sections of Zhou (jfj^f^ ), Lu (^ Ajf ), and Shang (j*^ ).
Furthermore, there is a long tradition of songs and poems serving as oracles in China. One can think of many examples from the popular literature of later times.   Although it does not link it explicitly with the Yijing tradition, the Zuozhuan, under Duke Zhao's 25th year (517 B.C.), reproduces an entire "children's ditty" (tongyao j|[ j^-^) alleged to have been current in early Western Zhou times.   It involves a bird auspice, based on
64
the rare nesting of some myna birds in the state of Lu, which portended (it
is claimed in the text) the forced flight of Duke Zhao from his capital.
Whatever its origin, this ditty has many formal features which are strikingly
like those of the Yijing, as well as some from the Shi, such as rhyme and
3
incremental repetition (a technique I return to below). As an omen, it may be compared to certain or likely bird auspices in the Yijing lines 11.4, 30.2, 30.3, 36.0-6, 40.6, 46.1, 46.3, 46.5, 46.6, 50.3, 53.1-6, 56.5, 56.6, 61.2, 61.6, 62.1, and 62.6. A number of these appear to be lines from songs.
Comparative divination evidence from other cultures also suggests that divination based on orally-transmitted verses is not uncommon elsewhere. The most striking parallel is to be found in the system of divination among
h
the Yoruba people of Nigeria and parts of the New World, called If a. Typologically this system is the most akin in the world to Yijing yarrow-stalk divination.   It belongs, like achillomancy itself, to the class of botanically-based, numerologically-oriented divination systems, the most common feature of which is modulus arithmetic emphasizing the number four.   The traces of these systems are found scattered in a 15,000-mile arc beginning in West Africa, passing through South Asia (Harrapan and Dravidian cultures) and Oceanic East Asia, including China, and ending in Meso-America. The study of what appears to be actual cognate connections among these divination systems resulting from the early movement of peoples throughout this region is an extremely exciting prospect, virtually synonymous with what may be called the intellectual pre-history of mankind.   Yet it is well beyond the scope of this study.   What I wish to call to the reader's attention here are merely the oral-formulaic features of Ifa which are analogous to divination with the Yijing. In Ifa, one of 256 signs, called odu, each composed of eight single or double lines, is generated by manipulating a handful of palm nuts.   Each sign has associated with it a wealth of verses,
65
often relating divinatory precedents in anecdotal form, which the Ifa diviner has memorized and can recite.   He can choose any which seem apropos to the particular client and problem about which the oracle's advice is sought. Many of the verses contain patterns of refrain, word-play, incremental repetition, and formulaic language typical of oral literature all over the worlds Significantly, according to some observers, the diviner memorizes a "couplet" to help him recall each of the lengthy story-verses he knows.^ This is a technique which the Yijing diviner probably also employed.
In short, there is much evidence, both internal and external, both historical and comparative ethnographic, to justify viewing the divinatory anthology of the Yi as a collection almost as deeply rooted in the song tradition as the Shi itself.
If we consider the Shi and Yi as parts of a common tradition, it will help us to appreciate what Albert Lord had in mind when he wrote the following lines in his influential study of oral-formulaic poetry, The Singer of Tales;
The traditional oral epic singer is not an artist; he is a seer.   The patterns of thought that he has inherited came into being to serve not art but religion in its most basic sense. His balances, his antitheses, his similes and metaphors, his repetitions, and his sometimes seemingly willful playing with words, with morphology, and with phonology were not intended to be devices and conventions of Parnassus, but were techniques for emphasis of the potent symbol.
I regard this as an extremely incisive, if unintentional, description of the
putative mentality of the Yijing diviner himself.   "Emphasis of the potent
symbol" is indeed what underlies both the Shi and the Yi. Western Zhou
culture was a symbolic continuum, in which much of what a person came
into contact with, including language itself, was believed to have a
significant connection with the future course of human events.   Omens taken
from both nature and personal experience, as well as puns, rhymes, sound
66
symbolism, and other such word magic, even what we might regard as
literary images, were all symbols capable of interpretation.   When the
ancient Zhou people studied natural phenomena, such as, in Arthur Waley's
apt examples, "the flight of birds, their cries, the movement of animals, the
condition of flowers, dewy or rain-dabbled, the restlessness of insects, the
sound of their wings, the fading of the stars,"   they were seeking tools for
interpreting reality and guides for determining future action.   In such a
world no action could be totally fortuitous or without meaning. Marcel
Granet described this magical view of nature with his typical combination of
romanticism and scientific insight:
The sentiment of reverence which sprang up in the course of the seasonal gatherings was called out indiscriminately by the streams and rocks, likewise by the flowers and animals, by the most beautiful trees as well as by the meanest plants. One common Virtue was in everything.   Equal hopes were aroused by picking a berry and by crossing a river.   Every flower produced pregnancy, removed evil influences, united hearts, ratified
vows.
The Yijing records many omens taken from personal experience. These
include unusual occurrences such as the sagging of a ridgepole:
it.
'a ridgepole sags";
or an injury to the foot:
34.1 [zhuang =] giahg yu zhí ) % gfc
"injured in the foot"; or chomping on an unexpected arrow-point in one's food:
21.4 sh] gan zí, de jih shY Ů% ^t$fc> Í-? % ^
"he bit into the dried meat-with-bone-in, and got a metal
67
arrow [-point]."
The omens in the Yi, both natural and human, have been dealt with by Li Jingchi, Arthur Waley, and others.^ Aside from many linguistic and paleographic problems in the interpretation of particular passages (like the identification of the loan graph *|£ zhuang < *tsiang xrobust' for qiahg < *dz'iang * injure,' in order to make sense of the line 34.1 cited above), the function of these omen references in the Yi text is fairly clear. After observing an ominous event, a divine signal, one sought the advice of a diviner to clarify its meaning.  Over many centuries these omens, their prognostications, and their consequences became codified as a system of precedents in the common law of the yarrow-stalk oracle.   The Yi text that has been transmitted to us preserves many of these precedents.
In the Yi, in addition to the unmistakjable omens and prognostications, there are a large number of other difficult phrases, the function of which, I think, can be elucidated by considering them in the context of literary images in general in early Zhou literature, namely in the context of the Shi. These phrases are indeed often called "images," or xiang      .    This must, however, be distinguished from the application of the same word to the hexagram-pictures themselves, as in the usage of the Xiang Commentary. It is clear that there is no sharp line dividing the symbols which we would call omens from the symbols which we would call literary images.   This becomes evident when we study the largest group of images which occur in the songs, particularly in the Guofeng section of the Shijing, which are classified as xing       style, in which an image taken from the world of nature is said to
"motivate," "inspire," or "uplift" (xlng) the poet-singer to compose the lines
13 n\ which follow.    For example, take the following lines in the song "Yan yan"
$T #T (28/1):
%w,t f f# .tiLfcfff
yan yan yu fei, ctchi qf y_u (*giwo), zhT zi y_u guT, yuan song yu ye (*dia) "The swallows go flying, uneven-looking are their wings, this young lady goes to her new home,
14
far I accompany her out in the open country." Here on the one hand, it would be possible to argue that the initial image of the flying swallows was arbitrary, semantically unrelated to what follows, and used only for the sake of a good rhyme.   In fact, this is the contention of famous modern scholars like Gu Jiegang^^ ^      ^ anc* his student Li Jingchi, who as a scholar noted for his studies of the Yi as well as the Shi, cannot be accused of insensitivity to the "potent symbol."^ Nevertheless, one cannot help but feel that these scholars are compensating for the excessive allegorizing and symbol-mongering of the traditional Shijing exegesis, by arguing in the other extreme, and that a more judicious view would recognize an identifiable meaning in this image of the swallows' flight, as in scores of others.   In this latter view, we would have in Shi 28/1 not only at least two recurrent oral formulas, one of the type X X (a bird) yu fei, the other of the type zhT zi yjj guT, but also a case of a bird serving as a symbol, an omen if you will, for a return.^
It would be easy to cite further examples in which the ominous significance of the motivating xing image is clear: in #35 "Gu feng" bad weather reflects the distress of a rejected wife; in #51 "Didong" "^jcj^ ^ijjv a rainbow portends an unsatisfactory marriage; in #141 "Mu men" ^ f ^ baleful xiao       birds gather by the graveyard gate, and this inspires thoughts of a bad husband.  Arthur Waley has made an interesting assertion that this xVig pattern, in which a series of statements about nature is
69
correlated with a series of statements about human affairs, had its origin in
18
the simple omen-formula.    Several scholars have suggested that some of the conventionalized images may derive from verbai puns.   C. H. Wang, while reluctant to speculate about "the dim past," nevertheless makes some clever surmises about the origin of one formulaic usage in a pun, namely the "cypress boat" motif (songs #26 and 45). By his line of reasoning, bai zhou
3*0 "cypress boat" may have come to be used as an emblem for.a woman in distress, "under pressure," because of the homophony in Old
coincidence, he notes, we could use "cypress" in English to evoke the scene
of a woman "under pressure." By a similar coincidence in English a "pine"
19
boat could serve as a pun for a person "pining" for home. Gerhard
Schmitt, in his very interesting study of the Yijing, Spruche der Wandlungen,
has been very sensitive to the possibility of sound symbolism, puns, and what
he calls "sound rebuses" (Lautrebus). He offers a number of other suggestions
drawn from both the Shi and the Yi. For example, in Shi #109, he proposes
that tao < *d'og ^£"peach' is a pun on tab < *d'og       "flee'; in Yi 47.6
(one of several lines in the Yi which reflect the ancient fascination with the
enveloping power of creeping vines—a fascination anyone who has watched
kudzu grow in the American South can easily appreciate), he sees in the
word ge < *kat       "kudzu,' a pun on ge < *kat       "cut off,' which is the
20
action involved in an amputation punishment later in the same line.
Even without an explicit connection in sound and sense, such as a pun would be, a conventionalized image, formula, or theme takes on a complexity of meaning associations just from the contexts in which it has become familiar.   What Albert Lord wrote about the "supra-meaning" of a theme in Homer applies just as much to the ancient Chinese oral tradition mirrored in the Shi and Yi:
compel.'  By a
70
Each theme, small or large—one might even say, each formula—has around it an aura of meaning which has been put there by all the contexts in which it has occurred in the past. It is the meaning that has been given it by the tradition in its creativeness.   To any given poet at any given time, this meaning involves all the occasions on which he has used the theme, especially those contexts in which he uses it most frequently; it involves also all the occasions on which he has heard it used by others, particularly by those singers whom he first heard in his youth, or by great singers later by whom he was impressed.  To the audience the meaning of the theme involves its own experience of it as well.   The communication of this supra-meaning is possible because of the community of experience of poet and audience.   At our distance of time and space we can approach an understanding of the supra-meaning only by steeping ourselves in as much materia^ in traditional poetry or in a given tradition as is available.
How can this concept of formulas, themes, and their "sound rebuses" and
supra-meanings help us make better sense of the Yijing? I propose the
hypothesis that many of the fragmentary words and phrases in the hexagram
and line texts of the Yi which have been called "images" may have been
parts of familiar songs and rhymes like those preserved in the Shijing
collection.   They were oral formulas, or parts of oral formulas, or just
22
memorable phrases that "belonged to the floating mass of oral tradition," which served as "keys" to longer compositions, and in turn to the universe of mental associations which surrounded them, as a result of the process described by Lord above.   These associations could be drawn upon by the diviner, and perhaps also by the client, the divinee, in interpreting the
23
results of a divination, of a particular manipulation of the yarrow stalks.
For example, if we were clients of a modern-day Yijing diviner, and the
diviner were to draw upon the "floating mass" of American oral tradition,
when he recited "step on a crack," it might well call to mind the Freudian
associations surrounding the jingle "step on a crack, break your mother's
back," which, as Burton Watson once pointed out, is a very Yijing-like 24
expression.    Perhaps a problem in maternal relations has stimulated the consultation of the oracle.   Or suppose the diviner recited "the old man is
71
snoring."   This might be a weather forecast, and it would soon be "raining"
and "pouring," or, as an extended symbol, inclement weather might itself be
a metaphor for trouble brewing, as it can be in the Shijing. We can well
imagine that a person from another time, another culture, would be
absolutely at a loss to interpret the diviner's remarks, but once we
understand the rules of the divining game, we can supply the necessary
supra-meanings.   But in the case of the Yi it is we who are in the shoes of
the outsider, lacking any "community of experience of poet and audience."
Perhaps we may nevertheless find some clues in the Shi to clarifying the
function of the oral formulas in the Yi, though the Shi represents, no doubt,
only a fraction of the folk-songs current over several hundred years
throughout the expanse of north China (Over nine-tenths of the available
material was omitted in the editing, according to the Shiji, p. 1936.)
Before turning to the Yi text to examine some of the oral formulas and
omen-images there more closely in the light of the tradition represented in
the Shijing, it is necessary to discuss one other characteristic of the Shi
songs in general, and especially those of the xing genre, which is relevant to
our analysis of the Yi. That is the concept of "incremental repetition"
referred to above, a term first applied to the English and Scottish ballads
25
early in this century by scholars like F. B. Gum mere and Louise Pound. They used the term to describe the technique commonly found in oral literature in which a key rhyming word is replaced in each successive stanza by a semantically parallel word, and other words must then be substituted also, in order to maintain the new rhyme.   For example, in the English song which goes:
"I haue XII oxen that be fayre & brown, & they go a grasynge down by the town;
72
in the second verse the lines end:
ffayre and whight,
.down by the dike;
,26
followed in the third and fourth by "...blak...lak" and "...rede...mede."    Or in
another song (Child Waters), in a progression reminiscent of the Yijing, a
person steps into the water, once to the knee, then to the middle, then to
the neck; and in another (Lady Isabel) puts poison first to cheek, then to 27
chin, then to lips.
I believe incremental repetition in oral literature in general is best
explained as the product of group improvisation, just as Pound and Gum mere
accounted for primitive ballads: "...the savage laureate slips from the singing,
dancing crowd, which turns audience for the nonce, and gives his short
28
improvisation, only to yield to the refrain of the chorus."    Or, on contemporary ballads in the Faroe Islands: "...when some fisherman has had a mishap with his boat, sturdy companions push him out into the dancing throng, and first one and then another stanza is improvised upon the fatal theme, until a complete story of the situation, with much repetition, we may be sure, uproarious refrain, and considerable dramatic action is attained. If
the song wins general favor...it is remembered and sung from year to
„29 year."
There is incremental repetition in hundreds of Shijing songs. Thus, in Shi 28/1 quoted above, y_u rhymes with yjs 5£-j (and a subsequent yu < *giwo |ij^). In the second stanza, yu is replaced by hang < *g'ang zhj js|j
73
Here is another example, Shi #11 "Lin zhT zhí" ýj, j£ifc , which is so naive a folk-rhyme that it reminds us of a set of line texts in the Yi:
11/1 # i it >. M# « í,
Líh zhj zhi (*ti9g), zhěn zhen gong zt (*tsiag), xu jiě lín xi.
"The feet of the lin! You majestic sons of the prince! Oh, the lin!"
Lin zhT ding (*tieng), zhen zhen gong xing (*sieng), xu jiě líh xi.
"The forehead of the lin! You majestic kinsmen of the prince! Oh, the lin!"
Lih zhT jiao (*kuk), zhěn zhen gong zu (*dz'uk), xu jíě líh xi.
"The horns of the lin! You majestic clansmen of the prince! Oh, the lin!"30
Note that the bottom-to-top progression of the incremental repetition here—feet, forehead, horns—is also a trait shared with many Yi line texts.
It is my contention that the line texts of the Yijing may also reflect incremental repetition.   A series of related formulas may then key to a number of verses of the same song, or song formula.   If Shi #11 "LÍn zhT zhi" were really a series of line texts in the Yi, we would probably find in the text only abbreviated phrases like lín zhi Jfjjj. ^jj:, lín ding 0^ ^ , or
ifn YiaoJSjfy     , which might or might not be followed by other lines of the song, but would still call to the diviner's mind the prince's relatives, among other associations.   From another song, Shi #52, we could make a similar list, of
52/1 shu p_i ^       "the rat's skin,"
52/2 shu chi ^ "jsfj  "the rat's teeth,"
52/3 shu ti "the rat's limbs,"
which would suggest the theme of that song, namely that of a "man without
manners" (first stanza), or "demeanor" (second stanza), or "decorum" (third 31
stanza).    We find a series of similar phrases in the Yi, Hexagram 33:
33.1 (dun =) tun wei j@ "a young pig's tail,"
33.3 xl tun      j/J ($$ ) "tie(d) up young pig,"
33.4 hao tun ) "a fine y°ung pig>"
33.5 jia tun JIL (j^c) "a young pig for a celebration,"
33.6 fei tun       j^C (Jj£ ) "a fat young pig."
These entries might in fact record sacrificial preferences which the oracle indicated, or might be "keys" forming an index to a series of song verses, or might partake of some of both of these functions.
The same could be said of the English analogy already cited, the formula "step on a crack, break your mother's back."  It is conceivable that this is the enduring vestige of a series of incremental repetitions, and just as we have in the Yijing^
2.1 IG shuang ^       "step on the frost,"
10.2 10 dao'jstep on the road," 10.0,3,4 lu hu wei "step on a tiger's tail," ^ Jj?
75
it is easy to put oneself in the shoes, so to speak, of those unsung oral poets who were responsible for other verses, and recreate such verses as "step on a root, break your mother's foot," or "step on a tree, break your mother's knee," "step on a hose, break your mother's nose," etc. Bed...head, pin...shin, nest...chest, sand...hand~it is surprisingly easy to improvise new verses.   Yet it is also not difficult to perceive that crack...back has endured over the others (if they ever existed) because it relies not only on a rhyme as a portent symbol, as do they, but also on the meaning contact inherent in "crack" and "break." It is a case of doubly efficacious word magic, a more powerful omen.
Let us consider the analogy from English of "stepping on cracks" from another angle, since it may be instructive in understanding a related technique found in both the Shi and the Yi, which seems to rely on the same associations of sound and sense which puns make use of. The composition of a number of lines in the Yi may result from a fascination with lexical, especially idiomatic associations. They are linked together by the repeated occurrence of the same word through different line texts of one hexagram, e.g., Hexagram 22 Bi ^ or Hexagram 48 Jing ^f" . In our analogy, there would be a hexagram labeled "Crack," which had in various line texts, in addition to "step on a crack," the expressions "crackpot," "the crack of dawn," "cracker-jack" (or "crack-a-jack"), "he cracked me up", "crack the whip," "a crack shot," "not what she's cracked up to be," or "by cracky!".   If there is any basis for this speculation, the resemblance to the kernel of valuable insight in the early theories of the Yi as a fragment of a lost dictionary (such as propounded by Charles de Harlez, in Le texte originaire du Yin-king, sa nature et son interpretation; and by August Conrady, in "Yih-king-Studien," esp.   p. 415ff.)   will be apparent.   De Harlez even spoke of the line texts as lists of examples of the 64 words defined in
32
the hexagram texts, taken from the old popular ballads.
Added to the semantic associations involved above, there is the hint of a uniquely Chinese punning on graphic shape as an associative device, both in the rhymes of a Shi song and among the line texts of the Yi. This is accomplished through matching words sharing a common phonetic element. Consider Shi 156/3 (after a choral refrain):
%\ 04  f £ di£ < *d'iet, 'The heron cries on the anthill,
the wife sighs in the chamber;
she sprinkles and sweeps and the holes (in the walls) are stopped up;
we march and arrive."   (tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 102) It may be an unremarkable coincidence that all the rhymes share the common phonetic component       , since they must by definition have at least a similar final sound.   Yet this common element does provide a symbolic link among the things or events the words describe (anthill-chamber-stopping up-arriving), and is very typical of a kind of word magic found everywhere.   Another example is Shi 69/1, which links together nan < *^an       "scorched,' tan < *t'nan Qj| "sighing,' and nan < *nah "troubles/ Some Yijing possibilities are to be found in 44.2 and 44.5 (both with baojf 47.1 zhu       and 47.2 zhu ^ (with many other non-graphic, semantic links throughout Hexagram 47); and especially in 36.1-5, where there appears to be interest in graphic polyvalence (and ambivalence) or polysemy: if the interpretation of Li Jingchi is correct, the nrung yf
77
of Hexagram 36 represents variously a bird, an arrow, a bow, a wound, a 33
place, and a tribe.    The entire subject of both graphic and phonetic puns in the Yi as well as in the Shi needs more systematic treatment, as does the lively interest in language and writing already in early Zhou China which such word-play reflects.   The roots of the lexicographic tradition which could
Let us now turn our attention once more to the Yijing text, and consider examples of formulas with identifiable Shiiing counterparts.   First, one of the hitherto recognized cases:
"a wild goose advances over the land, a husband goes on a
34
military campaign and will not return." The formula containing the wild goose, a symbol for an absent husband, corresponds to quite similar formulaic language in at least two Shi songs:
Western Zhou Yijing.
"The wild geese fly along the land; when the prince
35
goes back, we cannot come here again."
Cf. Waley's translation: "...(It means that) my lord will not return.1
it
"The wild geese go flying, beating are their wings,
zhT zi y_u zheng, qu lao yu ye.
these gentlemen go on an expedition, they toil in the
wilds."36
The symbol of the wild geese was noted by Waley and by Sun Zuoyun, who
interprets 159/3 the same as Waley, and differently from Karlgren.3^ Sun
also carries the symbolism a step further by arguing that hong < *g'ung
"wild goose' is a symbol for gong < *kung "lord,' because it is a pun on it.
While analyzing the Shi, he nonetheless notes the parallel with Yi 53.3 and
argues that the Yi diviners were aware of this "love poem" and its imagery.
Beyond such fairly complete and certain formulas, there are a number of
partial formulas which are more difficult to identify with certainty, not to
mention to perceive a symbolic significance in.  For example, in Yi 2.1 the
formula lu shuang "step on the frost," cited above, corresponds well with Shi
107/1 and 203/2 ke yjt 10 shuang «?f M> ^ ^  "with them [dolichos
38
shoes] one can walk on the hoarfrost."    Both Chow Tsetsung and Akatsuka
Kiyoshi have independently asserted that walking on frost is a symbol in both
39
the Shi and the Yi for an approaching marriage.    A diviner could use this symbolic "supra-meaning" in counseling his clients about marriage-related matters.
A few lines later in the same hexagram, in 2.5, the rhyming line huang chang 3? ^ "yellow skirt" corresponds to Shi 27/2 lu yT huang chang
r^.   y        "a 8reen jacket w*th yellow skirt."    We might well suspect that the rest of the two-word rhyming phrases in 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4 are also formulas, but we simply lack the resources to identify them.
Moving to the more obscure cases, consider Yi 11.4:
piah-pian bu fu yT qi lin bu jie yl* fu "Fluttering about. He is not prosperous on account of his neighbor.
79
41
He was not cautious, and was thereby captured."
The phrase pian-pian "fluttering about' is a frequently appearing formula in
the Shi, always appearing as part of a xing image with birds (162/3,4; 171/4;
200/3; 223/1; 257/2; 294/8). C. H. Wang ties it in with his theme of the
42
"Bird of the Filial Return."    Can it have a similar symbolic force here? Or perhaps refer to some other kind of bird auspice?  (This seems preferable to Gao Heng's treatment, which makes the subject of pian-pian the same as in the remainder of the line, "fluttering," i.e., "shifting about.")   If it is an omen, does it relate to the other phrases in 11.4, or is it an independent omen-image?   There are no obvious answers to these questions.
To recapitulate the argument I have made here, I believe that the "images" (xiang) found throughout the lines of every hexagram chapter in the Yi are closely related to the formulas and themes of the Shi, which reflect its oral composition, and especially to the "inspiring" omen-images of the xing style songs in the Shi. In fact they may be themselves abbreviated short-hand references, "keys," to folk-songs in the oral tradition, known at least to the diviners, if not to clients as well.   Furthermore, the variation among these omen-images from line text to line text in one hexagram may result from their function as a catalogue of those variations which occurred in incremental repetition from stanza to stanza in the songs.
Below, as an illustration and test of the theory, I juxtapose a list of the hypothetical keys to song formulas or images found under one Yijing hexagram, #4 Meng, with a similar list which has been rearranged from the incremental repetition of an actual Shi song, #46 "Qiang you cf":
80
46/1 sao ci -fcj?
£i ^ ^ liming f£ 4|J
"brush away the Tribulus" "dislodge the dodder"
46/2 xiang ci i?
- ~~ /A
"remove the Tribulus" 46/3 shu ci   ^ £|>
"bundle the Tribulus"
4.2 bao m^ng g <Jg) ^ "carry the dodder"
4.4   kun meng       (^Q) ^ "pound the dodder"
4.6   jT meng o|£ ^
"beat the dodder"
There does not appear to be any formal semantic or syntactic distinction between the two lists.   Not only do both deal with similar creeping vines, but even the actions are similar.   Without the identifying information and line numbers, could we tell which list comes from the Shi and which from the Yi?
If the list from Hexagram 4, Meng, did originally catalogue the incremental repetition of stanzas of a folk-song, we have no way of reconstructing that original.   But we can put ourselves in the place of a diviner who could have found the list on the left in his manual, and imagine him being stimulated by the phrase sao ci to recite a verse like the following, as a base for prognostication:
ft
Qiang you ci, bu ke sao (*sog) y_e, zhong gou zhj yan, bu ke dao (*d'og) ye, suo ke dao (*d'og) ye, yan zhT chou (*t'iog) ye
"On the wall there is the Tribulus, it cannot be brushed away; the words of the (inner trellis-work =) inner chamber, they cannot be told; what can be told is (still) the ugliest of tales."*3
81
Here in the Shi song, the Tribulus vine covering the wall serves also as a "cover-up" for the sordid intrigues in the chamber behind it.   It could have originally inspired the song and been a true xlng element. Originally perceived as a portent-symbol, in the song it becomes a conventional literary image.   Hence it may illustrate what Waley had in mind in saying the xlng form grew out of the omen-formula.   Once conventionalized, however, the image does not lose its effectiveness as an omen.   The Yijing diviner can chant the verse, and from it both diviner and client may draw oracular counsel.
82
4.      The Language of the Text
Reading the Text Today: Graphic and Phonological Problems
In this section I would like to discuss in more detail the problems encountered in the course of compiling the text, transliteration, and translation in Part Two, and the principles I adhered to in dealing with them.   The hexagram and line texts of the Yi constitute a document which has often been described as "corrupt," "mutilated," "fragmentary," and so on.   In other words, it is commonly believed that the text we have today is not the same full, well-structured original Yijing which the people of Western Zhou were familiar with.   This is, however, not the case. Aii evidence points to the fact that the Yi text has been transmitted through the centuries with at least the accuracy of other texts of similar antiquity, and probably even more.   It will be argued below that among the received texts of pre-Han China, the Yi is orthographically the most similar to those documents which have been excavated archaeologically—namely, the inscriptions on bone, bronze, and jade, d;id manuscripts on bamboo, wood, and silk.   It is a precious paleographic link between the received tradition and the newly discovered documents.
The most recent confirmation of this view of the reliability of the Yi text came with the discovery of the Mawangdui Han manuscript at Changsha in 1973. This manuscript from the early second century B.C.E. pushes back by over a millennium the date of the earliest extant complete text of the Yi, if we consider the previous oldest texts to be the few copies of Song dynasty printed editions which survive.1 It is even several hundred years
83
older than the fragmentary Han stone classics edition of the Yi. Although its
arrangement of hexagram-chapters is totally different, the wording of each
chapter closely follows that of the received text.   The fact that its total
length and the lengths of the individual line texts are virtually the same as
in the received text shows that, if the text we have is only a fragment of
the original, the truncation took place already before the Han.
If the received text in its current form were merely a fragment, we
would expect the lost portions occasionally to appear quoted in other texts.
This is familiar in the case of numerous lost ancient works.   But quotations
of the Yi in other early texts, principally the Warring States period
Zuozhuan and Guoyu and Han dictionary Shuowen jiezi ^r- ^-, are
2
for the most part to be found in the received text.   Those few which are not might be argued to have dropped out in transmission.   More likely, though, they were parts of the diviner's fund of oral lore which were never incorporated in the Western Zhou text.
As to the question of corruption in the text, it is certainly more difficult to deal with than that of fragmentation, since there are numerous intractable passages which might easily be dismissed as corrupt and only to be made sense of through emendation.   Yet we may observe that text parallels can often be found in contemporary documents, such as the Shi, the early parts of the Shu, and the OBI and WZBI inscriptions, even for those passages which have been regarded with the most suspicion through the ages.   These parallels are often masked by graphic variation in the spelling of individual words.
Two factors appear to have functioned to make the Yi a special case orthographically, more archaic than the Shi or other pre-Han texts of similar antiquity.   First, it was not among the Confucian texts which suffered destruction at the hands of the Qin dynasty radicals.   As a useful diviner's
84
manual, it was spared from the flames, and, as a result, there was no need for the text to be reconstructed later, after the Qin had fallen and was replaced by the Han. We may assume that the Han scholars who wrote down the works like the Shi or Chunqiu from memory wrote the text in the orthographic style most common in their day, subsequent to the major script reform and standardization of the Qin. But we know that hundreds of graphs which were originally borrowed in the Shang and early Zhou to write other words of similar sound as phonograms (the so-called jiajie zi       |^ v_|2 ) were, beginning in the Warring States and continuing through the Han, elucidated with semantic components, which discriminated among what had become an intolerably confusing number of homonyms (creating new so-called xiesheng zi §^ comprised of both phonetic and semantic
components).   The textual ambiguity created by the large numbers of homonyms was no problem as long as writing had served the primary function of reminding people of what they already knew.   If the diviner or singer, drawing on the oral tradition of the Yi or Shi, needed any written documentation at all, an aide-memoire was sufficient.   But, in one of the great steps forward in the intellectual development of humanity, writing soon evolved in China, as it did in Europe at a similar period, into an instrument of communication.   It began to be used to impart information previously unknown to the reader.   At this point, in order that the reader not misunderstand the author's intent, it became crucial to write not merely (to use a notable example from the Yi) ^ (now pronounced dui), but (yue), ffi(tuo), jfc (tin), |# (shuo), and so on.
And this is where the second factor making the Yi's orthography unusually archaic had its effect.   For when the scribes of the Warring States or Han periods went about modernizing the spelling, adding disambiguating semantic elements where possible to make the language easier to understand,
85
there were already numerous passages in the text the meaning of which was obscure.   If a scribe was unsure of the interpretation, he cautiously copied the doubtful passage with the same graphs as in the original.   Or, worse, as sometimes happened, he guessed at the meaning, and wrote an arbitrary expansion graph, producing a new "loan" for us to detect.   Over the centuries, the more uncertain the sense of a passage, the more likely it was to retain its original archaic form.   Every ancient text has a few such archaic unelucidated graphs.   A frequently found example, even in relatively late texts, is       (nu " woman 0 written for yjr (ru "you'—itself a loan graph).   Because they are the ancient written forms of words which are now written somewhat differently, I call them "protographs." They have also been called "short forms" (Karlgren), "primary graphs" (also Karlgren), "early graphs" (Keightley), or, in Chinese, chuxing ^ ^   (Guo Moruo). In the Yi, they are much more frequent, just as they are in the OBI or WZBI. In addition to the graph ^ dui already mentioned, there are       (fu), used for
|^(xu), for        (ru);  g_ (gen), for || (ken); and || (xun), for |?fi (zhuan). Interestingly, a significant number of protographs are hexagram names.   This may be because the hexagram names had very early achieved a sacrosanct quality, makaing it unacceptable for a scribe to alter their archaic orthography.
Consider even the name Yi ^ itself.   It may also be a protograph. I have preferred not to draw a conclusion as to the meaning of this word, because the text which is our primary focus provides little new information to supplement the speculation which has taken place for two millennia now. And while the word may indeed have been as likely to mean "easy' ("the easy oracle") as to mean "change,' the conventional Western title Book of Changes has taken on a rich, if vague, connotation which I confess a liking
86
for.   Despite the irritation of some of the philosophical interpreters, who want to see even in the primitive Yijing a treatise on Eternal Change, "changes" better suggests the particular concern of each oracular consultation.   The word     appears only twice in the text (34.5, 56.6), and both cases are probably place names occurring in the context of ancient stories about the legendary Shang king and culture hero Wang Hai //^. Yet if we were to rely solely on lexical statistics (which I do not propose to do), there is a high probability that y]i would be the protograph for the word now written £±$/]fl "bestow' (also often written with the closely cognate graph for  tin,'J|j|j xT, in pre-Han texts), since this word "bestow' is written hundreds of times in the authoritative EOC documents, the WZBI, with just this protograph y^ jpj, accounting for well over 90 per cent of all EOC occurrences.   In that case the text might have been called "that which was bestowed" (Yi), or "that which the Zhou bestowed (on posterity)" (Zhouyi). Compare Shangshu j^j ^ , which might mean something like "the revered writings," or with Herrlee Creel, "the preserved writings."3
It is one of the main goals of Part Two to reconstruct a text for the Yi in which the usual modern graphs are indicated for those words which have been identified in the received text as written with protographs or with other loan graphs.   The paleographic convention adopted for this is the one usually employed for this purpose in transcribing oracle bone and bronze inscriptions or other ancient documents in modern Chinese publications, namely, to indicate in parentheses following an archaic graph its modern orthographic equivalent.   In determining what is a phonetically possible loan I have generally adhered to the criteria in Bernhard Karlgren's Loan Characters in Pre-Han Texts, pp. 9-18.   Note that these rule out many loans proposed by Chinese scholars, who allow criteria of acceptability which are at the same time phonetically broader and tactically narrower than
87
Karlgren's. That is, they usually rely upon the actual writing of one graph for another in some other text to justify a proposed loan of one for the other, rather than simple phonetic plausibility.   But since the case cited as justification may involve not a phonetic loan, strictly speaking, but the writing of one synonym for another, a textual variant, or even a solecism, the phonetic variation may far exceed what Karlgren would tolerate in a true loan application of a graph.   With regard to proposed loans, as in general, I have tried to adopt Karlgren's conservative philological approach to classical texts.   I have usually embraced a loan interpretation only when no straightforward interpretation could be made of a passage without the argued loan, or when compelling internal evidence called for the loan. In contrast, I have not regarded the expansion of an unelucidated protograph as a loan, but rather, as a necessary paleographic preliminary to ordinary exegesis of the text.
The frequent occurrence of archaic graphs in the Yi text has also raised a theoretical problem for the phonetic transcription, for which no generally accepted convention exists.   In brief, at issue is whether an ancient text should be read in Modern Standard Chinese according to the pronunciation of its superficial graphic forms, regardless of the words they represent, or, on the other hand, read with the MSC pronunciation of the actual words represented.  Surprisingly little has been written on this subject, probably because Chinese scholars are not faced with the problem in print, typically merely reproducing the graphs alone in writing, while pronouncing them in private, and often in public too, with a panoply of variation in consonants, vowels, tones and accents.  In the standard pinyin MSC transcription of Part Two I have adopted the second alternative, giving primary place to the MSC pronunciation of the word itself, while also indicating in parentheses the MSC pronunciation of the protograph or loan graph, if it is different,
88
followed by a colon, in the same order in which the graphs occur. This means, that a case of loan graphs such as in 36.1, etc., which are written by convention 0$ (CJ^ ) ^7 IS written in the MSC transcription as
ming (yf:) ztfl.   That is, in the interpretation "calling pheasant" the phrase should be pronounced as ming zHi.   Although it may initially be awkward to read, this convention has been applied consistently.   In one rare discussion of this problem which appeared recently in China, Sheng Jiuchou advocated a similar solution ("Tongjiazi xiao yi").   Sheng did not mention the extreme case of the Yi, in which reading the words of the reconstructed original text often produces a version significantly different from the classroom recitations of philosophers or other traditional scholars.   While flouting tradition in this way may provoke controversy among such scholars in the case of the Yi, I suspect that they would not quarrel with the argument when reduced to the fundamental decision whether to read the word "you' when written in Mencius as ~yC with the pronunciation ru, rather than nu.
My standard for MSC pronunciation has been the Xinhua zidian, supplemented where necessary by the dictionary of Literary Chinese, Gu Hanyu changyongzi zidian, and also by Cihai, Morohashi's Dai Kanwa jiten and Hanzi gujin yinhui (Yinhui). Gu Hanyu and Cihai also echo in their readings of many graphs the theoretical position on the reading of loan graphs adopted above.   One additional question was whether or not to adopt the modern literary readings of a number of words like jj? "carriage,' reading it as ju rather than che, or ^ "horn,' reading it as jue rather than jiao. Such literary readings sometimes produce a better rhyme than the colloquial forms.   In general, I have again followed the decisions of Gu Hanyu, which usually adopts the colloquial forms, reflecting actual modern practice.   Since in the case of ail rhymes and many other words I have also provided a reconstructed Old Chinese pronunciation (in parentheses following
89
the MSC form, and preceded by an asterisk), an intermediate form like the literary readings seemed superfluous, especially when they are quite obsolete in modern Chinese usage, being more likely to be heard abroad.   However, a few arguably literary readings do remain, such as bo for      , rather than bao. In the case of each graph I have weighed the reading found in the dictionaries against the pronunciations elicited from a wide range of informants, including many distinguished linguists and classical scholars (see Preface). There were rarely cases in which the scholars were uniformly of one mind and the dictionaries of another.   More often, three scholars might pronounce a given graph, particularly one not found in MSC usage, in three different ways.   One of these would typically involve the time-honored method of giving the entire graph the MSC reading of its phonetic component.
Another major goal of the reconstructed text in Part Two has been to establish the system of rhyme in the Yi. I have adopted a convention of indicating rhyme in the main text with subscript capital letters, the same capital letter within a single hexagram-chapter marking rhyming words. As a supplement to this rhyme scheme, in the MSC transcription the actual reconstructed phonetic values in OC are given for each word believed to participate in a rhyme, and sometimes also for potential near-rhymes or, to provide the reader with maximal information, for non-rhymes which look as if they might have rhymed on the basis of their MSC readings.   In general the rhyme scheme of subscript capital letters in the text is more conservative than the suggested rhymes and near-rhymes of the phonetic transcription.   Nonetheless I have been able to perceive many more rhymes than those enumerated by previous scholars who studied the Yi rhymes, such as the Qing scholars Gu Yanwu and Jiang Yougao. This is because these scholars severely limited themselves to rhyme occurring in contiguous
90
phrases, even though that meant ignoring obvious rhymes in adjacent line texts which were separated by the commentary of the Yizhuan, sometimes, as in 2.1,2,3,4,5,6, continuing through almost a whole hexagram-chapter. My criterion for an acceptable rhyme between two syllable-final categories in OC has almost invariably been whether or not the finals are in fact rhymed in the Shi. Any rhyme acceptable in the Shi has also been considered acceptable in the Yi. As mentioned already in Chapter Two, a subject for future investigation is the extent to which rhyme is a factor in determining a particular prognosticatory judgment.   Many of the near-rhymes for which the OC form is indicated are candidates for investigation.
I will conclude this section with some remarks on how the translation into English in Part Two has been shaped by the composition of the text and its linguistic and paleographic characteristics.   The translation begins from the premise that the hexagram and line texts were not composed at a single time or place, or by a single person, but were assembled from many sources in a process of natural organic growth.   As a result, the work lacks strict thematic or syntactic unity.   One line can be made up of as few as one or as many as four to five separate phrases, which may have semantic and phonetic links among them of the type analyzed in Chapters Two and Three above, but which by no means form a tight logical unit.   In fact, the phrases are just as likely to share no common topic and may even incorporate contradictory prognostications (cf. gloss 1.3.2 and line 17.4, discussed in Chapter One). The fundamental composite nature of the text has long been recognized.^
The translation takes this composite structure into account by beginning a new line with each new phrase, except where there are syntactic, phonological, or semantic reasons for treating two or more phrases together
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as a unit.   A syntactic reason might be a common subject, or the anaphoric
phonological reason is a common rhyme through several phrases. Although this is strong evidence of simultaneous composition, the possibility that phrases added later were intentionally rhymed to fit~a typical oral literature device—needs to be investigated.   Semantically, a continuous thread of meaning, a connected thought, of course justifies treating several phrases as a single unit.   Because in many line texts it is so difficult to decide with certainty whether or not two phrases belong together, or sometimes even where one phrase ends and another begins, the main text, phonetic transliteration, and word-for-word translation have been left unpunctuated, so as to avoid a commitment to a particular parsing or hierarchical structure. But such a commitment is fundamental to any translation, so the free translation has indicated the parsing which the evidence available at present most strongly suggests.   The presence of rhyme and other phonological features has played a critical role in parsing decisions.
Ambiguity was probably a deliberate feature of the primitive Yi text, with double entendre a part of the diviner's stock-in-trade.   The consultation of the Yi in Zuozhuan, Zhao 7 (Legge, Tso, p. 619) is a good case in point. Whether this episode is historical fact or the figment of the author's imagination, it nevertheless gives us an invaluable glimpse of the three-cornered interpretive give-and-take among the diviner, his client, and the living Yi tradition itself.   It involves an interpretion of 3.0 (q.v.) 7^
^ yuan heng/xiang, on the occasion, after Duke Xiang of Wei died, when the Wei grandee Kong Chengzi ^~ seeks the advice of
pronoun zhT ^ in one phrase referring back to an earlier phrase.   The usual
the Yi on whether
prince Yuan       -J" 7Cj ' ^ne diviner Zhao ^ JjEj^ decides that yuan refers
/    —      v ___ _^__
to Prince Yuan and yuan heng/xiang        *   ( £ ) means "Yuan will enjoy
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(the state)."   But Kong Chengzi, not to be outdone in extemporizing skill, explains yuan instead as meaning N primary' zhang J^- , referring rather to the eldest son Meng Zhi. Here we see the Yi serving as intellectual ancestor not only to the Erya, but also to the Han tradition of paronomastic (punning) glosses, as in Shiming .^Jp ^7    We can also expect that the hexagram and line texts, as notations in a diviner's manual, whether oral or written, were retained with the same economy of expression that we know from the OBI. Combined with the normal lack of a required explicit subject, verb tense, or a distinction of gender or number in verbs and pronouns, this .leads to much more ambiguity than any Indo-European language would be capable of. Finally, our poor grasp of the Early Old Chinese language and the cultural background of the text adds an element of ambiguity not in the original text.^ The requirements of the English language and of readability have imposed a particularity of reference to time and subject in the English translation which are absent in the original.   As a countermeasure, I have striven to reduce these specific commitments to a minimum in the word-for-word translation.   There each word is assigned the meaning it had in EOC which best fits the context of the line.   Words which are awkward to translate, especially the marker of explicit modification zhT       and the definite modifier gf it are instead given functional designations, MOD, DEF, etc.   The use of DEF for <jf has eliminated the annoying necessity for choosing between "his," "her," "its," "their," "the," or some other English determiner, any of which would be an acceptable translation. Especially with respect to such a sensitive question as the nature of the victim or victims in a given sacrifice—whether human or animal, whether solitary or numerous—I have preferred to let the reader draw his or her own conclusions as to what the text says, without the interference of English. I have offered my own narrowing interpretation in the free translation.
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The interpretation and translation which results from the application of
all the methodological principles adumbrated here is significantly different
from earlier ones.   But if this study represents a more accurate picture of
the original Yijing, how did the interpreters of the past lose touch with it to
such an extent?   In particular, in order to understand why the peculiar
paleographic characteristics which prevail with the Yi text, or the special
circumstances of its composition, were not long ago recognized and put to
good use in interpreting the sense of the original text, we must consider how
the great tradition of scholarship on the text evolved.   The Yijing
commentary tradition has long been characterized by those twin maladies
which afflict any scripture of great antiquity and authority, first,
hermeneutic sedimentation and, second, a cognitive deficiency accompanied
g
by an emotional surplus.  That is, at the same time that commentary was piled on commentary and interpretation overlaid with super-interpretation, the primitive text itself receded more and more into the background of consciousness, buried by the hermeneutic sedimentation.   Wang Bi in the Wei-Jin period in the 3rd century grappled with resolving interpretive conflicts among the line texts, the (probably early Han) Xiang Commentary, and, not least, his own philosophical biases.   In the Tang, Kong Yingda may have been more concerned with understanding Wang Bi's meaning than that of the hexagram and line texts.   Subsequent commentators often didn't look past Kong Yingda.
To be sure, some like Zhu Xi did make the effort, as is suggested by titles claiming awareness of the "fundamental meaning" (ben yl J^- ^jr* ) or the "ancient meaning" (gu yl "^7 ^ ) of the work.   But when they tried to dig down through the encrusted layers of sedimented wisdom, they didn't have the advantage which we now have, possessing the inscriptional documents, of consulting contemporary texts of unassailable accuracy, which
94
often force us through sheer weight of evidence to accept a conclusion which is merely hinted at in the Yi text itself.   Consider the crucial role played by just the two words zhen ^ "determination' and fu "capture.' They account between them for a total of 153 occurrences, and their new interpretation, based on the usage of the OBI and the WZBI, respectively, in turn forces a rereading of almost that many separate passages in the text. This is equally true of the knowledge about ancient society we have gained through the modern sciences of archaeology and ethnology.   For example, when line 27.2 appears to say "observe our jawbones hanging up," we are more likely to accept this literal sense of the passage once we know that people in neolithic cultures as widespread as that of Daxenkou ^ yj£ £? ,
excavated in modern Shandong province, and Qijia       jfc , excavated in
Gansu, hoarded the jawbones of pigs as signs of wealth, burying them along a
with their owners.   And that a Qing dynasty writer reported that in the Huaixi       \j£ area (northern Anhui and eastern Henan, southwest of the Dawenkou site), the Yi ^ people of his time hung up the sheep bones they used for divination: "the Yi people eat a ram and then burn incense on its thigh bones (^jjL ^) and hang them in the doorway of the temple (f^^g? )> keeping them there for use in divination."^0 And, finally, that Austronesian peoples in modern Taiwan use pig bones, including jawbones, in divination, prognosticating on the basis of the shape and disposition of the bones.
Nor could scholars in the past benefit as we do from a healthy skepticism toward a tradition no longer alive to oppress us with accusations of unorthodoxy and irreverence toward scripture.   As long as the authorship of the hexagram and line texts was attributed to Confucian sages of yore,
and the editing to Confucius himself, it was quite inconceivable to see in
12
the text anything less than profundity. Why else would the sages have bothered?   Would Confucius have worn out the bindings on a text which
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dealt merely with divinatory determinations about gelding horses and wading across rivers?   Not to mention committing his entire remaining days in study of the work.   More likely, then, that what appeared to say something simple was in fact communicating a much more complex message indirectly and metaphorically.   Thus arose the emotional surplus.   Rivers became traumas. Captured plunder fu ^ became as reliable as trustworthiness xin itself.   In the twentieth century, however, at the same time that newly-gained knowledge is repairing our cognitive deficiency, modern scholars, Chinese and foreign alike, need no longer be swayed by emotion, or disturbed by the fact that the Yi was not from its inception a complete philosophical system.   The deliberately literal-minded approach I have adopted has produced a version of the text with its own remarkable identity and depth.
A Grammatical Sketch
The hexagram and line texts of the Yi are written in the language I call Early Old Chinese (EOC). This is the stage of the Old Chinese language (OC) from the earliest documents up until the beginning of the Warring States period.   From that time the extreme prestige of the Warring States Confucian texts like Mencius and the brilliant sweep and style of Han dynasty works like Sima Qian's history Shiji ^ made the language of
that era, Late Old Chinese (LOC), a standard for all subsequent eras to emulate.   That is, Late Old Chinese became the Classical Chinese language of China, the model for Literary Chinese until the present day, and the previous EOC is thus often called pre-Classical Chinese.
Among received texts, the representative works in EOC, in addition to
the Yi, include the Shi, most genuine documents in the Zhou shu ysj section of the Shu, the Chunqiu i^.        annals, and parts of several other works, such as the Yizhoushu        0^ j|? . A number of other slightly later Chunqiu or Warring States period works, such as the Lunyu of Confucius and the Zuozhuan, preserve some characteristics more typical of EOC than LOC. The reasons for this situation are not well understood, but are thought to be due perhaps to regional dialect conservatism.
The archaeologically excavated inscribed materials from the Shang and Western Zhou periods provide another EOC corpus of comparable size to the entire corpus of received texts, with the added advantage of unquestioned authenticity and scribal accuracy.   Principal among these materials are those oracle bones of Shang which bear inscribed divinatory records and the bronze vessels from Western Zhou with inscriptions recording the circumstances of their manufacture, bestowal, and ancestral dedication.   Other useful excavated materials have included a few jade objects from the Houma |^
^ site in Shanxi province (Wenwu 1975.5, 20-26), bearing divinatory inscriptions on the occasion of covenants.   Precious as these materials have been for the paleographic information they provide, their extremely narrow topical scope limits our ability to find parallels for the syntax and diction of the Yi text.   Nonetheless, they neatly complement the lyric and narrative themes of the received texts like the Shi or Shu. Particularly in the realm of sacrificial ritual and, in the case of the OBI, also the idiom of omen and prognostication, they provide crucial text parallels.   One thinks here of the high-frequency vocabulary of the Yi. Without the example of the OBI, we would not be so confident of the usage of zhen ^   "determination' (see below "Some Important Lexical Items," n. zhen).   Without the example of the
WZBI
, we would not be so confident of the usage of fu ^ Cf^-) "capture'
(see a. fu* below).
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The concept of a distinction between Early and Late Old Chinese has not been well researched to date.   In fact, the only scholar who has consistently concerned himself with the periodization of the early history of the Chinese language is W.A.C.H. Dobson. Those works, such as Wang Li's Hanyu shigao
features and lexical items which are peculiar to EOC texts and subsequently disappear, while they are more concerned with the evolution from the
Oracular Chinese (of the OBI), Early Archaic Chinese (EAC), and the transitional language between these and his Late Archaic Chinese, which he describes in The Language of the Book of Songs. Actually Dobson defines each of these much more narrowly in terms of a textual corpus than a period of time.   For example, his EAC corpus, all of which he dates to the llth-lOth centuries B.C.E. (EAC, xvi), consists of six of the documents in the Zhou shu section of the Shu and fourteen of the best-known WZBI. This is a corpus approximately one and a half times the length of the hexagram and line texts of the Yi. EOC is thus a much broader, and hence more flexible but less well-defined, term than Dobson's EAC. It spans a period half a millennium longer than EAC.
So far I have not referred to phonology, and this requires a further explanation of nomenclature.   The phonological system of the OC language, including the EOC of the Yi, was described and reconstructed by Bernhard Karlgren under the rubric of Archaic Chinese, hence also Dobson's use of this term.   Karlgren was forced to draw upon the usage of art historians for a new term such as "Archaic" to describe OC, since he had already used the
pre-Han OC language, shanggu Hanyu        ^       |i|, to the Middle Chinese (MC) of the post-Han era, zhonggu Hanyu   ^ i?£, or just
gu Hanyu Hj" »<|      . My EOC corresponds roughly in time to Dobson's
98
term Ancient Chinese to describe the phonological system of medieval Chinese, that stage which has more often recently been called Middle Chinese. Karlgren's reconstruction of OC, a.k.a.   Archaic Chinese, as found in his classic dictionary Grammata Serica Recensa, is what I have almost exclusively referred to throughout this study and translation (all forms preceded by an asterisk which are not otherwise identified).   Karlgren's great virtue for our purposes was his conservatism, both linguistically and in general scholarly decisions.   He never strayed very far exegetically from the distinguished philologists of the Qing dynasty, choosing the best interpretations with rigor and consistency, while eschewing anything which smacked of the ad hoc and unprincipled or the speculative.   He emended a text only as a last resort, when no sense at all, or only a grossly inferior sense, could be made of a passage without an emendation.   (This has also been my policy on emendation.)   It is for this reason that I have chosen to cite Karlgren's translations of the Shi in his The Book of Odes, as a control for my necessarily speculative readings of the primitive text of the Yi, where tradition offers little more than the "rigmarole" Karlgren himself deplored.   If even Karlgren's conservative reading of the Shi supports a particular interpretation, we are probably on solid ground in adopting it. The same logic applies to the case of loan graphs, discussed in the preceding section.   Karlgren dismisses thousands of proposed loans as either phonetically impossible or frivolous and unwarranted.   While I can hardly claim the mantle of his authority for the loan graphs and protographs I propose to identify in Part Two, I have always tried to stay within the phonetic guidelines he established.
In terms of phonology, Karlgren's conservatism has both advantages and disadvantages.   As he himself described his contribution, he typically followed the categorization of the Qing philologists for dividing up the
99
system of initial and final sounds in OC, while replacing the category designations which the Qing scholars, like their students' students even today, manipulated like algebraic unknowns, with actual phonetic values reconstructed backwards stage by stage by the comparative method from the known values of the various modern dialects and loans from Chinese retained in the languages of China's neighbors.   An advantage in this approach is that Karlgren, and in turn the phonological basis of my Part Two, begins from the same assumptions as the Qing scholars did about how we come to know the system of OC finals through rhymes actually occurring in the Shi and OC initials through analysis of shared phonetic elements in the evolution of the script.   Thus by using Karlgren's GSR forms nothing is lost of the contributions of the Qing philologists or traditional scholars like Gao Heng in, for example, sorting out the rhymes of the text into their various categories or proposing loan graphs based on similarity of sound.   But by substituting actual phonetic values we have a much more realistic sense of the way those rhymes actually sounded in the Western Zhou. This use of phonetic values also enables any reader, not just the most erudite scholars of OC phonology, to spot at a glance which words belonging to distinct categories are phonetically close, and possibly are deliberate near-rhymes, alliterate with homorganic initial consonants, or are involved in a pun or word magic of some sort.
The disadvantage to adopting Karlgren's reconstruction is not only that the actual values he has reconstructed for the various categories are highly debatable, particularly the almost unbelievably complex vocalic system he is led to postulate in order to account for each category (GSR, p. 4), a system with even more vowel distinctions than the already complex modern English language.   It is also in the fact that most phonologists regard Karlgren's system as not so much conservative as out-of-date.  In particular, in the last
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generation far more creative speculation on the nature of the OC morphological system has taken place than Karlgren ever indulged in. Advances in comparative Sino-Tibetan linguistics and refinements by other scholars of the same methods Karlgren pioneered have established a picture of OC, especially EOC, with a more complex system of affixation than Karlgren's Archaic Chinese suggests.   Leaders in this effort have included Li Fanggui (Fang-kuei Li), E. G. Pulleyblank, Paul Benedict, James Matisoff, Todo Akiyasu, Paul F-M. Yang, Kun Chang, Zhou Fagao (Fa-kao Chou), Nicholas Bodman, William Baxter III, W. South Coblin, and others. Their research has typically resulted in a reconstructed language which, in part because of greater frequency of consonantal prefixes and suffixes, or their vestiges, has more initial and final consonant clusters and fewer vowels than Karlgren permits.   Hence while Karlgren relied heavily on the evidence of the EOC period Shi for his sound categories, the language he reconstructed as Archaic Chinese is likely to be closer to the LOC of the late Warring States-Han period, after the richer morphology thought to have existed in proto-Chinese, and to have been retained vestigially in EOC, had been substantially eroded and replaced in part by the rise of the modern system of tonality.
The grammar of the EOC language has not yet been thoroughly studied. Research has properly proceeded through the study of the language of individual representative works or other well-defined corpuses.   As mentioned above, W.A.C.H. Dobson led the way with the monographic studies, Early Archaic Chinese and The Language of the Book of Songs, and his synoptic A Dictionary of the Chinese Particles, which adds a historical dimension to the well-known genre of grammatical particle dictionaries, like Wang Yinzhi's
Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, is China's
Jingzhuan shici or Yang Shuda's Ciquan. Guan
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leading authority on EOC. He recently built upon his pioneering sketch of the language of the OBI, published in 1953, with a more ambitious study of the language of the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, Xi Zhou jinwen yufa yanjiu, published in 1981. Leaders in the study of the language of the Shang oracle bone inscriptions are Paul Serruys, whose earlier works are crucial for understanding the entire evolution of OC, and Ken-ichi Takashima. Many other valuable studies by George Kennedy, Peter Boodberg, Bernhard Karlgren, Nicholas Bodman, Ding Shengshu, A. C. Graham, David Nivison, Huang Jingxin, Gilbert Mattos, Jeffrey Riegel, Stanley Mickei, Axel Schuessler, Edward Schafer, E. G. Pulleyblank, William Boltz, John Cikoski, Yang Jianguo, and Yang Wuming have addressed specific topics in the syntax or morphology of EOC which are relevant to understanding the language of the Yi. Some of these studies were drawn upon by the authors of the well-known surveys of the history of the Chinese language and of Literary Chinese, who added their own expert views: Wang Li (Hanyu shigao and Gudai Hanyu); Pan Yunzhong (Hanyu yufashi gaiyao); Zhou Fagao (Zhongguo gudai yufa).   Finally, in addition to many works of paleographers and historians which could be cited, the works of Chen Mengjia, particularly Yinxu buci zongshu on the OBI and "Xi Zhou tongqi duandai" on the WZBI, also contain very useful grammatical insights on EOC.
I hope that the hexagram and line texts which constitute the original Yijing will also be subjected to more intensive linguistic analysis in the future.   Once the obfuscating commentary of the Yizhuan is stripped away from the classic, the language of the Yi is revealed to be one of great internal consistency, almost a textbook model of many EOC features known from other texts.13 Below I sketch a few of the lines such an analysis might take.   I believe that we are justified, on the basis of the syntactic and lexical characteristics described here, in placing the Yi tentatively somewhere
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in the middle of the evolution of EOC. Its language is similar in many respects to that of the OBI, but with innovations which suggest a later date.   Comparison with Dobson's EAC corpus often encourages us to conclude that the language of the Yi is at least as old, and perhaps older, i.e., from the early Western Zhou. But other characteristics are shared with the later Guo feng sections of the Shi, which date to the latter part of the period, extending into the Chunqiu. As always, linguistic variation may be more attributable to regional than chronological differences.   Differences in style and thematic content also doubtless play a role in shaping the degree of conservatism versus innovation.   As just one example, if the Yi, like the Shi is the product of an oral song tradition, then it probably partakes of the peculiar combination of the archaic and the highly vernacular which characterize many song lyrics.
Herrlee Creel said of the Yi, "it makes you wonder if it was written at a time when the Chous had not yet learned to write very clear Chinese" (The Birth of China, p. 268).   He was frustrated with the "very concise, even cryptic" language of the text.   Yet a preliminary study of the syntax of the text shows that it is somewhat more regular than that of the OBI. Word order is relatively consistent: (subject)-verb-object. Time expressions always precede the verb.   (They sometimes follow in the OBI.) Expressions
(They sometimes precede the verb in the OBI.)
On the other hand, the syntax has an archaic spareness, with few lengthy or elaborate constructions. Kingsmill noted a "paucity of characters" similar to the Chunqiu, as well as an "absence of verbs and particles" ("The
a. Syntax
with relational
plus a noun object always follow the verb.
103
Construction of the Yih King," p. 273).   Even in contrast to the EOC work Shi there are few grammatical particles.   All the high-frequency sentence final particles of LOC are totally lacking.   There are no cases of yj| < *dia (cf. Shi, with 50 or so, primarily serving a prosodic function); yl < *zi9g ^ (over 100 cases in Shi); and hu < *g'o       (scores in Shi). Other missing high-frequency function words of LOC include zhe < *tia       (20-40 in Shi) and      < *• io       (scores in Shi).
Kingsmill's reference to an absence of verbs no doubt refers to the frequency of independent noun phrases noted in the text, such as in lines 50.5 and 50.6 (see gloss 50.6.1 and the other examples listed there).   But in fact if all the sentences of OC are divided into either the nominal type (in LOC, N-N-ye) or the verbal type (N-V), then almost all sentences in the Yi fall into the verbal type.   However, as Chen Mengjia (Zongshu, p. 104) says of the language of the OBI, where this is also the case, it is probably the nature of the material, the message itself, which makes for this distribution, rather than something inherent in the language at the time.   When an equational sentence does occur, as in 25.3 xing ren zhT de, yi ren zhT zai ^ A.       ^ ,        A.       $C » rt is identical to its LOC equivalent, but lacking the final ye of LOC. Precisely the reverse situation prevails in the zhuan commentary, where the need to clarify meanings generates as many as a thousand equational N-N-ye sentences.
There occurs a type of sentence which is formally indistinct from the usual active sentence, but which is apparently passive in meaning. One example appears in 50.3 (gloss 50.3.1) zju gao bu shf        ^ ^ pi£ ' "tne fat meat of the pheasant is not eaten."   Other examples are in 23.6, 35.0, 48.1, and 48.3 (and 48.5?). It is curious that all but one of these involve the same negated verb, bu shi, following various subjects.   Other than these unmarked passives, which could equally be analyzed as topic/comment
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constructions, no explicit passive constructions occur, although the sentences of the type kun yu X  J^j ^~ X in the line texts 47.1,2,3,4,5,6 are so close to evolving into the typical LOC passive with y_i£ (y^c"= ^ ) that I have translated them with passives in the free translation.
The following hexagram or line texts contain possible "pivotal constructions," in which the object of the first verb is in turn the subject of the second, or at least, in which the subject of the second verb shifts away from the first stated subject to an elliptical subject identical with the already-stated object: 4.3, 8.1, 20.3, 33.2(7), 35.0, 38.6, 40.3, 41.6, 50.2, 54.6, 59.1.
Several other interesting patterns of unusual complexity in EOC occur. First is the comparative pattern with bu ru     -fc<2 , X bu ru Y, "X does not compare with (=is not as good as) Y." We see this three times, in 3.3, 54.5, and 63.5. The X term can be omitted, as in 3.3. Even more interesting is that in each of these cases, at least one term is an entire clause, rather than just a noun or noun phrase.
Another is a pattern with sheng (also sheng) ^ff- "conquer, overcome, exhaust': negative particle + [optional pronoun object X] + sheng + [optional verb], literally "cannot conquer verb-ing (X)," or freely, "cannot manage to verb (X)." This occurs in three variations, in 33.2, 53.5 (in both of which sheng is preceded by mo zhi 5?       > and 43.1 (in which sheng is preceded by bu ^ . Variations on the same pattern appear in LOC. In Mencius, Zhuangzi, and probably elsewhere, the pattern mo zhT neng |^ ^ + verb occurs with a similar meaning, "none can (verb) it/him/them," virtually lexicalized to a unitary expression meaning "[he is] un-verb-able."** Kun Chang also cites a similar Guu/ bu kee shenq shyr yee, "Grain would be more than enough to eat," to illustrate a topic/comment construction.^
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b. Modification
Modifiers regularly precede the words they modify.   Adjectives, verbs, and nouns precede nouns: gao yong ^ "high wall" (40.6); nrung qian C7j^
"grunting hamster" (15.2,6); gong su S£        "the Duke's stew" (50.4). Adverbs, although not frequent, precede verbs: chuan wang j^j "quickly go" (41.1); bu yuan fu  ^ ("not distantly return" =) "return from not
far away" (24.1). Imitative binoms used adverbially and certain other words, however, either precede or follow the verb they describe: ch5ng-chong wang lai '/^ ^ ^ "feeling unsettled go "back and forth" (31.4); but lai zhj
kan-kan ^      $>% $H\ "bring them "thud-thud'" (29.3). The latter type is more common, but imitative words often stand alone, without modifying anything.
■
The marker of explicit modification zh7 ^, which is infrequently used, if at all, in the OBI and WZBI, appears regularly in the Yi when one nominal expression modifies another, including genitive constructions.   For example, shf peng zhT guT -j* flf[ "a ten cowry-set turtle" (41.5, 42.2); or
3Tzi zhT mihg (y_f:) zhji        ^ 21 ^ 7v?   "Vizi's calling pheasant" (36.5). Dobson, (EAC, p. 17-18) gives only a few syntactically very simple examples of what he calls the "particle of determination" from his EAC corpus, but none come from WZBI. He divides determination (modification) into two classes.   In the first class the determinant word "denominates the species-class to which the determined word is said to belong," in which case the "particle of determination" zhTJ 3i ^ > or      jffi^ mav occur, though infrequently, in EAC. In the second class, the determinant word "denominates an attribute in which the determined word is said to partake."   In this case there is no intervening particle such as zhT. For the Yi a preliminary examination indicates that of 78 occurrences of zhtl about 38, or half, are
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anaphoric pronouns "him, her, it, them," or possibly demonstrative "that"; of the remaining markers of explicit modification, the majority, about 30, are of the first class (species-class), but there are also about 7 cases of the second class, where a more complex attribute, such as verb phrase, is linked to the determined word with zhT. Consider bu su zhT ke "uninvited guests" (5.6), which Wang Li (Hanyu shigao, p. 336) also cites as unusually complex.   This use of zhT is rare in other EOC texts.
It is sometimes difficult to analyze the precise function of zhT. The phrase fei niao yf zhT vln ^ ^        ^ ^ (62.0) may, like the phrase in 5.6 quoted above, be an example of the particle of explicit modification preceded by a sentence modifier: "the sound which a flying bird left behind."   Or zhT may be a weak demonstrative, tantamount to a definite modifier, as it is treated in Part Two: "the flying bird leaves behind its sound."   Such ambiguous cases occur irregularly in the text.   But a problem of frequent occurrence and significance for the understanding of the whole Yi text is the function of zhT in the prognostications with h ^hj "favorable/ The following two phrases will serve as examples: £ pjn ma zhj zhen  ^bj ^ §| £ || (2.0) li yu bu xT zhT zhen jjp\ jf ^ ^. ^ |j (46.6). (1) As shown in the left-hand tree diagram below, the phrases pjn ma and bu xT can be dealt with as subordinate to the nominal zhen (that is, a verb "determine' used in a nominal function), with zhT as the marker of modification, and fi (yu) then has the noun phrase thus formed as its complement, making a predicate: "favorable for a mare-determination," "favorable for a not-resting-determination."  Or (2), as shown in the right-hand tree, the entire more complex phrase with li + complement is subordinated to zhen, making a noun phrase: "a favorable-for-a-mare determination," "a favorable-for-not-resting determination."
107
(1) VP
Adj.    (Prep, part.)
NP
N or V   MOD   N   Adj. (Prep.- part.) N or V
1 , L 1    i  1     1     1 ,1
It would be very useful to clarify the syntax of this construction, which appears, with variations, also in 2.7, 3.1, 12.0, 13.0, 17.3, 20.2. 21.4, 36.0, 37.0, 52.1, 54.2, and 57.1.
c. Affixation Verb prefixes
I have treated the two cases of yue ffl in the text, in 26.3 and 47.6, as
verb prefixes.   Although there is general agreement that yue" was a prefix or
a prefix-like element in EOC, there is no agreement on the function it
performed.^ It is believed to derive from the Proto-Chinese prefix *kd and
be in turn related to Tibeto-Burman prefix *g.^ I have adopted an
interpretation which is similar to those of Paul Serruys and W.A.C.H. Dobson
for yue and its cognates in the Shi, that it meant something like "come to
18
the point that (verb)," "go so far as (verb)," "by the time that (verb)."
Nominal Prefix
Scholars like Zhou Fagao, Wang Li, Paul Yang, and Paul Benedict, cited in the notes to the preceding section, would also recognize a related nominal prefix you ^ , also probably derived from the Proto-Chinese/common Sino-Tibetan prefix *g. Possible instances of this proposed prefix occur
108
several times in the Yi, in 37.1, 37.5, 45.0, 45.5, 51.5, 59.0, 59.4, and 63.4. In each case I have preferred to treat you instead as a verb "have,' in subordinate position to a noun: "have (noun)," meaning "(noun) which one has."   Note the similarity of the English verb own and its derived adjectival form.   For example, wáng jia you miao ^ "the king proceeds
to (have =) his temple" (45.0, 59.0). This is comparable to Shi 116/3 wo wen you miing ^ &j} , Odes, p. 75, "I have heard your summons."
One of the cases above, 45.5 cui you wei ^ ^       , "assemble those holding ranks," also belongs to a recurring phonological pattern which may provide an additional clue to the use of you in these sentences.   Each of the following phrases has the pattern X you Y, with a rhyme or near-rhyme between the X and Y terms:
xing (*g ang) you shang (*siang)        ^ pSJ (29.0)
kán (*k'3m) you xian (**liam)        jíj (29.2)
cui (*dz'iw3d) you wei (*giw£d) -^T (45.5)
wSng (*giwang) you shang (*siang) <f£ 7^ ^  (55.1, 60.5).
You (and tjj ) in attributive position also occurs in the OBI, but its function there is not clear either.   The contexts do not parallel those in the Yi. Keightley, Sources, p. 78, n. 85, surveys the alternative interpretations.
Suffix zi
A number of the 34 occurrences of zf could be analyzed as suffixes. This is certainly true for the 20 occurrences of the word junzi, and also possibly true for nu zí ~JT $~   (3.2), xiao zJ/J>. ^   (17.2,3; 53.1), fu zi -7^" -f- (32.5), 3T zi  |f .J- (36.5) and fu zY 4$       (37.3). Gao Heng, Li Jingchi, and other scholars have sometimes interpreted some of these phrases as if they involved an enclitic suffix, but have rarely acknowledged what they were doing.   For example, in reading fu zi in 32.5 as  husband, Gao
109
Heng reduces the zT to the status of a suffix.   But such a phrase could instead be treated as a coordinate expression "man and child."   Wang Li noticed this ambiguity in the case of the phrase gj zi J^L       in Shi (Hanyu shigao, p. 225, n. 1).   It could either be a coordinate "wife and child" or a simply a suffixed word "wife." In other cases, there isn't much difference between the interpretation of zT as suffix and as a full word: xiaozY "youngster' means close to the same as xiao zf "small child.'  This is analogous to Wang Li's example of tong zf J|       (p. 225).
Actually Wang would rule out junzi as an example of a suffix in EOC, because it belongs to one of his six categories of non-suffix zT, as a term of respect.   This might rule out JT zi for Wang also.   His other categories are (2) when zT means "offspring'; (3) when it means "young of animals'; (4) when it means "bird eggs'; (5) referring to certain types of occupations, such as zhou zf j^- ^-   or yjj zT ^jjk ^- ; (6) referring to small round objects (e.g. hei z[       ^~ )' Actually categories 2, 3, and 4 are all the same meaning. And it is difficult to see why he does not recognize categories 5 and 6 as excellent examples of suffixed elements.   In the case of junzY too, I would prefer to see it as a fully lexicalized suffixed expression, regardless of whether or not zT here was originally a term of respect, which is itself doubtful.19
Suffixes ru < *nio        ruo < *niak       and ran < *nian "-like'
Ru and ruo occur frequently as suffixes to verbal words denoting actions or qualities, to form expressions describing manner or appearance.   Of 31 occurrences of the graph n£ 28 are suffixes, while the remaining 3 are all in the bu ru pattern referred to under "Syntax" above.   At least 8, perhaps 9, of 10 occurrences of ruo are suffixes, with the the other 1-2 meaning "if/^ Ran, which is more characteristic of LOC usage, occurs just once
110
(30.1), in a similar function.   Both ru and ruo fundamentally mean "like' in
EOC, and when they serve as suffixed elements, are similar in usage to the
English suffixes "-like" (e.g., "ladylike"); My" (e.g., "sisterly"), which are,
however, used with nouns; or "-wise" (e.g., "crosswise"), which is used with
either nouns or adjectives.   They occur elsewhere in EOC in a similar
usage.   For example, they are also used in Shi, where Dobson (Songs, p. 150)
analyzed them as suffixed elements in determinant terms used as attributes,
when these are used metaphorically.   Hence wo       "to water, rinse' + ruo
means "as though rinsed,'^glossy, shiny.'  Dobson also called them
"post-posited particles (p. 79). According to Dobson, neither ru nor ruo
occurs in Shi as suffix in a manner expression, which are common in the Yi.
(However, other cognate suffixes do occur in this function.)
Yang Jianguo, in a recent article, described ru as characteristic of both
the Yi and the Lunyu, while ruo is concentrated in the Yi, with only two 21
cases in the Shi.    The similarity of Yi to Lunyu was previously noted also by Lu Kanru f<£ f;^ -j£u* in 1928, followed by Li Jingchi ("Xukao," pp. 145-147).   But they also note the-following differences in usage. In Lunyu the suffix ru is often followed by ye "{jj and the preceding descriptive word is also often reduplicated: shen shen ru ye ^ ^ . This is never the case in the Yi. On the other hand, the descriptive word often rhymes in Yi, but not in Lunyu, and ruo sometimes replaces ru* in Yi, but not in Lunyu. Wang Li (Hanyu shigao, pp. 314-316) cites parallels for ru from Shi, Lunyu, Mencius, and Shiji, and for ruo from Shi. He describes ru, ruo and ran as cognate members of a set of similar adjectival or adverbial suffixes, all derived from the same word.   Ru and ruo, along with er fUjif were more typical of EOC, while er fiq and er ~§^. weren't used until later.   Ran was first used in the Shi. (Cf. the similar Zhou Fagao, Zhongguo gudai yufa, "Goucibian," pp. 290-293.)
Ill
On the question of the contrasting usage of ru and ruo, Karlgren conducted a seminal study of the differences in their usage in two "dialects" of OC, which were represented by Zuozhuan, on the one hand, and Lunyu and Mencius, on the other.   In the sense of "if,' the Zuo dialect used only ruo, while the Lunyu dialect used only ru. But in the meaning of "like,' the Zuo dialect used only ru, while the Lunyu dialect used both ruo and ru. Li Jingchi ("Xukao," Tanyuan, p. 145) summarized Karlgren's study and attempted to apply the same method to the Yi, but with inconclusive results, mainly because neither of the words is used frequently, except as a suffix. To the extent that suffixed ru and ruo are derived from the sense of "like,' the Yi belongs with the Lunyu dialect in using both.   On the other hand, as noted in the discussion of syntax above, ru occurs several times in the phrase bu ru "not like" > "not compare with."   Moreover, there is a preference for suffixed ru over suffixed ruo. Although the conditional "if" is expressed more frequently in the apodosis, with nai 7$   or ze      , than in the protasis, with ru, ruo, or some other word (see section f. below, on these function words), there is one, and possibly a second, case of ruo in the sense of "if' (43.3, 45.1?), but none at all of ru. These characteristics, then, would place the Yi together with the Zuozhuan. But the scarcity of examples prevents drawing any conclusions.
d. Substitution
Personal pronouns
The pronominal system of the Yi resembles that of both the OBI and the Shi and Shu.22 Principal pronouns are wo ;^j"f "we, us, (I, me)' er gjjj "you,' and qf i£ , the "definite modifier," often used in the third-person genitive sense "his, their, its, etc'
112
v
Among personal pronouns, the first person pronoun wo occurs 13 times, probably all in the plural, although the singular is possible in several cases too.   Chen Mengjia (Zongsnu, p. 96) says that in the OBI too wo serves as a collective pronoun, as a nominative women ^ "ff^ "we.' In the Yi, wo is nominative "we'CO in 2 cases (4.0, 61.2), accusative "usTmeO in 2-3 (4.0, 27.1?, 50.2), and genitive "our' ("myO in 8-9 (9.0, 20.3, 20.5, 27.1?, 42.5, 48.3, 50.2, 56.4, 62.5). The common LOC first person pronoun wu ^ occurs once (61.2), probably in the singular "I.' According to Wang Li, it does not occur at all in the OBI (Hanyu shigao, p. 263).   Other EOC first person pronouns, like the OBI form y_u       or the WZBI form zhen        do not occur.
The second person pronoun er occurs three times, all as a pronoun, perhaps twice as a singular "you' (31.4, 61.2) and once as a plural (genitive?) "you, your' (27.1). Nai J§ , which is frequent as a conjunction, never occurs as a pronoun "you.' The same is true of ruo      , also frequent in other uses.   Nor does ru       = yfj[ occur for "you.' There is possibly one case of a second person genitive pronoun er tfQ "your' (40.4), in addition to 5 conjunctive cases.   This would fit Wang Li's analysis (p. 261) that nai and its modified form er continued to be used in genitive form through the Chunqiu and Warring States periods.   I have chosen in Part Two, however, to emend the er in 40.2 to a semantically preferable qí jí , adopting the variant of the Mawangdui MS. This leaves no occurrences of pronominal er.
Wang Li (p. 267) considers it possible that in the Shang there was a division of labor between a first person singular y_u ^ and a first person plural wo, which later became less rigorously distinguished, so that in the Western Zhou, wo could apply to either singular or plural, while y_u continued to be used for the singular.   In the second person, the corresponding primitive distinction would have been made between a singular ru and a
113
plural er. Wu and yu share the same final (Wang's reconstruction: *fja vs. *dia), so that wu would also have been used in the singular. Significantly, 61.2 fits this analysis, and the curious use of both wu and wo in the same passage there is explained by it.   This interesting example has been ignored by Wang and other linguistic historians.
Third person pronouns, demonstratives, and the "definite modifier"
The third person pronouns can be subsumed under the demonstratives.
There are two occurrences of jue J^fc, both a genitive "their,' " his,' etc.
(14.5, 38.5). O^f J£ , with 110 occurrences, is far more common as a third
person genitive.   In fact it is the sixth most frequent graph in the Yi, and
virtually all but one or two of its occurrences are as a demonstrative
modifier, rather than functioning as a modal auxiliary before a verb, which
is the function in which it occurs regularly in other EOC contexts.   But as
already observed, the demonstrative function is so weak in most cases that I
usually treat qf as a "specifier" or "determiner" like the English definite
article "the' than either a demonstrative "this, that' or a third person
genitive "their, his, her, its, one's.'  For this function I adopt the term
"definite modifier," as it is defined in Webster's Third New International
Dictionary.    Dobson describes this definite modifier qf as the pre-verbal
form of the anaphoric pronoun, which, as with all anaphora in EAC,
substitutes for elements without regard to distinguishing number of person
24
nor first, second, or third person.    He gives several second-person examples.   Waley too, commenting on his translation of the Shi line 256/12 huT y_u qf de jtfj        ^£        with the second person "you," (cf. Odes, p. 219, "if you deflect your virtue"), says that he believes both <jf and jue in early Chinese simply denote a relationship between the subject and object of a sentence and do not only apply to the third person.   He also notes WZBI
114
support for this (Songs Supplement, p. 29).
The pattern of occurrence of the definite modifer tjf is quite interesting. It is found most often in phrases with the structure X <jf Y, where X may be a verb with Y as object (e.g. 36.1 chui gf yl 3^ J£ If  "dips its wing") or, less commonly, where X may be an attribute of topic (subject) Y (e.g. 55.6 feng qi* wu        ^jfc       "full is the canopy").   Out of 110 cases of gf in the Yi, a full 73 or more have this structure.   In some of the cases it is difficult to decide what function the X term actually has.   The traditional commentary literature almost invariably reads the phrases in the former analysis (verb-g£-object). But in the other EOC work which often has this pattern, the Shi, the latter analysis (attribute-gf-topic) is common. For example, 6/1 zhuo zhuo 31 hua       ^ij j£ "brilliant are its flowers"
(Odes, p. 4); 19/1 yln gf lei j£ % ^ "vum (sounds) the thunder" (Odes, p. 11); 28/2 xia shang gf yln ~f- Jz.  ^£ "falling and rising are their
voices" (Odes, p. 16); 284/1     bai gT ma TJfc*       j£ ^ "white are his horses" and duT zhuo gf lu j£       "his retainers are (as if) carved,
(as if) chiselled" (Odes, p. 247).   Shi 28/1, guoted in full in Chapter Three above, also has a phrase in this pattern.   Whether occurring in the former or latter analysis, it is clear that the <jf is less specific than its English translations, incorporating some of the force of "the," "this," as well as "its," "his," "their," "your," and so on.
In object position, the common anaphoric pronoun, referring back to a previously mentioned or understood "him, it, them,' is zhT        Of the 78 total occurrences of zhTJ 41 fail in this category (5.6, 6.6, 8.1, etc.). Often the referent occurs in the preceding phrase (e.g., 61.2), but the cases where the unstated referent can only be guessed at are also annoyingly freguent (e.g., 41.1,2,5,6; 42.2,3,6). Perhaps zHT in the latter cases is better conceived of as performing primarily a syntactic function, completing a sentence
115
following a transitive verb.
Other demonstrative modifiers or pronouns are z7 ^ "this,' which is the common demonstrative of the OBI (one case only, in 35.2); sT %^ "this' (two possible cases, 40.4 and 56.1);^ 6 anomalous occurrences of zhT ^ (8.3, 12.0, 32.3, 38.6 (twice), 41.0) in which it could be dealt with as a modifier "this, that,' or equivalent to the definite modifier q£-but I have interpreted only 12.0 as a case of a definite modifier instead of the usual anaphoric zhT;26 bT fj£ "that one', which also appears in the EAC corpus (Dobson, EAC, pp. 25-25) and in other received EOC texts (one rather odd case in 62.5); shi       "this one' (2 cases at the very end of the Yi text in the received order: 62.1, which is definitely a demonstrative pronoun in subject position, and might be a later addition to the text, and 64.6, the last word in the entire text, used like an anaphoric zh~ in object position, which is so unusual an occurrence of shi in EOC texts that in Part Two I deal with it instead as a protograph for chi J^fc "spoon,' of which it was the original pictograph).   Ci^fct, "this' does not occur.
Pre-verbal object substitutes you -fi^ and suo frf^
You 'flf^ is the more common pre-verbal object substitute in the Yi, occurring a total of 32 times, while the usual LOC pre-verbal object substitute suo ^  occurs just 3-4 times.   But since you occurs 21 times before the same motion verb wang "go,' always in the phrase you you wang ^ i'K       "have somewhere to go," it is clear that it is not far removed from a concrete nominal sense of "place,' such as it has in the Shi line
261/5 wei Han Ji xiang you Jjj £g j^BirfC* odes> P* 231» "for tne Ki
27 v
of Han he looked for a place."    Suo, which also derives from a concrete nominal  place,  occurs just once before the verb wang (40.0). The appearance of an intransitive verb wang in this construction is special, as
116
Wang Li noted for the LOC cases of suo wang and the interrogatives yan wang Tsjj       , etc.   (Hanyu shigao, p. 555).   Wang believes an intransitive verb may combine with an object substitute because the substitute precedes the verb.
In 10 other cases you precedes ll jfr'J "favorable,' always in the phrase wu you li  ^       ^rj "there is nothing for which [this] is favorable." If you is indeed close to a meaning of "place,' we might be justified in understanding this phrase more to mean "there is nowhere for which [this] is favorable."   This leaves just one remaining case in which you precedes another verb, wu you sui ^ jlfc jj£   "there will be nothing achieved" (37.2). Even this case might be rendered "there will be nowhere reached." The other 2-3 cases of suo show more flexibility.   Suo occurs before the verbs shi ^ "serve' (6.1) and sT ^ "think' (59.4). The latter case ("it is not what one would ordinarily think of") may be a late accretion, since it seems an odd sentiment in the context of the original Yi. The same is true of the remaining occurrence of suo in the text, in 56.1, if it is treated as an object substitute.   I have instead interpreted it as a rhyming phrase-final noun "place,' rather than force it into the syntax of an object substitute before the verb <ju       "take,' which already has an object, zai "disaster.' Nonetheless, that is what some interpreters have attempted to do.   Consider Legge's translation of 56.1: "The first line, divided, shows the stranger mean and meanly occupied.   It is thus (si) that (suo) he (qf) brings (qu) on himself (further) calamity (zai)." If such a reading was syntactically possible in later stages of literary Chinese, which is by no means clear, it is certainly anomalous in EOC.
If we compare the usage of you and suo in Yi with that of EAC and the Shi, we find that you is the common form in EAC, with another near homophone df < *d'iok       (cf. you < *diog) occurring less frequently. Suo
117
does not occur.    But if Dobson's examples give an indication of distribution, no object substitute is common in WZBI, since all but one example come from the Shu. In the Shi, you is commonest in the older sections: most in Da y_a (11 occurrences); then in the Xiao ya, where it is less common than suo (5 vs. 12); and you does not appear at all in the later Guo feng, while suo is frequent (Dobson, Songs, p. 220).   Dpbspn dates the Da y_a to the 10-9th centuries B.C.E., Xiao ya to the 9-8th centuries, and the Guo feng still later, the 8-7th centuries (p. xxviii).
e. Number and Units of Measure
The number words which occur in the text of the Yi are listed below in Table 9, along with the frequencies in Dobson's EAC corpus, for comparison.   As we would expect, the numbers constitute an early decimal system of the kind already familiar in the OBI. The high frequency of the number san "three' cannot fail to impress us.   It is sometimes explained as an archaic reference to an indefinite small number, "several' (e.g., Dobson EAC, p. 26).   It might be a remnant of an even older system in which san meant any number greater than "two.' The other striking evidence of antiquity in the Yi number system is the lack of any sure units for large numbers, with only 1-2 debatable cases of yi ■fl^ "large number' (100,000?), and no cases of wan       "myriad,' "10,000,' which is so frequent in Yijing philosophy based on the zhuan commentary, where it occurs especially often
to Alexander Wylie an early awareness of a seven-day cyclical period like
the western week, and to Kaizuka Shigeki, a reflection of the Zhou people's
29
calendar, dividing a lunation into four phases, each about seven days long.
myriad creatures/things."  The number
"seven days,' suggesting
118
Table 9.   The Number Vocabulary of the Yi Number Frequency in Yi        Frequency in EAC corpus*
1	yj	■—	5	21
2	er		1-2	14
3	sah		23	21
4	SI		0	20
5	V WU		0	9
6		/\	0	0-4
7	sT	t..	3	0-4
8	ba	'\	1	8
9	.. V J1U	it,	1	0-4
10	shf	■f	5	15
100	bai	&	2	16
1000	qian		0	0-4
10000	wan		0	5
1000000+?			0-2?	0-4
♦extracted from Dobson- EAC,			Appendix II	
Several measure words appear used after the numbers above as counters for various objects.   These include ren      , the unit of measure for people (e.g., 5.6, 41.3); lT ^, a unit of distance (51.0); peng J^fi, the measure, as also in the OBI, for strings of cowries (e.g., 41.5, 42.2); pJntfQ , the measure for kinds of game (57.4); hu      , the measure for households (6.2); jiu        the measure for the number of girdlings of a harness strap (49.3). Also appearing after numbers are units of time, such as rl Q   "day'(e.g., 18.0, 24.0); yue JtJ   "month' (19.0); nian jf- "year' (3.2, 24.6, 27.3); and sui "year,' which always follows the number "three' (13.3, 29.6, 47.1, 53.5, 55.6).
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Chen Mengjia (Zongshu, p. 94) says that in the OBI there are two patterns for using numbers with nouns.   In one the number is simply put directly before the noun (Nu-N); in the other the noun is followed by number plus measure (N-Nu-M). Both of these patterns occur also in the Yi. The former is especially common.   Examples are yT sin -~ ^   "one arrow" (56.5), yT che  — <J£ "one carriage" (38.6); er gut JZ-       "two tureens" (41.0); sin hu "three foxes" (40.2). Examples of the latter pattern
are ke san ren X.   "three guests" (5.6); or yj ren san bai hu ^
yK f* "three hundred families of townsfolk."
When a number is used as a verbal measure, such as to indicate the number of times of an action, it directly precedes the verb as an adverb. The number * three' appears frequently in this position (where it may mean no more than "quite a number of times").   For example, san chi zhj .2-
"he was stripped of it three times" (6.6); wang san ci rmng ^ j| ^ "the king three times bestowed a charge" (7.2). Zai       is used as the special verbal measure * twice' (4.0).
f. Relational Particles and other Function Words Yu ^ , zai ^, and zl Js[
The common post-verbal relational particle of LOC y_u < *-io does not occur at all in the Yi, nor does the other LOC relational particle hu <
*g'o ^ . However, the similar particle y_u < *giwo       is frequent. Yu
* 3C began as a main verb meaning ^go.' This is one meaning it has in the OBI.
It retains that use in the WZBI and some of the early EOC received texts.
A couple of cases of y_u in the Yi, where it is negated by bu -^C", must also
be main verbs (51.6). But already in the OBI yu is used together with an
object in an adverbial phrase appearing either before or after the main
verb.    In the Yi, as in the Shi, this function is regularized in post-verbal position, while yu is also used as a pre-verbal particle, without any object, in a distinct function.   The former function, which Dobson (EAC, p. 61) terms "locative lexical directive," became the all-purpose relational function familiar throughout the history of OC and Literary Chinese, usually written jfc, with various English equivalents such as the prepositions "to," "at," "in," "on," "from," and eventually also a passive agent marker "by." Examples of virtually all these nuances can also be found among the 77 occurrences of yu in the Yi text, including even the incipient passive construction, as in lines 47.1-6. The overwhelming majority of occurrences are in post-verbal position.   Yu usually immediately follows an intransitive verb (e.g., 2.6, 3.3, 5.1, etc.), but if a transitive verb has a direct object, it is interposed between the verb and yjj (11.2, 13.0-6, 14.3, 27.2, 34.5, 35.2, 38.2, 40.6, 42.2, 46.4, 56.6, 64.4, 64.6). Yu then introduces the location, the context, or the beneficiary of the action.   The essential ambiguity of y_u makes certain passages difficult to interpret precisely.   Thus in wang yong (heng;) xiang yu xTshan ^        ^   ( ^ ) ^ v$7  li-J   (17.6) and wang yong (heng;) xiang yu Qi shan ^ ^ ^    ( ^ ) ^ ii>">L \M (46.4), it is possible to treat y_y as either "to,' introducing the recipient of the sacrificial treat (the conventional interpretation) or as a locative "at,' introducing the site of the sacrifice.
When y_u follows the verb zhl $ "extend to, arrive' and has a time word as its object, as in 19.0 zhi y_y ba yue ^       /v> "until the eighth
month," or "extending for eight months," it is reminiscent of the same pattern appearing frequently in the OBI (Zongshu, p. 123).   It occurs again in such a context in 24.6. In the single case of 46.6 yju' follows the verbal la "favorable' and precedes the verb phrase bu xT "not rest.'
In just four occurrences (36.1, 36.2, 36.4, and 56.4) vj£ is a pre-verbal
121
particle, "be at (verbMng," "go a-(verb)-ing," the pattern familiar from the Shi songs.   In fact, all the lines in Hexagram 36 have direct parallels in the Shi. For example, mfhg (yi:) zhl yu fei 3% (^ ) ^ f' "the
calling pheasant goes flying" (36.1) can be compared to Shi 33/1,2 xiong zhi yu fei        jC$L ^"      , Odes, p. 20, "the male pheasant goes flying." Pre-verbal yu is also known from the WZBI, where it could alternatively be analyzed as the first main verb in a series: e.g., [Zhan (Lu?) Bo] yu gou
wang xiu [^| ^  ] ~%. "The Lord of Zhan went and
encountered the king's grace" (Xian gui )j yu fa Chu B<T ^ fj£ jf£
1£l "went and attacked the Lord of Chu" (Ling gui ^ |j£ ).32
As a post-verbal particle the general OC form yu alternates in the Yi with the more specific EOC form zai, although zki is much less common, with a total of just 10 occurrences, including one or two as a main verb "be at' (1.5, 1.2?, 7.2?, 37.2?). Three of the occurrences of zai are concentrated in the line texts of Hexagram 1, including a clear post-verbal particle zai in 1.4 yue zai yuan ^jffj "leaps in the deep."   As suggested in gloss
1.4.1, this may reflect dialect influence.   As with yu, an object may intervene between the verb and the following zai (62.5, 1.2?, 17.4?). In the case of 57.2 and 57.6 (xun:) zhuan zai chuang xia       (^|t ) ^c-       ~F I have treated zai as a post-verbal particle, "lay out the offering beneath the sacrificial platform."   Yet parallel cases of zai in the Yi and other EOC contexts make it clear that the phrase might also be analyzed as a noun subject followed by main verb zai.33 Consider how in the same Shi song yu in 229/5 gu zhong yu gong ^       encourages us to analyze the
preceding words as verbal (Odes, p. 182,'They play the drums and the bells the palace"), while in 229/7 yuan yang zai liang j&   j£ ^fc yft   the zai
ttt\J /J V
in
is used as a main verb (Odes, p. 182, "The ducks are on the dam").
The graph zl JsJ   occurs 12 times, and in 10 of these it is the relational
word "from/ It can occur with its object either before the main verb (11.6,
14.6) or after it, which is more common (5.4, 8.2, 9.0, 9.1, 29.4, 43.0, 44.5,
62.5). When zi occurs as a relational word "from' in the OBI and WZBI it is
34
also usually in post-verbal position.    When it follows a transitive verb with an object (8.2, 29.4, 44.5), the object intervenes between the verb and zl, as was the case with post-verbal yif. In its other two occurrences (27.0, 38.1) zi is an adverb, immediately preceding the verb, meaning "oneself.'
Initial copular particles wei ffe, wei /\<feL, su7$& » hul ^
In EOC the copular forms wei < *diwar, written variously Afe,      , &
or simply ^ , and hui < *g'iwjd,       or >^  (inscriptional form) and
(received text form) usually appear at the beginning of a phrase,
preceding a noun which is stressed, and often in exposure, out of its normal
35
place in word order, and which receives extra stress.    Sentences like the
following are very common in the OBI: wei Fu Geng -^T ^ "it is
[because of] Fu Geng"; wang hui ZhT Guo cong ^ "the
36
king should follow Zhi Guo."    It has been proposed that the two forms are
distinguished in usage, with the former being a simple "it is X ... ," "it
shall be X . . ." and the latter, its causative counterpart "let it be X...,"
"make it X . . . ."37
In the Yi examples of several of the graphs commonly used to write
these copular particles occur, but whether they perform a copular function
or represent full words is sometimes unclear.   Wei jjjjj^ occurs four times,
and two of these (29.0, 35.6) I have treated in Part Two as copular, or at
least as "initial particles," the fa y_u ci ^ "^jf       of Chinese philologists
»■ 38
since at least Wang Niansun's time.    The other two cases (17.6, 40.5) have also sometimes been analyzed as initial particles.   Wei "\^_ occurs once in 3.3 in a similar function, and sui%fji in 55.1. The graph wei 'Z^JL only occurs
as a textual variant.   There are two cases of hui ^ in 42.5, which because of the exact parallel between you fu hul xTn  ^      J^F. /Cj s in 42.5 and you fu wei xTn ^ ^ J5ij3£ '(jN  in 29.0 I have also treated as copular. The added "heart" element in       then becomes an embellishment on the inscriptional form ^ analogous to the "heart" element added to the inscriptional form ^   in the graph'f^. Serruys ("Studies," p. 116), noting some possible cases of the same copula in the Shi, calls attention to the relation between the English translations "consider X to be...," a function which hui ^  has in the OBI, and "considerate," the derived meaning of hui & in the Shi and in subsequent OC texts. ^
Conditional markers ruo ^ , nai /5 >       ze § 'J
As mentioned above, in the sense of "if' ruo probably occurs just once (43.3) and ru ^v? does not occur at all.   However, conditional logical relations are often marked in the concluding apodosis by an explicit "then, in that case.    The two words nai and ze are used with equal frequency in this sense.   Nai occurs 9 times: 3.2, 17.6, 45.1 (twice), 45.2, 46.2, 47.5, 49.0, 49.2; ze, also 9 times: 4.0, 14.1, 25.2, 30.3, 34.6, 38.3, 41.3 (twice), 60.3. This distribution may be noteworthy, the occurrences of both being skewed heavily toward the middle hexagram-chapters of the text.   There is no obvious distinction in usage between nai and ze. As with English "then" the sense of nai is sometimes as temporal as it is conditional ("you pay me, then I'll do it").   It is then used like sui       "then' (see below).  jf, which occurs 5 times as a verb "approach, come to,' occurs only as a textual variant for ze' in the sense of "then.'
Conjunctions er ffQ , <jie ^ , yjj fM, yl rff , and sui \\ Er ^ "and, while' occurs five times as a conjunction between verbs or
124
clauses (6.2, 13.5, 20.0, 22.1, 30.3). Typical is 22.1: she che er tu ^ (^) ?f  iffj  |<C "abandons his carriage and walks."   It sometimes has a slight adversative sense, like "but' (13.5, 20.0, 30.3). Cue        and occurs three times (29.3, 38.3, 40.3) connecting two verbs (e.g., 40.3 fu gie cheng i*j ^ "carry on the back and ride") or two adjectives (e.g., 29.3 xian qie chen fxTt J8- 3 "steep and deep").   Yu ^ "and, together with' occurs
just once (61.2), between the pronouns wu ^ and • Yji /^{V. "also, yet'
occurs once as well (48.0), preceding the second of two verb phrases in series.   It could be said to have the same "mildly concessive" meaning there which it has in some other EOC contexts (Dobson, EAC, p. 105).   The graph sui £^ occurs 3 times, and one (51.4) is the temporal conjunction "then (as a result).'
None of these conjunctions occurs in the OBI or Dobson's EAC corpus, \ 40
with the exception of y_i. All five occur often in the Shi. On the other hand the oldest EOC conjunctions of the OBI or WZBI, such as da (or ta)
% ( i3*_) (OBI) and yue ^,       (WZBI) do not occur in the Yi.*1
As throughout the history of the Chinese language, both nominal and verbal elements in the Yi are often concatenated without an intervening conjunction to mark their coordination: for example, jiu shf ^.jS? ^ "liquor and food" (47.2), xuan huang  ^ ^ "dark and yellow-bright" (2.6), wang lai
1i ^ "g° and come" (48.0, 51.5). See also Table 13, "Pleonasms and Near-pleonasms," later in this chapter.
Connective and instrumental yY JaX^
Y_T occurs 20 times in the text.   It serves a number of distinct but related functions.  It sometimes conjoins a noun or nouns to a preceding noun, meaning "along with, together with,' the whole phrase following the main verb (11.1, 12.1, 50.1, 54.1, 54.3 [twice]). Line 24.6, in which yT
125
precedes a noun but does not follow a similar noun, may be a special case,
which I have interpreted as "with' = "including, extending to.'   The same
analysis might apply to yY in 23.5, which, however, I have dealt with as a
phonetic loan.   VY can also serve as an instrumental particle, meaning "with,
by means of,' in which case it either follows the verb (7.1, 9.5, 11.4 [first
occurrence], 15.5, 23.1, 23.2, 23.4) or precedes it (44.5). In the pre-verbal
position it sometimes resumes the topic of a preceding clause as an
understood object "by such means' (14.2, 17.4, 62.1). In this case it is close
in function to its conjunctive use, in which yY introduces the second clause
in a series, indicating an instrumental or causal connection with the
preceding clause, "thereby, thus, in order to,' (11.4 [second occurrence],
11.5, 56.5). Compare the sometimes similar function of yong "use,'
considered under k. yong in the following section.
The various functions of yY above are typical also of Dobson's EAC 42
corpus and the Shi.    Dobson does not mention any cases of post-verbal instrumental yf in EAC, the more common pattern in the Yi, but he quotes a sentence from the Shu section "Pan geng" (not in EAC corpus) which fits this pattern (EAC, p. 72): xu dong yi fu yan       -^j^ ^ Documents, p. 21, "[you] excite each other by loose talk."   In the OBI yY ( X> > |j  )'s one °f the words used to cite a donation: . . .Wang Cheng yY Qilng . .        ^ V\^|^ • • •» "the Qiang whom Wang Cheng brought."*3
Other logical relations
There are no explicit markers to indicate the adversative or concessive meaning of "but" in the Yi. Nevertheless an adversative meaning is implicit in numerous line texts.   The conjunctions discussed above also sometimes carry a mild adversative force.
A disjunctive "or" is conveyed by simple concatenation, X-Y, "X or Y,"
126
and is thus difficult to discriminate from a concatenated "X and Y." Consider 20.3 guari wo sheng jin tux ijjfc 5^, which I have
translated in Part Two as an indirect "choice-type question": "observe whether our sacrificial victims advance or withdraw."   This is not formally distinguished from "observe our sacrificial victims advance and withdraw." The same could be said of phrases like bu shl wang hou j£ "f/| ,
"he does not serve king or lord" (18.6); and kun yu gef lei, y_u nie-wu f£j ^ if? $® /U&> "bothered by wild grape vines, or [tripped] by a
stump" (47.6). The related function of huo 3J£ "some,' "or,' is taken up, along with other distributives, under i. "Adverbs and other Verbal Auxiliaries." Comparison with bu ru  ^       was considered under a. "Syntax" above.
g. Negation
The negatives used in the Yi, in the descending order of their frequency, are the following:
wu < *miwo ^ "there be/is/are no' (159 occurrences)
Wu is the regular negative counterpart of the verb of existence you "have, there be/is/are,' or privative negative.   One time the verb you is negated with bu      : bu you ^ ^   (4.3); but otherwise in the negative you is replaced by wu. Its 159 occurrences make it the most frequently occurring graph in the entire Yi text.  It appears in 94 of those cases in the common divinatory formula wu jiu ^        "[there will be] no misfortune' (1.3, 1.4, 2.4, etc.).   It is most commonly followed by a nominal word, as in the cases of wu jiu, but it can also precede a second negative word bu ^ in the phrase wu bu li ^   ^       , making a "double negative" construction with the meaning "there is no[-thing for which this is] unfavorable," i.e.,
127
"favorable for everything."   This phrase is also frequent, occurring 13 times
(2.2, 3.4, 14.6, 15.4, etc.).   It is paralleled by the opposite wu you li
\lK sfl\ > "there is no[-thing for which this is] favorable" (10 times in 4.3,
19.3, 25.6, etc.), in which the specific syntactic relation of wu and li is
clearer, since the translation "there is no[-thing which is] (un)favorable" is
not possible with the object substitute you.
The regular use of the graph ^ to write the existential negative wu,
rather than the more common graph in this function in OC and Literary
Chinese in general, namely the homophonous      , is a notable feature of the
Yi text.   The same graph ^  is also used in the Mawangdui MS., with a
couple of exceptions to be discussed below.   The early history of this graph
is still a mystery.   In Modern Standard Chinese it is of course the standard
simple-style graph for both the common form of wu "^fc and the much rarer
ancient form ^ . Other than in the Yi, the only received text in which 7^
44
is used is Zhuangzi, and according to one source, also Zhouli.    The graph
is used in other Mawangdui MSS., in addition to the Yi MS., including 45
the Laozi B text.    It apparently does not occur in either the OBI (no entry in either Shima's Sorui or Li Xiaoding's Jiagu wenzi jishi) or in the WZBI (no entry in JWGL). Although we cannot fully explain its appearance in the Yi, nevertheless since it is so frequent in the text it requires further examination.
I would like to propose the working hypothesis that the graph ^ is derived from the graph      , used to write a synonymous negative form in the OBI, wang (also given literary reading wu) < *miwang. (On the usage of this word as a full verb Ngo away' in the Yi, see h. wang in the following section, "Some Important Lexical Items.") Or the two forms *miwo ^ and ♦miwang       were variant forms of the same word.   The early forms of the two graphs ^ and       are certainly similar, yet nevertheless distinct. In
128
the OBI wang is written variously      , £ ,      , _LJ ,      , etc. (GSR 742b-f); and in the WZBI, its form is ^ (Mao gong ding ^ ), ^
(Tai bao gui ), etc.   In the Mawangdui MSS., the oldest original
source for wu, it is written (e.g., Wenwu 1974.7, Plate I). Close
examination of this form indicates that its composition is slightly different from that of the modern graph, with two horizontal strokes ZZ- , followed by a iong rightward-sloping vertical stroke -^-^, and a short leftward-sloping stroke 7^ . The negative form wu < *miwo was also written with the rather cumbersome form       (with variations) >      , which was probably originally a loan application of a graph otherwise used to write the word wu < *miwo "to dance,' now written       (GSR I03g). This form is used regularly in the WZBI (JWGL #0785, p. 3828ff.), especially in formulas like wan nian wu jiang ^      ^       » "a myr'ta^ years without limit."
Wang is the common negative existential verb in the OBI, the opposite of l£j ( ^ ) "there is, have.^ The context in the OBI in which the similarity of the two forms wu < *miwo and wang < *miwang is best displayed is the common divinatory charge with wang + disaster word, such as wang (wu) huo "fc f?]        > (S304-305), wang zai      Jtj* ( $5 ) (S3 36), or wang you
(S507), all with the meaning "there will be no disaster," differing only in
the nuance of the disaster mentioned.   This is analogous with the recurrent
/•   \ 47 Yi formula wu jiu, "there will be no misfortune."    Such divinatory formulas
sometimes also appear in the WZBI, although not treated as divinations so
much as records: "there was no harm," etc.   These were still written with
wang: e.g., wang you £l /£, > "without fault" (Xian Qiij^j^Tne late Shang oracle bones from the Zhou tribal homeland excavated at Zhouyuan in the late 1970's contain at least one case of a divinatory phrase with jiu as disaster word, as in the Yi: wang jiu -T with       written slightly
differently from the usual Shang variations (). This may represent a
-t 49
transitional stage on the way to being written jQ^ .
Several other explanations of the origin of the graph       have been proposed.   Shinjigen's explanation (p. 458) is that it is a loan graph, a simplified form of the graph 45£, from a changed form of the graph fu ^. Shinjigen explains this graph (sf^)t in turn, as depicting a cap on an adult ( -j^) male (p. 244). In fact, sometimes the long vertical stroke in the MS. form of the graph does appear to begin above the top horizontal stroke (-^). Gao Heug (Gujing, p. 4) proposes that       is a modified form of
. Shuowen has en entry for       (seal script for 7^ ) following the entry for       (12B/19a, Zhonghua ed. p. 267).   Its definition reads, "Odd graph. Regarding wu's being interchangeable with yuan ^ , Wang Yu's theory is that tian (the sky?)   is bent in the northwest, making wu" ( •BfT ^ [Duan Yucai s text reads instead here~"odd graph for wu^ "]
{J if % % J % %t % H © fth %]' The text is uncertain
here, with considerable variation, and I am not confident that I have rendered Xu Shen's meaning correctly.   But perhaps what is most significant is that Xu places both wu JS* and wu *^ following wang       and classified under the radical      • Moreover he defines wu with wang Tjf : A/\
-$m ^jjfc "^ee' S° away> derived from ^ , with sound of wu^SE •" Lu Deming quotes a variant of this definition (or misquotes it) in the Shiwen note on Yi line 1.3 wu jiu, saying simply that ^ has the sound of 4j5.
Comment on wang as a negative in the OBI has sometimes related it to wu < *miwo, as a phonetic loan.   Duan Yucai (Shuowen jiezi zhu, 12B/12b) says "wang -r"~ was sometimes used as a loan for wu ■**!$-. Their meaning was the same and they shared the same initial sound (shuangsheng)." Similarly Li Xiaoding (p. 3805) says the original sense of the graph is not clear, but that it was always used as a loan for 45t, for which word there was no proper graph (^ ), and either       or "^St were used as
130
loans.   Shuowen (12B/19a) defines wang as "flee, go away; derived from ^
and |__ " ($c_       A/x ,\ /A, (_)• Finally, the most detailed comment on
the relation of wang and wu is to be found in the work by the Song dynasty author Yan Youyi       ^ ||    called Yiyuan cihuang ji£$? ^f,
quoted under the entries for wu ^ in Dai Kanwa jiten and Kangxi zidian (where it is called Yiyuan xionghuang ^[ ^ ): "Wu ^ also is
written () wang ^ . Anciently everybody used wang       and wu ^ , and wu jj^jr as in ^ 4j|jr wasn't used until the Qin. The Shi, Shu, Chunqiu, Liji, and Lunyu all originally had the graph 7^ , and those who changed to the seal script (?—      %      ) changed it to ^§1. Only the Yi and the Zhouli used 7^ exclusively [RK: not the modern Zhouli]. But in the case of Lunyu, wang er wei you £^ (ffj J?j "jj^ »^ or wo du wang ^^^j >^ at the same time when all the       graphs were generally changing to the ft clerical script, these were probably read mistakenly as the wang of cun wang f^f ^  [i.e., the verb "lose, flee, go away"] and thus were not changed."^ Although the author Yan cannot be correct in his analysis of the usage of wu^, since the ancestor of that form is already in use in the earliest inscriptions, he nevertheless perceived the evolutionary relation between the graphs for wu       and wang .
Although I have termed them synonyms, the two forms wu < *miwo and wang < *miwang might have rather been dialect or morphophonemic variants of the same word.   As we have seen, several scholars considered wang -f^ to be a loan for wu       . Ancient dialect variation might be related to the alternation in the two finals.   Duan Yucai (Shuowen jiezi zhu, 12B/12b, entry for wu       ) says that according to the Shuijingzhu the people of Yan said ^ (GSR 1137a *mog > mao) for wu^ ; he says Yangzi ^jjj ^ [RK: the Han scholar Yang Xiong      ify.» 'in FaYan       ^ ] used       (GSR 266a ♦rniwan > wan, man) for wu ^jjjE (/jsjj^      jAy^ ^ ^        );53 he also thinks
the modern usage of mei < MC *mu?t + you       ^   for wu you is relevant.   If regional dialect differences are involved here, then perhaps this kind of information about the northeastern Yan region (or Yang Xiong's homeland of Sichuan) can be correlated with that in the Yi, with its presumed northwestern provenance, and that of other locally derived texts. Regarding other possible connections of wij and wang, I add further remarks
under wang Jg-j below.
bu < *pw?t ^ "not' (97 occurrences)
Bu is the ordinary verbal negative.   It is unrestricted, preceding all types of verbs: active (e.g., 18.6 sfu       "serve0 and stative (e.g., 11.4 fu v^ "wealthy0; transitive (e.g., 51.0 sang bT chang       ^ "lose ladle and
spirits") and intransitive (e.g., 53.3 fu       " returnO; main (e.g., preceding examples) and auxiliary (e.g., 34.6 neng sui can push through It
is thus used like bu in the OBI, where bu is used in declarative sentences, with "stative, intransitive, or passive verbs" (Serruys, "Studies," pp. 61-68), but more broadly.   It is similar to bu in the WZBI (Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen yufa yanjiu, pp. 100-101, 187). Dobson (EAC, pp. 25, 42-43) calls it, along with fu ^ , a "formal indicative negative," which negates verbs describing situations of actual or declared fact.   In the Yi it often precedes it ^ij "favorable,' in either the pattern bu fi X, "not favorable for X," or the double-negative pattern mentioned in the preceding section, wu bu li.
Several interesting cases of bu involve a negated verb serving as attribute to a noun or other verb: bu su zhT ke ^       ^ v^ , "uninvited guests" (5.6); bu ning fang ^ , "a fang border state which is not peaceful"
(8.0);^* and possibly also bu yuan fu -^C     ^\%^ ' "return from not far away (24.1), and bu ke zheh ^ &f ^   , "an unsatisfactory determination" (18.2, 60.0), which are ambiguous.
132
wu < *miw9t ^|7J "don't!' (26 occurrences)
Wu is the negative imperative, or prohibitive, form used consistently
throughout the text.   It occurs in phrases advising the client who is seeking
the oracle's advice not to engage in some action, such as pursuing a missing
horse (38.1), covering a well (48.6), treating an illness with drugs (25.5), or
going somewhere (33.1). Wu is also the usual negative imperative of the OBI,
although the other forms wu < *miwo ffi and bl < *pie"t ^ may be used
imperatively in certain limited contexts or periods.^ Wu is also common in
' m. 56
WZBI, but not as common as wu m .
There are two verbs which wu negates especially often.   One is yong "use.' The phrase wu yong "don't use!"   occurs altogether 11 times in a variety of positions in the line texts—initially (4.3), in the middle (3.0, 11.6, etc.), as well as at the end (1.1, 7.6, etc.); and preceded by a subject-topic (7.6, 63.3—both "small man") as well as followed by a verb-phrase complement (4.3, 44.0—both "to take a wife").   The phrase wu yong has sometimes been understood as simply "don't act," but I have interpreted it more specifically to mean "don't put to use the outcome of this divination (the line encountered) for any action."   (Cf. gloss 1.1.2 and the entry k. yong in the following section.)   The other verb which recurs with wu is xu -f-^L "worry, be anxious.'  All 6 times xu appears (11.3, etc.)  it is negated by wu, constituting a set phrase reassuring the client, "don't worry!"
fei < *piw3r Ji£_ "be/is/are not' (13 occurrences)
The common OC and Literary Chinese negative copula fei < *piwar, which was usually written with the graph ^j? , is written consistently throughout the Yi with the graph      . These graphs differed in their MC
133
tones (s{£ level, |jf£ rising), hence the different MSC readings fei and fei. The graph {#  also occurs throughout the Shi, but more commonly in the early sections Song and Da y_a (Dobson, Songs, pp. 152, 155). A third graphic variant, fei < *piw?r (also MC rising tone) ^ occurs in parts of the Zhou shu section of the Shu. There are no generally agreed cases of the negative copula in the OBI. In the WZBI it is written with the graph ife (Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen, pp. 101, 187; Dobson, EAC, pp. 93-94).   All of the graphs were loan applications of a pictograph with an original concrete
sense, like "to fly' or "door.' There does not appear to be any distinction among them in usage.   In the Yi, fei precedes nouns (e.g., 3.2, 8.3), noun phrases (e.g. 39.2, 59.4), or nominalized descriptive words (e.g., 25.0). Of its 13 occurrences, 3 are in the repeated phrase, which is probably a line from a song, fei kou, nun gou ^ *^,      jijf^ , "they are not bandits, it is a marriage match."   Here the noun phrase nun gou standing by itself is identified as the predicate of a determinative (copular) sentence without an explicit copula, since it follows the copular predicate fei kou.
fu < *piw9t       "not' (9 occurrences)
Fu is used to negate verbs in the same way as the more common bu. It precedes the verb ke ^ "able to, can' in 4 cases, while bu precedes ke only 3 times, in similar constructions.   It was already used frequently in the OBI, where it typically negated "active-transitive" verbs (Serruys, "Studies," pp. 62-68).   It occurred in divinatory contexts involving military expeditions, the hunt, daily life affairs, and prayers, often preceding modal qf (Guan Xiechu, "Yinxu jiagu," p. 39).   It is also frequent in the WZBI (Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen, p. 187; Dobson, EAC, pp. 42-43).   Dobson calls fu (< *piw?t) in the EAC corpus the stressed form of bu ^ (< *pwat). He notes (n. 8) the studies by him and Huang Jingxin <y ^ Y{ K which concluded that fu
134
cannot have originated as a fusion-word formed from bu       + zhT 2_ (replacing bu zhT + verb), since fu occurs in the EAC corpus before intransitive verbs and before transitive verbs with objects.   Yet it is interesting that in the Yi its usage mostly conforms with the fusion-word hypothesis, which was proposed to account for the regular occurrence of fu in LOC before transitive verbs lacking explicit objects.   Especially in Hexagrams 41 and 62, where 6 of the occurrences are concentrated, fu + verb appears in parallel with another, affirmative, phrase consisting of verb + zhT (41.2, 41.6, 62.3, 62.4, 62.6).
wei < *miw9d ^ "not (yet)' (5 occurrences)
In EOC texts the negative wei had a wider range of meaning than in LOC and Literary Chinese, when it was increasingly restricted to the more specific negative perfective meaning "not yet.'  But it often was used in time-related contexts.   It does not occur in either the OBI or the WZBI inscriptions, although it is to be found in both the Shi and the oldest (EAC) sections of the Shu.57 In none of its 5 contexts in the Yi (48.0, 49.5, 58.4, 64.0, 64.3—all in the last third of the text) is the sense of "not yet' ruled out.   On the contrary, that is a natural interpretation, and the translation in Part Two adopts it.
mo < *mak       "none' (3 occurrences)
Mo serves as a special negative collective form with the meaning "of the (usually unstated) subject none,' "no one.'  It is more characteristic of LOC than EOC, but it also occurs in the Shi. In the Yi the graph ^ occurs 3 times in this function (33.2, 42.6, 53.5) and, as also in the Shi, once as protograph for mu 3|:  evening (43.2). As mentioned under the "Syntax" section a. above, two of the cases of mo employ the interesting idiomatic
expression mo zhT sheng 1|F      fj[zft (+ verb), "none can overcome . . . it," which is related to the LOC expression mo zh~ neng ^ ^ ^jj^ + verb (Mencius, Zhuangzi—see Dobson, Dictionary, pp. 525-526).
wang < *miwang J^j "there be/is/are no, not have' (2 occurrences)
Wang is an existential negative similar to wu ^ . Dobson (EAC, p. 44 n. 11) considers it to be one allograph of the negative wang < *mjwang , with T^J  used in inscriptions and J^J in texts.   Note that       is phonetic in , and was possibly also its protograph, with the other components of the graph added only later.   It is used only twice in the Yi, in adjacent hexagram-chapters (reflecting dialect influence?), and in neither case is its usage exactly parallel with that of wu. In 34.3 it is a phrase-final rhyming word: junzi yong wang      ~5[       /^J  , "if a noble uses this, he will not have [injuries]." The use of wang here suggests to us the possibility that wif < *miwo might be an abbreviated form of wang < *miwang which evolved only in pre-verbal position.  In particular the phonetic combination *miwang + *g jog ^ could plausibly produce an elision of the final -ng, and
result in the new form *miwo, or confusion with an already existing synonym *miwo. If that was the case, the literary tradition of reading pre-verbal negative wang -j^ as wu might have more historical basis than Karigren allows for, when he says (GSR 742a) "the usage to read this character wu when meaning       is modern and has no ancient support."
The other occurrence of wang J^jj , in 35.1, provides further useful information.   There the received text has zhen \i wang fu . . . || "^j j^j while the Wenwu transcription of the Mawangdui MS. has zhen ji hui wang fu . . . |[ "J 4^ ) .... In Part Two I add a
hui, following the MS. reading, and translate "troubles will disappear," on the
analogy of the recurrent phrase hui wang rpa -r^ , "troubles will go away."
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(On this formula see h. wang in the vocabulary section.)   This emendation results in a phrase-final wang in 35.1 as well, rather than a pre-verbal parallel to wu, wang fu J§f|       , "there will be no capture."   This conforms with the working hypothesis proposed for wu above, that an original pre-verbal negative wang       came to be read wu and written ^ , while for the usage of wang as a main verb "go away' the original graph and reading were retained.
fou < *piug ^ = bu ^ "not' (1 occurrence)
Of the 8 occurrences of the graph g , 7 represent the nominal word pi < *pi3g "bad.' Only in the case of 7.1 is ^ a negative, and there I emend it to the usual pre-verbal negative bu, following the reading of the MS.: bu zang C x^ :] , "it is not good."   Fou does not occur in my translation
as a negative verbal substitute, its special role in OC beginning already with the Shi. But note that 12.2, 33.4, and perhaps even 7.1, 12.5, and 50.1, would lend themselves to such an interpretation, and some commentators have indeed interpreted ^ there as the negative verbal substitute fou. (See, for example, gloss 50.1.2 C.)
wu < *miwo ^Sfc "there be/is/are no' (1 occurrence)
This form of the negative of the verb of existence, discussed already under wu 7^ above, occurs just once in the Shisanjing zhushu version of the received text, in line 3.3 in a context which does not appear to differ significantly from those of ^ . The Mawangdui MS. writes the same word in 3.3 with the third homophonous negative of OC, wu < *miwo "not, don't!'(GSR 107a). This graph does not occur at all in the received text. Its usage is otherwise somewhat different from       and 4j3t. The MS. writes one other case of wu ^ , in 41.0 (Wenwu 1974.7, Plate I), with ^ , which the
Wenwu 1984.3 editors transcribe as follows: ^0. ( 7^ ) $k . Rao Zongyi ("Lue lun Mawangdui Yijing xieben," p. 233) transcribes the graph slightly differently, as jjsjL, or       . Although Rao discusses the occurrence of both ~jf and ^5L in the MS., he does not consider whether ^JJC might be a scribal innovation there.   I propose that jitt- and 0^ , whether in the received text or in the MS., are simply scribal lapses for the usual 7^ of the text. The latter graph is also given by Ruan Yuan as a variant for 3.3 in several text traditions, and he too prefers that form (Zhouyi zhengyi, jiaokanji, l/27b).
Note that as in LOC, a pronoun object with a negated verb is shifted to pre-verbal position: bu wo neng jf     ^       ^ , "it cannot reach me" (50.2); mo zhT sheng tuo        ^ "none will be capable of getting
loose" (33.2).
We can see from the usage of the various negatives above that the system of negation in the Yi text is typical not only of EOC in general, but also of the more archaic EOC texts and inscriptions.   The common negatives of the OBI are also common in the Yi (allowing for the special alternation of wang       and wu ^ ), but added to them are the negatives fei and wei, found in the EAC corpus and the earlier sections of the Shi.
h. Interrogatives
Interrogative words are infrequent in the Yi, as they are in EOC in general.   It is quite possible that some sentences understood as questions are formally unmarked in writing.   Some sentences in the Shu which are indistinguishable from simple indicative statements are treated on the basis of their context as "yes-no" questions (requiring merely assent or dissent). Dobson (EAC, p. 116), noting the rarity of interrogative markers in his EAC
138
corpus, considers it likely that EOC had sentential particles for "yes-no" questions similar to LOC, but that a way of representing them in writing had not yet been developed.   Whether there are questions or not in a given corpus is heavily conditioned by the nature of the material.   The dedicatory inscriptions of the WZBI would not be expected to yield many questions. On the other hand, many lines in the songs of the Shi are couched in the form of rhetorical questions, and formal interrogative markers are abundant in the Shi. In the Yi, given the essentially inquisitive nature of the divining process, it is conceivable that hundreds of sentences which we deal with as indicative statements were in fact unmarked "yes-no" questions.   For example, you fu
^~ , instead of meaning "there will be a capture," would then be translated "will there be a capture?"   This, however, would not be consistent with our view of the hexagram and line texts as generalizations distilled from the outcome of many particular divinations (each of which may have involved an oral question from the client to the diviner).   Nor are we compelled by the little data we have on the divining consultation itself to expect even the particular consultation to have involved a question.   In the Zuozhuan, for example in the episode from the seventh year of Duke Zhao related in the first section of this chapter, the client's charge to the Yi is prefaced by a mere yue Q "said' (which Legge expands to "propounding the inquiry whether").   On the other hand, a piece of counter-evidence suggesting that a question was involved is in the Yi line 42.5, in which the client or
Aside from the unlikely possibility that there are numerous unmarked "yes-no" questions in the text, there are about half a dozen positive cases of interrogative-word questions (those seeking information), in which the unknown element in an indicative statement is replaced by an interrogative
diviner is apparently
substitute.   Three possible interrogative words appear: he < *g'a fc| , he <
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*g'at ^ , and he < *g'ap        While written with three different graphs, these words are undoubtedly related cognate forms.   He ^ is clearly an interrogative vwhat' in three almost identical occurrences preceding jiu (9.7, 17.4, 38.5): he (qf) jiu       ( ^ )      , "what misfortune will there be?" This is the rhetorical question equivalent of wu jiu ^      , "no misfortune."  In its two other occurrences he is probably the protograph for he ^ "carry, bear.'  This he, by far the most common interrogative substitute of LOC and Literary Chinese, does not appear in the OBI, WZBI or the Shu EAC corpus.   It occurs throughout the Shi, with increasing frequency from the Song section (9 times), through Da y_a (7) and Xiao ya (22), to the Guo feng (28) (Dobson, Songs, pp. 200ff., 215).
The second interrogative word he       occurs once only, in a difficult passage in 41.0, where it means >what' or Nhow': he zhT*yong ^ %^ f$ , "what is to be used?"   or "how do we use them?"  Some commentators, including Wen Yiduo and Gao Heng, have argued that he is a protograph or loan for another word there, and not an interrogative at all.   He, while not frequent, is nevertheless the most common interrogative in the older parts of the Zhou shu section of the Shu (Dobson, EAC, pp. 116-117).   There it usually has a rhetorical force, like "how can I . . . ?" In the Shi it occurs 20 times, and like he       with increasing frequency from the older to the later sections (Songs, pp. 200, 215). As in Yi 41.0, it occurs in initial position in the line in all cases in the Shi. If this case of he is an interrogative pronoun >what,' then, while the preposing of the interrogative pronoun before the verb yong is typical of later OC usage, the intervening zhT is peculiar.  It might be related to the gf i£ which follows he in several of the Shu and Shi occurrences.   (Dobson [Dictionary, p. 319] explains this q/ once as resuming an exposed agent.)
The third interrogative word he  Jg_ also occurs just once, in 16.4. It also
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may not be an interrogative at ail.   I have interpreted it as an instance of the fusion word he bu 'pff       (*g'a + *pwgt) "why not,' which is attested for at least as early as Lunyu, and according to Wang Yinzhi, also in the Shi, written       (Jingzhuan shici, pp. 90-91).
i. Adverbs and other Verbal Auxiliaries
Given the flexibility of syntactic classes in Old Chinese and the frequent brevity of context in the Yi, it is sometimes difficult to assign a nominal or a verbal value to a modified word.   I list below all the words which are used as adverbial modifiers, in the sense that they precede and are subordinate to verbs, or words which could be analyzed as verbal.
Aspectual and Modal Auxiliaries
The following adverbs clarify the aspect of the verb, that is, the progress of the action in relation to the projected point in time of the speaker. Thus ji £^ marks perfective aspect; fang jjj  , momentary aspect; ql ^ » imminent aspect; and shang pjjj , continuative aspect.   3\ is used in most other EOC texts, while fang, cji (usually written with a variant graph), and shang are common in the later EOC texts like the Shi.
fang       "just' 50.3 (1)
Ji       %already' 9.6 (twice), 19.3, 29.5 (4)
31       "about to, on the point of' 48.0, 64.0 (2)
shang |^ "still' 9.6 (1)
The following modal auxiliaries are used infrequently to indicate necessity (bi '(^N), ability or possibility (ke      , etc.), or a tentative likelihood (gf
£).
bi 'lp "must' 62.4 (1)
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gf |£ "perhaps, might it be the case that?'   11.3?, 12.5? (0-2) y) # , j# (same as qi above) 51.2?, 51.5? (0-2)
Wang Li (Gudai Hanyu, pp. 428-429) says modal qf, as used in such texts
as Lunyu or Zuozhuan, adds an indirect, softening effect to the verb, often
analogous to the MSC final particles ba or a, and that it is often used to
add rhetorical force in interrogative sentences.   Chen Mengjia (Zongshu,
pp. 87-88) says the common OBI use of qf adds "doubt." (Cf. the English "I
wonder if . . . .")   Chen notes, following Hu Guangwei, that the Wei
section of the Shi continues the OBI usage in a context like 62/3 qi yu qi yu
|£ £rt $        , Odes, p. 43 "Oh, if it would rain, if it would rain!" This
Shi line is also parallel with modal qjf in Yi 12.5. I have identified yi < *'i9g
and yi < *-iak j#  in Hexagram 51 as synonymous with modal qi in part /o~       — *
because of phonetic plausibility; in part because of the close contextual similarity of the phrases in 51.2 and 51.5 to a pair of polar affirmative-negative charges in OBI divination; and in part because and the doubtless cognate form ^Cf (*"j3k) are used again in LOC as markers of disjunctive questions (cf. Dobson, Dictionary, pp. 821-824).
ke 55T *can> may- 2.3, 18.2, 25.4, 27.5, etc. (12)
ke  ^ "can' 4.2, 6.2, 6.4, 13.4, etc. (9)
neng ^ "can, able to' 10.3, 34.6, 50.2, 54.1, 54.2 (7)
The usage of all three of the last auxiliaries is what we would expect in
an EOC text.   Ke < *k'?k is the most frequent in the context "can' + verb,
occurring with a range of verbs meaning "make a family," "attack," "meet,"
and the like.   It occurs 2 times in the affirmative, 7 times in the negative,
and of these, 4 times with fu ^jj and 3 times with bu ^ . It is especially
common in other EOC texts, including WZBI (Dobson, EAC, p. 52, n. 21), and
its meaning is closer to implying ability, like neng, than possibility, or
* 59
circumstances permitting, like ke.    Guan Xiechu (Xi Zhou jinwen, pp. 28,
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183) counted 5 cases of ke in the WZBI, against only 1 for ke. (Dobson didn't find any cases of ke in his EAC corpus, and noted that in the infrequent cases of ke in the old sections of the Shu, it is always used in the patterns bu ke      , bu ke bu  ^       ^ , and da ke ~j\     .) In the Shi, both ke and ke appear, but ke is distributed throughout the corpus, with decreasing frequency (only 2 cases in Guo feng), while k£ does not appear at all in the Song section, and increases subsequently, to appear in Guo feng 13 times (Dobson, Songs, pp. 83-84).   Neng implies ability, particularly physical ability.   Although it occurs 7 times in the Yi, it is used in only 5 distinct contexts, with two phrases repeated.   It is negated 3 times by bu. Neng also appears in the EAC corpus (3 times) with the same meaning, but not in the WZBI. In the Shi, neng is used only in the later Xiao ya and Guo feng sections.
The third form ke < *k'a is the most frequent of the three, but occurs in more limited contexts, some of which are subject to varying interpretation. It occurs 6 times with zhen a   (2.3, 18.2, 25.4, 36.3, 41.0, 60.0). I have translated the phrase (bu) ke zhen in Part Two as "can(not) be determined," which I understand to mean that past experience has shown that no reliable divinatory determination can be made in response to a client's inquiry, if the line or hexagram in which such a phrase appears is encountered. The primary reason for adopting this interpretation over other possible ones lies in the parallel with the regular usage of ke in LOC. In classical texts, as analyzed by E. G. Pulleyblank, ("Outline of Classical Grammar," pp. 15, 74) ke, an adjective, "possible,' takes a passively-used transitive verb as a complement.   For example ke sha never means "may kill," but
always "may be killed."   Pulleyblank notes that in pre- and post-classical usage, adjective ke, "right,' "should,' sometimes also takes an active verb as a complement: "In the Shijing and again in post-classical usage, ke may be
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followed by an active verb in the sense of "should,' "ought to,' but this is very rare in texts of the classical period" (p. 15). When we examine the usage of ke in the Yi, certain contexts do indeed clearly differ from the LOC standard.   In 27.5 bu ke she da chuan ^ *\  yfjj       )\\  > "it will not be possible to wade across a big river," the active transitive verb following ke has its own object chuan. There are one or two other possible cases of actively-used verbs (62.0), but in other cases the usage of ke conforms to classical usage.   Ke yong       j^J   (41.0, 48.3, 53.6) each time means "may be used."   In the single case of ke which Guan Xiechu noted in the WZBI (Shi X. gui        ^ Jt ), it also is followed by a passive verb: ru mYn ke li
"^C ( y"^ ) ^f£. *3   $L ' "^ou are QU1C^ ant* cou^ be appointed to office" (Xi Zhou jinwen, p. 28).   Other similar examples could be drawn from the Shi, Shu and Lunyu (Gudai Hanyu, p. 1020).   If ke zhen is treated as analogous to these cases, it too is an adjective "possible, may be' followed by a passive verbal complement "determined' (or, as I have described it above, a passive verb preceded by an adverbial auxiliary).
An alternative explanation of ke zhen would treat ke as an adjective "permissible, O.K.' modifying a head noun zhen "determination': "a permissible (acceptable, satisfactory) determination," one which permits action.   This would be based on the analogy of the common, apparently parallel expression ji zhen faj ^ , which I have rendered as "a favorable determination," following the most widely accepted modern Chinese interpretation (see gloss 1.0.2). These two phrases would then be roughly synonymous.   In the phrases in 62.0, ke xiao shi, bu ke da shi      /J^ ^ , ^ ^1  "K. s^- } ke could also be analyzed as an adjective "satisfactory': "O.K. for small matters, but not for big matters."   In this instance, the former is a particular example of a ke zhen, "a satisfactory determination," "a determination of  O.K.," while the latter is a particular example of a bu
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ke zhen, "an unsatisfactory determination."   I have tentatively adopted this interpretation of 62.0 in Part Two, but the alternative interpretation, "one may engage in minor service, but may not engage in major service," cannot be ruled out.   The similarity of 62.0 to the WZBI sentence from Shi X gui quoted above is interesting.   Another context, in 27.5 (see above) could then also read "unsatisfactory for wading across a river"; and "36.3 bu ke ji zhen ^ ^   could read "unsatisfactory in determinations about
illness"~which is quite different from the translation adopted in Part Two, "cannot be hurriedly determined."
Still another explanation is based on the same analogy with l\ zhen, but with that phrase understood to mean "favorable for a determination," that is, parallel with all the other phrases ft + verb, as in 1.2 ft jian da ren ^T'J jj^ ^ J\ , "it will be favorable to see a big man" (see gloss 1.2.2). Ke zhen in this analysis means "one may make a determination," "the situation permits determination."   This is semantically not far from the first interpretation cited, but here zhen would refer to a physical divination, a manipulation of the stalks, while in the first interpretation zhen would refer to the process of drawing a conclusion from an already completed manipulation.
There are no close parallels to the phrase ke zhen in other EOC texts, but (bu) ke certainly does appear as a main predicate, "it is (not) O.K." in a number of texts, including some well-known passages in the Zuozhuan. In Shi 257/16 there is the line (liang:) lue yue bu ke *3       *\ , Odes,
p. 223, "if the rapacity is denounced," to which Karlgren adds, "Properly «if the rapacity is said to be unallowable»."   One passage in the Zuozhuan, Ai 9 (Tso, p. 819), which involves both pyromancy and achillomancy, is filled with divinatory judgments prefaced or concluded by ke or bu ke, alternating
with parallel phrases with ft "favorable' or jf ^ "auspicious': ke y_T xfn blhg xTj ^        "one may thereby mobilize troops"; fa Qi ze ke 'fj^ *
»j^>        ^ , "O.K. for attacking Qi"; bu ke gin ye  ^      -f"        > "it may not be interfered with"; fa Jiang ze ke j|l       ^ , "O.K. for
attacking the Jiang"; bu ke you ye ^ *j yjfe fa   , "it may not be swum"; bu ke jiu ye ^ ^ >fJC "(^ , "they may not be saved."   It is easy to imagine that the diviners' oft-repeated phrases ke or bu ke, "(not) O.K., allowable, acceptable," could be placed before zhen to describe general categories of determinations.   Passages like this one in the Zuozhuan, which detail actual divinatory practice, strengthen the case for translating ke zhen as "an acceptable determination," "a determination of "O.K.'"
Time words chu ^-yj , zhong ^ , zhong etc.
A number of time words are used adverbially to indicate the temporal scope of auspiciousness or ominousness of a prognostication.   The words chu ^fj "beginning,' zh5ng y   "middle,' and zhong end  form one set of
such words.   They occur in adverbial position, respectively, 3 times (of total 5), 2 times (of total 14), and 19 times (of total 29). Thus zhong i^- is by far the most frequently used, referring to a "final," "ultimate" situation. It is, in fact, the most common adverbial expression in the whole Yi text. A similar pair of temporal adverbs is xian       "first,' and hou "later.' These occur 5 times (of total 7) and 8 times (of total 10), respectively. Another two adverbs indicate an extended scope, like "always," "forever," "for a long time."   One is yong       "prolonged, long-range,' which occurs 7 of its total 8 times modifying zhen ^   "determine, determination.'  If zhen is analyzed as verbal, then yong zhen is adverbial, in such phrases as "favorable for long-range determining" (2.7, 52.1), or "auspicious in a long-range determination" (22.3). The other adverb of extended scope is heng 'f^'long time, always,' which occurs adverbially in 2, or possibly 3, of its 8 occurrences (16.5?, 32.1, 32.6), for example, in heng xiong '^|[ "always
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ominous" (32.6). (In several other contexts heng is very difficult to interpret.)
Several other units of time are used adverbially. These include the following:
mu ^ (        "evening' 43.2 (1)
n  B *day' 35.0 (l)60
su       "early (morning)' 40.0 (1)
xT f   "night' 1.3 (1)
%e ^ "night' 43.2 (1)
zhou jt "day' 35.0 (1)
Distributives bing tff} "all,' hub 5^ "some,' and xiang J^Q "each other'
Distributive words are adverbs which specify the scope of distribution of the subject, words with the meaning "all," "some," "none," and the like. The distributive form mo ^   none was included under negatives above. The common EOC collective distributive bing tff, "all' occurs once (48.3). There are a number of other synonymous collectives which occur in other EOC texts, such as xian fflL, xT     , un jjjj , bl Jp, shuai>fj> , ju %. , and xu" ^-(cf. Dobson, EAC, pp. 69-73; Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen, pp. 188-189), but none is used in the Yi. Although the graph xian fc^ appears fully 8 times (19.1, etc.), it is probably not a distributive in any of these cases, but rather a protograph for one or more other words.   Some commentators have also interpreted jiao ^ as an adverb with a kind of distributive function, meaning "altogether' or "with each other' (e.g., in 38.4). Xiang does occur once in this meaning (13.5).
The most common distributive adverb is the partial distributive hub 5^ "in some cases,' "some,' with 16 occurrences.   As with bing, it immediately precedes the verb, and usually refers back to the subject, in which case it is
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similar to "someone,' "some of them.'   The subject is usually not explicitly stated (e.g., 2.3, 6.6), leading to an alternative analysis of huo in such cases as an indefinite pronoun, meaning "someone' (Wang Li, Gudai Hanyu, p. 559).   Otherwise, as an adverb hub means "in some cases,' i.e., "sometimes,' "perhaps' (e.g., 7.3; perhaps also 1.4, 25.3). The line text 61.3 has four coordinate clauses, all with huo + verb, indicating the activities of the various subsets of the subject, presumed to be "soldiers."
Other words used adverbially and not dealt with elsewhere:61
chi j/J"late' 54.4 (1)
chuan       "rapidly' 41.1, 41.4 (2)
da       "greatly' 14.0, 16.4, 37.4, 45.4, 46.1, 50.6, 62.0 (7)
du       "alone' 24.4, 43.3 (2)
jT ffc "almost' 3.3, 9.6, 54.5, 61.4 (4)
ji ^ "hurriedly' 36.3 (1)
shf ^ "really' 63.5 (1)
ti jg." far' 59.6 (1)
xu f£ "slowly' 47.5 (1)
yuan ffi "original(ly)' 8.0 (1)
yun ^ "in fact, truly' 35.3, 46.1 (2)
zai ^ "twice' (4.0) (1)
zi jj   "oneself 38.1, 27.0 (2)
j. Reduplication
Part of the Yi text's relish in the sound-play of language is exhibited in the frequency of reduplicated words and other binomial expressions, which are often imitative and involve rhyming or alliteration.   Arthur Waley
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("Changes," pp. 39-40) observed that the meaning of these onomatopoeic or quasi-onomatopoeic expressions, representing "shades of meaning, as well as nuances of sound, appearance, etc.," is often quite different from that of the graphs which comprise them.   He further suggests that the phrases containing the reduplicatives seem to be quoted from songs similar to those in the Shi, which were "considered relevant by the omen-taker because of their similarity in sound and therefore in graphic expression to the word which heads the section" (the hexagram name).   Table 10 lists all the reduplicatives, while Table 11 lists the binoms.   The sense of these expressions can sometimes only be guessed at.   Note that not all the possible binoms in Table 11 were incorporated in the text and translation of Part Two. Nevertheless, they may still possibly be correct and are listed here for reference.
Table 10.    Reduplicated Expressions.
♦dz'an-dz'an > can-can (fjj£ fT^O
♦t'iung-t'iung > chong-chong '^Jr ♦tam-tam > dan-dan *-ak-«ak > e-e tf^E *Xak-£ak > he-he *kian-kian > jian-jian 'Jge XW-♦tsieng-tsiehg > jing-jing $r ^ *kiwak-kiwak > jue-jue  1| ^jf •kiwat-kiwat > jue-jue -£ £ ♦kam-kam > kan-kan flj? jfc *k an-k an > kan-kan ffj *fff *p'ian-p'ian > £ian-£ian Jq$| *k liam-k liam > qian-qian   g# ^Jf
"scanty'	22.5
"unsettled'	31.4
"glaring-staring'	27.4
"laugh ho-ho'	51.1
"moan and groan'	37.3
"hobbling and bobbling'	39.2
"orderly'	48.0
"glancing about'	51.6
"lickety-split'	43.3,5
"thud-thud'	29.3
"go honk-honk'	53.2
"flutter about'	11.4
"crunch-crunch'	15.1
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*g'ian-gian > qian-qian	"vigorous'	1.3
*so-so > su-su	"go rumble-rumble'	51.3
♦sag-sag > su-su 9^	" panicky'	10.4
*sak-sak > suo-suo  ^& ^ --xl>-	"go clap-clap'	51.6
*swa-swa > suo-suo Jf?	"in tiny pieces'	56.1
*t'an-t'an > tan-tan £^	"flat and smooth'	10.2
**iag-Xi*g > xT-xT °S	"giggle tee-hee'	37.3
**iak-#ak > xl-xl f^	"go crack-crack'	51.0,1
*dzio-dzio > xu-xu	"slowly'	47.4
*d'jSg-d'iog > vou-you & j|c   ( & f& )	" far-reaching'	27.4
Table 11.   Rhyming and Alliterative imitative and Other			Binoms
*kat-liwsr > ge-lei ^		"Vitis flexuosa vine'	47.6
*g'og-d'og > hao-tao 0^		"weep and wail'	13.5; 56.6
*dz'i«-l«r > jf-lf ^		"caltrop vine'	47.3
*tsier-tsw > jT-zT ^ ^		"sigh and sob'	45.6
*k3m-d5m > kan-dan ^		"pitfall'	29.1,3
*kW-ko > kuf-gu f/^		""hook" melon'	38.4,6
*ngiat-ngw3t > nie-wu jjljj^ ^l/^,		"stump, stake'	47.6
*b'wan-g'wan > pan-huan -&^L		"turning around'	3.1
♦d'ung-mung > tong-meng *^		"dodder'	4.0,5
*miwo-miwang > wu-wang ^ 2j£-		"a demon'	25.1,3,5,6
*«i*t-«uk > yl-wo - £j| {0%*}%)		"cackle-cackle'	45.1
♦d^ek-diuk > zhi-zhu ^j^J		"balky'	44.1
*ts'isr-ts'io > zT-ju j% O^T		"hard-going'	43.4; 44.3
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An interesting device we find several times in the Yi is the use of what
may be an original rhyming or alliterative binomial expression with its two
syllables split apart in balanced phrases.   For example, *tiwan-tian >
zhun-zhan m 3-2, a line already quoted above in Chapter Two. Or
39.3 *piwan-kian > fan-jian     ^! , which is turned around in wang jian lai
fan ^jf ^ ^js )%. ' "ne ^>oes Gobbling and comes bobbling"; and 39.4
♦lian-kian > iian-jian      l^ , split into wang jian lai lian      l^ ^ £^ ,
"he goes hobbling and comes carted."   Here the literal meaning
predominates, in my judgment, with the imitative binom a background pun.
(Cf. the similar simultaneous play of sound and sense in the MSC words
Kekoukele tff r7 tf[ * Coca-cola' and julebu f^^'       'club.') As is
well-known, such imitative binoms are typically found written in ancient
texts in almost as many different orthographic variations as there are
occurrences, and the syllables are often reversed, but with one version 62
usually dominant.    Sensitivity to the use of split binoms in Hexagram 39 dates all the way back to Yu Fan in the Han. They are further analyzed by Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 26) and Li Jingchi ("Jiaoshi," #149, #150). They must involve a manipulation similar to that of an English sentence like "He zigged when he should have zagged."
Some Important Lexical Items
a. fu       Cj^- ) % capture'
Fu       (GSR 1233a *p'iug) is the protograph for fu "J^. (GSR 1233d *p'iug) in most, possibly all, of the 42 occurrences of the graph in the text. It has the common OC meaning of fu^f^-» * capture in war (prisoners or
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booty),' or the nominalized counterpart, "that which is captured, captive, booty.'   (Cf. the Shuowen definition of ^ [8A/12b, p. 167] as "what an army gets" [ *^ ^/j- ].) In 26 instances fu is the direct object of
the existential verb you (5.0, 6.0, etc.).   On the possible specialized sense of you in this recurring phrase you fu ^       , which I have interpreted as a prognostication, "there will be a capture," see also below, section 1. you ^ . In the 16 other instances fu is either itself a main verb (11.4, 17.5, 46.2, 49.0, etc.)   or serves as a noun subject (14.5, 35.1, 43.0, etc.)   or object (45.5, 61.0, etc.).
The reconstruction of the early history of the word fu from archaeologically excavated sources has had a great impact on the understanding of the Yi. Most of the early commentators gloss fu as xin \^ "reliable,' "trustworthiness,' "sincere.'63 The Wilhelm-Baynes translation of you fu ^        as "you are sincere" (e.g., W-B, pp. 24, 28) is ultimately based on such early glosses.   This appears to be a derived meaning, through extension from the older meaning of "capture.' Despite hints scattered in early dictionaries and other received texts, it is doubtful that 20th-century scholars could have recovered the meaning of the original Yijing without the evidence provided by the OBI and WZBI. Chinese and Japanese paleographers have tended to be of a single mind on the interpretation of fu ^ as "capture,' while the thinking of Western scholars like Arthur Waley or Hellmut Wilhelm has moved in different directions.   I will summarize below the work of some of these scholars, before adding some further information.
One of the first to consider the problem of fu was Guo Moruo. In 1928 (Gudai shehui, p. 41), first expressing his dissatisfaction with the gloss x^n fj§, he added, "There are innumerable       graphs whose meaning is very clear, but one does not dare to arrive at a categorical conclusion about them."   That he favored the meaning "capture, captive' is shown by his
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explanation of you fu zai dao ^ "Jf^_ (17.4) as "there will be (was?)
a capture in the road" and fu nai Ji yong yue  ^jl (45.2, 46.2) as "if there is a capture of prisoners, then it will be lucky to use them in yue-sacrifice" (p. 39).
Even before Guo Moruo, August Conrady had been very close to saying that fu in 49.0 was a protograph for fu f ^., but he stopped short.   In his "Yih-king-Studien," published in 1931 after his death, he says that ge <^ in 49.2 is an explanation of the text of 49.0, and thus 49.2 g£ means "skinned" (schund) or "overcame" (überwand), and that 49.0 fu       =       was a specialization of the meaning "overcome," i.e., "take war captives" (p. 443).
Subsequently other Chinese scholars adopted the same view, notably Xu Shida       jjjZ. ~j\ , in his wartime study of fu, "Shuo "fu'"; Li 3ingchi? in the 1947 article "Xukao," Tanyuan, pp. 81-82 (cf. his more recent and complete analysis in "Zaijieshi," Tanyuan, pp. 184-186); and Wen Yiduo in 1948 (e.g., "Leizuan," p. 52; "Putang zashi," p. 590).   Gao Heng's first study of the Yijing, his 1947 Zhouyi gujing jinzhu, had for the most part pursued a different interpretation based on identifying fu as protograph of fji j^, which in turn meant fa ^ "punish in a drinking game.'  Still other cases he saw as protograph for either fu 'j'ljL "capture,' iu       "draw out,' or meaning cheng"gpjic "sincere' (Gujing, pp. 20-22).   In his thoroughly revised 1979 study, Zhouyi dazhuan jinzhu. however, he abandons (or relegates to the status of an alternative reading) all other interpretations in favor of the meaning "capture of war prisoners or booty, captive.'  This interpretation has also won the favor of recent scholars such as Gerhard Schmitt (Spruche, p. 43); Zhang Liwen "J7_       (Zhouyi sixiang yanjiu, pp. 175-180); and Edward
Shaughnessy ("Shi "youfu'", p. 9ff.; "Composition," pp. 118, 264). Shaughnessy, however, in a notable departure from the views of the others, would limit the scope of fu, which he claims "in the Zhouyi always refers to a human
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captive" (p. 264). Zhang also notes a high correlation between lines concerning aggressive military expeditions and the occurrence of fu in the phrases you fu and y_i fu lA\     . His explanation is that these were prognostications of "have (= capture) prisoners of war."   Such prisoners were a major source not only of forced labor, but also of sacrificial victims. Thus his understanding of fu, at least in the phrase you fu, is similar to Shaughnessy's. Below we will return to this question, in surveying the much broader sphere of reference of the scores of cases of fu in the bronze inscriptions.
A notable exception to the unanimity of Chinese paleographers on the exegesis of fu is Qu Wanli. Interested in the Yijing since his boyhood, Qu's entire life was marked by a gradual surrender of his early traditional interpretations in favor of those of the modernists.   With the recent posthumous publication of his unpublished notes on the Yi (Du Yi san zhong), we can see that in his last years he relinquished earlier traditional views on zhen |sf   and hehg       in general, and on many specific passages, but he held to the reading of fu as cheng ~fTb£ or xin "j^ .
Shortly after Li Jingchi followed Guo Moruo by publishing his early studies of the Yi (especially in Gushibian in 1931), Arthur Waley published his provocative paper "The Book of Changes." In it he paid special attention to fu. Considering 20 or so cases, he concludes that the context calls for a "concrete, substantival meaning" (pp. 125-126). The shape of the graph "^L , a "claw"       over "young of animals" ^ (eggs), brings to Waley's mind "ants," as it brought to mind for Xu Shen in Shuowen "birds tending their young." Furthermore, he finds extra clues leading to "ant" in dictionary definitions such as Erya's entry bj fu iHL, ^ (15/36; cf.   Yi 8.1 you fu bY zHT ^ tb 1C )• The ant is a world-wide source of omens (he gives citations). Hence fu in such lines as 9.5, 14.5, 17.4, 17.5, 20.0, 49.5, and 64.6 may well
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mean "ant(s).' But Waley acknowledges that other cases seem equally likely to mean "prisoner of war,' "captive,' with fu       standing for fu f^. (Waley refers to the OBI): 6.0, 8.1, 40.4. This leads him to speculate on a semantic history for iu which incorporates both of these senses, and leads even to the post-Confucian, moral reading of iu as "sincere' or "trustworthy': 1) "ant'—the creature which carries its young (i.e., eggs) in its claws; 2) true, reliable (because of the reliable character of the ant's weather prophecies); 3) a guarantee of reliability, a hostage; 4) any captive of war; 5) the moral meaning "sincere' is a derivative of (2).
There is scant textual support for fu "^L as "ant,' or any other animal, for that matter.   But in ancient China, as well as more recently, ants have indeed had a variety of special ceremonial, as well as auguristic, roles. Granet (Chinese Civilization, p. 336) says that the ancient sacrificer "would be wanting in the entire sincerity demanded by his religion, if, following the seasons, he did not understand how to offer at the stated times to his Ancestor cress, water-lilies, ants' eggs, or grasshoppers" (emphasis added—did Granet intend to suggest that the ants' eggs were symbols of sincerity?). Eberhard (Local Cultures, p. 297) compiles a list of other uses, which extend back to the Warring States period and Han. For example, ants' knowledge of the existence of water (Hanfeizi); their power to predict the time of rain (Yilin ); and ritual wines made with ant eggs, similar to the ant
sauces of the southern ethnic groups.   The last of these is certainly reminiscent of Yi lines like you fu yjj yjin ]iu ^ ^ ^        y(j£l (64.6), (cf. Waley, p. 126, "If there is a fu (ant?) in the wine one is drinking . . ."); qTfuyushf (11-3); or you fu yjng f^u  ^ ^
(8.1). So is the research of Peter Boodberg on the relation of ants, formic acid, and wine-brewing (unpublished lecture notes, 1967). The Mawangdui MS. writes one case of fu with the graph y&Z- (58.2). (Gao Heng's Dazhuan differs
here from the Wenwu 1984.3 transcription in writing it as^"^..) However, all the rest of the MS. cases of fu don t even have the 2p element.
Hellmut Wilhelm takes as a point of departure the Shuowen definition of fu ^ (3B/6b, p. 63): "(brooding) eggs; derived from "claw' and "child'; another explanation is "trustworthy'" ( fyfl       ^       fK Ak        ~~ 0 'f^ -\*L). In Heaven, Earth, and Man in The Book of Changes (p. 48), he comments on 9.4 vou fu xue gu ti chu ^      fa ^ j£j   (W-B, p. 42:
"If you are sincere, blood vanishes and fear gives way"): "The word translated here as "sincere' (     ) shows a brooding mother bird; thus it points to the inner truth (see Hexagram 61 [ ^ T^. ]) through which a man does justice to his own essence and remains true to his own vocation." With a breathtaking leap in the word "thus," Wilhelm here derives "sincerity" as a meaning extension from Xu Shen's analysis of the graph.   Xu Kai's note to the definition gives another variation: "The egg-brooding of birds is always according to time, never unreliable."   Elsewhere Wilhelm translates fu' as "brooding devotion" (58.5; Heaven, p. 62); and as "To hold (on the Tao)" (17.4).
Let us look now at the early occurrences of fu and its supposed cognates in the inscriptions and early texts.   It will be seen that there are no attested cases of the brooding-bird meaning Xu Shen gave in Shuowen. Guo Moruo had originally identified the OBI graph £^(>      ) as the ancestor of fu ^ . It was a pictograph, he said, of a hand seizing a person (quoted, Li Xiaoding, Jishi, p. 923).   The modern graph       was derived from this form (cf. GSR 934a ^ *b'iuk, 934d       id., 1233a ^   *p'iug). Li Xiaoding comments (p. 925) that while the two forms       and ^ are similar in construction, Guo's theory awaits direct corroboration in a Shang bronze form fy .
While Guo's proposal is phonetically plausible and has some semantic
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justification, a more likely ancestral form is the OBI graph (4^) (Li
Xiaoding, Jishi, pp. 2663-2664).   Luo Zhenyu (quoted Li Xiaoding, p. 2663) first made the equation among this form, which always has the "double man" or "locomotion" element ^   (actually an abbreviated       ) at the side, the Shuowen form fu      , with a "single man" ^   at the side, and the WZBI form, which is simply the phonetic and etymonic ^   (i.e., the same form as in the Yi. This equation is now generally accepted.   Shaughnessy suggests that the modern graph fu "f^. evolved in a two-stage process: first the ^ was lost, then the ^    was later added ("Shi xy_oufu'," p. 69, n. 45). The ^ element might originally have served to represent the idea of going on a captive-taking expedition, or of a captive taken on the road (Zhang Liwen, Zhouyi sixiang yanjiu, p. 176).   It may be of some significance that although almost all of the fu       graphs in the received text of the Yi are written with a different graph in the Mawangdui MS., that graph, transcribed as fu
in Wenwu 1984.3, is always written with a "double man" ^   on the left.   Yao Xiaosui ("Shangdai de fulu," pp. 353-353), giving variant forms f"^*,
, and of the same graph, explains that the fu graph in the OBI is
also used as both a verb "to capture' (Jiabian ^ £v{||  3933; 3ing jj|  6); and as a noun "captive' (Yibian 2,  ^Jfifj 6694; Hou       b.32.8).   For example, the inscription in Jing 6 reads: . . . zhehg yu You?, fu ren shf you wu ren . . . f£ ren shi you liu ren . . . f£ J" £>f , f£ {<£l ) f
J\ t • • •        J\ "f~ ^ ~jf\  J\,    "... were on campaign in You and captured 15 men . . . captured 16 men . . . ."   (Li Xiaoding, pp. 2663-2664).
The WZBI inscriptions containing fu       refer to a more varied group of captured items.   These are conveniently gathered in the Jinwen gulin entry for fu J  (^", etc.)   (JWGL #0346, pp. 1542-1548 [3.384-390]). They are typically of the form fu X. For example, the Shi huan gui J^*^      ^ says
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ou fu shi nQ niu yang g£ ^   (f^.);£"£" 41* ^   , "they attacked and captured young men and women, cattle, and sheep."   Other objects recorded
^ I <G..„ K/-i <,.•; il3,
as having been captured include "bronze metal" { $ ) (9_uo bo gui
"13,081 men (!) ( A ^ ^_ ^        "t  — A       ), "horses" ( ...   (S ). "ten chariots" (^ "f ^ )» etc.   (all [Xiao] Yu ding [ ] ^.); "military equipment" ($c S?i) (Liao sheng xu ^ "cowry shells" ( § ) (X ding^ ^ ); "silk" (j££) (Hu ding      ^ ); "400 men" ( A % & ) (WH SH1 f & It ); and "dagger-axes" ( £ ) (Ding? ding % ^jf). Shirakawa Shizuka, on the basis of a study of these records of booty-taking, finds that in the early Western Zhou the object of iu is more likely to be human captives and the paraphernalia of war, but by mid-Western Zhou the commoner objects are cowries, metal (      ) or "auspicious metal" ("^f      ), and cloth.^
Rong Geng connected the WZBI form "^L with the Shuowen graph ^-|L> defined as * take' (). He also argued that luo ^j-   >       (to stroke, grasp and rub up and down)  was originally the same graph, since both had a similar pictographic shape and were glossed anciently with cju      . But other scholars reject Rong's identification (3WGL, loc. cit.).
When we proceed to some of the occurrences of fu in other OC texts, we note that an unmodified fu^ is not a common word elsewhere.   We would expect this, if in fact the fu of the Yi was usually written by later scribes copying OC texts as "f^-. While the Han gloss as xin fits some of the contexts, it is inappropriate in others.   An evolution in the meaning of fu' can be perceived.   The ideas cited above of Waley and others concerning the extension in meaning from one or another primitive sense to a derived sense of "reliable, trustworthy, sincere' may not be accurate in detail, but they are probably correct in arguing for a gradual shift in meaning.   Li Jingchi also believed that the meaning "capture' ( f    Iff ) was extended to mean
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"reliable, trustworthy' (^ "f^ ) ("Zaijieshi," Tanyuan, pp. 184-186).   As a working hypothesis, I would suggest that a slightly different version of Waley's hypothesis, still turning on the critical concept of "reliable,' may be right: frj meant "capture' > a prognostication of "(there will be) a capture" > the reliability of such a prognostication of "capture' [there is an admitted evolutionary gap here] >'reliability'in general > "trustworthiness, sincerity.' Or, alternatively, "capture' > "be captured' > "find captivating' > "regard as reliable, trustworthy' > "trustworthy, sincere.'
The Erya definition of fu (1A/16), although it gives xin "reliable, trustworthy,' is arranged in an interesting way.   It says "yun      , fu , . . . , xin y_e       ^ . Note the ordering of yun and fu first and juxtaposed, suggesting a similarity of usage.   Yun was a technical term used in the verification (yano ^tj^tf') of the OBI (Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, pp. 87-88). It served a rhetorical function like English "in fact," "indeed," "sure enough," indicating that the prognostication had been verified as reliable. Does this arrangement perhaps indicate that the compiler of the Erya was sensitive to the archaic technical usage of these divination terms?
If so, then the following passage in the Shu, "Junshi" 9, would make good sense: gu y_T ren you shii yu si fang, ruo bu shi, wang bu shi fj£        — J\
J       /f '^^^.'i^^^l^-' Documents, p. 61,
"Therefore when the One Man had (sacrificial) performances in the four quarters, and when he took tortoise and milfoil oracles, there were none who who did not have confidence in him."  (Or, ". . . there were none which were not reliable"?)   Similarly, Shu, "Luxing" 15: shT tTng wu cf, wu ci jian *H If        J ||f» i-t^ fe\^   ' Docurnents, p. 77, ". . . the court assessors (listen to =) deal with the five (kinds of) pleading.   When by the five (kinds of) pleading one has ascertained and verified (the guilt) . . . ." On the other hand, still another Shu passage, in "Luo gao" 24, fits better the
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alternative semantic progression through "captivate' proposed above: yu Dan . . . da ^ shj, zuo Zhou fu'xian f 0.   . . . ^ j£ |<f ,       ^ ^_
Documents, p. 53, "I Tan . . . will respond to (the expectations of) the multitudes and cause the Chou to be trusted and take precedence."   A line in the Shi is almost the same: 235/7 wan bang zuo fu ^ ^J. f
Odes, p. 186, "all the states will then have confidence."   Cf. Waley (Songs): "[Wen Wang] in whom all the states put their trust."   The only other Shi occurrence is the identical line repeated in 243/2 and 243/3 cheng wang zhT X,      » Odes, p. 197, "he [i.e., the Zhou king] has achieved the trustworthiness of a king."   In the later literature, fu appears infrequently. One case is in Zuozhuan, Zhuang 10, in which Cao Gui ^ jjj^J  savs to tne duke, regarding the duke's attitude during sacrifice, xiao xin, wei fu, shen fu it %   >f$$lf$'k' Cf. Legge, Tso, p. 86, "That is
but small sincerity; it is not perfect:—the Spirits will not bless you for that."   Here too wei fu might derive from an older meaning of "it does not capture (the confidence of the spirits)."
b. huY '{^"trouble'
Hui occurs 34 times, always as a noun, usually as the object of the verbs
of existence and non-existence you ^   and wu ^ or as the subject of the
verb wang t_   go away .   There are a total of 19 sentences of the latter v s
type, hui wang, "troubles will go away," all in the second "half" of the text, or xia ]ing beginning with the one in line 31.4. This highly skewed
distribution may be the result of dialect influence in the text, or the differing terminology of separate divining traditions.   There are also a few cases in which huť stands alone as an independent judgment, "Trouble!" (16.3, 37.3, 47.6, 50.3?).
The meaning of the word huT gradually shifted during the evolution of OC from that of an external "disaster" word, referring to a * minor misfortune' or v difficult situation,' to a subjectivized emotion, * regret,' v remorse.' This was first an emotion brought on by unpleasant circumstances beyond one control, but later the "cause for regret" was an action initiated by the individual himself—the full equivalent of English "regret" or MSC houhuY 'f^
It is this range of meaning I intend to capture with the English translation "trouble," which can be as external and objective as a sign reading "trouble ahead" or as internal and subjective as in "he was clearly troubled."
We can trace this meaning shift through the extant literature.   A graph , usually identified as hut occurs frequently in the OBI, especially in Period III—IV inscriptions, often connected with the hunt (SI36). Interestingly, it is a verb here, usually modified by the modal auxiliary <jf j^t or a negative like fu ^7 ^ Although, as in the Yi, there is no compelling syntactic or semantic need for it, such phrases are often interpreted as implying regret: "we will perhaps regret it," or "he will not regret it. For example, Jiabian ^ 3593.2 (S293.3) ren bi tian qf huj       §5 S ^
^ (yf^"), which David Keightley has translated as "(The king) should not hunt on the jen day, (for if he does,) there will perhaps be regret" (Sources, p. 120, n. 132).
In the Shi there are 7 occurrences of hin, and in some of these the process of subjectification is clearly evident.   In the lines of older songs like 245/8 hui is a primarily external source of trouble: Hou JT zhao si, shu wu
z&Y&£&&&fa 1ft $ 'ft, Kit f t >
Odes, p. 202, "Hou Tsi initiated the sacrifice, and the (multitude:) people has [sic] given no offence nor cause for regret (c) unto the present day. . . . (c) By neglecting the sacrifice."   Or consider 256/12: ting yong wo mou, shu
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wu da huí jfl jjE ||5L ^       , Odes, p. 219, "if you listen to
my counsels, you will have no cause for great regret."   In later songs from the Guo feng section, huť becomes an internal emotion: 88/1 hui y_u bu song xT       ^ ^       %j   , Odes, p. 58, "I regret that I did not follow you"; or 22/1 qť hou ye huY f J£ "fc 'f^f > Odes, p. 13, "but afterwards she had to repent."   Note that in the older examples, hui was nominal, while in the latter ones it is clearly a verb, "to regret.'
The Shuowen definition of hui is huí hen , "be upset, displeased'
(10B/19b, p. 221).   Gao Heng (Tongshuo, p. 105-107) analyzes it as an emotion not as strong as grief or anger; thus in the Yi it is a prediction of unpleasantness not as strong as either jiu       or xióng [Xj . It refers to a difficult situation or predicament (kun e      J^j ). Or, as he describes it in Dazhuan, a "minor misfortune" (jiao xiao zhT bu xing ^f^'-J^ ^ •
Honda Wataru also interprets it, along with jin      , as "misfortune which does not go so far as to become xiohg" and which involves remorse (kokai) (Eki, p. 29).   Schmitt (Spruche, e.g., p. 84) also translates hui as an emotion, "Reue," (regret, remorse).
c. ji  § auspicious
3±, with 147 occurrences, is the second most common graph in the text and by far the most common among the technical vocabulary of prognostication.   It is the only single word referring to good luck in the Yi, with the other "good" prognostication being wu jiu , the absence of
misfortune.   It appears uniformly throughout the text, in both hexagram and line texts.   It is often in the final position in the line, summing up the verdict of tradition on the good or bad fortune associated with the action cr situation previously referred to in the line.
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jf is always used verbally, as a predicate adjective, rather than serving at times as the noun subject or object of a verb like you ^   or wang ^ , which is the case with many of the other prognosticatory terms.   The early dictionaries and glosses define ji as simply shan fg. "good' (e.g., Shuowen 2A/lla, p. 33), that is, a good result, good fortune (Gao Heng, Tongshuo, pp. 101-103).   Edward Schäfer adds that jf means "favorable, benign, life-supporting," in contrast to the life-threatening xiong [Xj ("Combined Supplements to Mathews," p. 5; "Thoughts about a Student's Dictionary of Classical Chinese," p. 202).   Richard Wilhelm translated it as "Heil!" (I Ging, p. 5), which becomes "Good fortune" in English translation (W-B, p. 10). Gerhard Schmitt translated jf with either "Gluck" ([good] luck) ("Sprüche, p. 84) or "lautet gunstig" (is favorable) (pp. 19, 90). The translation which I adopt in Part Two, "auspicious," not only retains the adjectival quality of jf, but also emphasizes the predictive aspect of the term, a reference to a future potentiality rather than a present or past situation.   In contrast, a similar translation like "lucky" refers to present or past situations more than the future.
In the Shang OBI, jf occurs in the following collocations: xiao jf /\ ^ "slightly auspicious"; hong jf ^ j\        "extremely auspicious" (Periods III-IV); and da Ji 7v ^   "greatly auspicious" (Periods III-IV) (Keightley, Sources, pp. 120-121).   The only one of these which occurs in the Yi is da jf "greatly auspicious" (37.4, etc.), with a possible case of hong jf "extremely auspicious" in 45.2, which is, however, written in the received text as yTn jf ^| ^ "drawn out auspiciousness."^ Another common collocation in the Yi is yuan ji j£j       "very auspicious" (24.1, etc.).   Other modifiers of ji are the markers of temporal applicability, like chu ^Tj "in the beginning' (63.0), zhong ^ "in the middle' (6.0, 7.2), and zhöng       "in the end' (10 times, in 5.2, etc.).   Ji is never negated with bu ^  or any other negative. Bu
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jf, "not auspicious/ does not occur.   In this respect the Yi is like the OBI, and unlike the later divining tradition, in which bu jf is not unusual.   Thus in passages in the Zuozhuan containing either pyromancy or achillomancy or both, we see jiu Zheng ze bu jf jjc£       %\ ^      , "not auspicious for saving Zheng" (Ai 9); and bu zhi bu ji, shi zhi ji   Jv Z,  WN $   > >C ^3 , "he made a crack-divination and it was not auspicious, but made a stalk-divination and it was auspicious" (Xi 4).
d. jiu ^> "misfortune'
Jiu is by far the most common "disaster word" in the Yi, with 100 occurrences—the seventh most frequent graph in the text.   Yet in only one case does the context actually indicate "misfortune," since 93 times it appears in the formulaic expression wu jiu ^       , "there will be no misfortune," or as usually abbreviated in the translation of Part Two, simply "no misfortune."   Two more times there is a da 7^ "great' inserted in the middle of the formula, qualifying the optimistic prognostication: wu da jiu "no great misfortune" (18.3, 44.3). Also occurring irregularly are fei jiu
, "it is not misfortune" (14.1); and he jiu "f1^       , "what misfortune will there be?"  (17.4, 38.5), or he qf jiu ^ "|£ ^ , "what misfortune is there in that?" (9.1).
The formula wu jiu is understood to be a mildly benign prediction, like English "not bad."   Jiu ltse^ was traditionally ranked on the scale of the disaster words stronger than hui^^, but weaker than xiohg (Gao Heng, Tongshuo, pp.107-109).   The translation as "misfortune" reflects this.   Such a ranking matters little, since the formula wu jiu, along with its variations, is a good augury.   But the early history of the word jiu is still somewhat mysterious.   Shuowen's definition (8A/13a, p. 167) is simply "disaster' ( ^ ),
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and it explains the graph as a compound ideograph of ren       and ge ^ , suggesting two people going against each other ( ^$ j^jj -£3   )• Erya,
in the "Shi gu" section (IB/18), defines it as "illness' (>Jjft ). Gao Heng agrees with Erya that it originally referred specifically to illness, or to harm and disaster in general.   Unlike Shuowen, he treats the graph as composed of a semantic element ren with ge as phonetic (p. 107). (Cf. GSR 1068a *g'jog > jiu vs.   GSR 766a ^ *klak > ge, making a phonetic connection very unlikely.)   Already in early texts like the Shi, and continuing in later literature, including the Yi tradition itself, the word jiu meant "fault,' "blame,' or more simply "harm.' Like other disaster words in the Yi, jiu seems to have started out as an entirely external, objective "harm, misfortune,' from which it evolved into a subjective blame or responsibility for misfortune.   The word "fault' captures some of each of these meanings. Richard Wilhelm's translation of wu jiu into German "kein Makel" (no defect, fault, stain, blemish) was surely meant to convey this range of meaning.6^ It is interesting that Baynes, in translating "Makel" as "blame" rather than "fault" strengthens a moral-mystical reading of the text, and obscures Wilhelm's own sensitivity to the semantic evolution of the text (I Ging, p. 4; W-B, p. 8).   The stereotype Japanese equivalent toga (wu jiu = toga nashi) is also equivalent to English "fault, blame' (Honda Wataru, Eki, p. 29).
The oldest meaning of "disaster, harm' is retained in a number of OC texts: e.g., Zuozhuan, Xuan 12, bi you da jiu       ^ , "there will
inevitably be a great disaster"; Shi 58/2, er bu er shi, tY wu jiu yan jtfij l*$      » %t % » Odes, p. 40, "you consulted the tortoise-shell
oracle and the milfoil-stalks oracle, their pronouncements had no inauspicious words."   Yet in another Shi line the modification in meaning can be seen taking place: e.g., 195/3 (in a divinatory context) shuf gan zhi* q{ jiu » odes> P- ^2, "DUt who dares to take the (blame:)
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responsibility?"—i.e., for the misfortune arising from a faulty prediction.
And in Shu, "Pan geng" 12, the meaning "fault' has entirely replaced an
external "disaster': fei yu you jiu s]J£  ^ ^ Documents, p. 21, "It is
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not I who have any fault."
One would expect that such a common word as jiu in the Yi and other EOC texts would have an antecedent in the OBI. Scholars have made efforts to identify it with several Shang "disaster words," and there are a full five different possible identifications.
This was proposed by Chen Mengjia ("Guo Moruo  Zhouyi de goucheng shidai shu hou," p. 60).   Chen said simply that the wu jiu of the Yi "is" (jjf;£
^) the "CS [3 of tne OBI« (B is tne earJy form of $1' wnicn was "loaned" for -j^, which is "like" (^ ) jiu. This identification would seem to
have no graphic or phonetic basis, and rely on only the semantic parallel.
3iu was homophonous in OC with giui^ . (Cf. GSR 1068a ^ *g'jog > jiu and GSR 1066a $   *g'i6g > qui.) The OBI graph for <jiu (/j£ ), which is in fact the original form of qiu       "fur,' in turn resembles the OBI "disaster" graph ^ , so much so that Karlgren lists some forms of the latter from Qianbian in his GSR entries 1066b and 1066c. The graph is
generally transcribed as ^jj      or ^ (Li Xiaoding, p. 97).  It occurred in phrases like you di? ^ ^ , "there will be harm."   But later apparently meant some kind of animal (Shuowen 9B/15b-16a), the sound of which was closer to di than jiu. Serruys ("Studies," p. 90, n. 3, p. 110, n. 46)
describes it as "evil, ominous, bad effect or influence," and notes the
/ 70 frequent confusion with the graph for qiu "to pray, beg, ask." Chang
Tsung-tung, whose Per Kult der Shang-Dynastie im Spiegel der
Orakelinschriften is quoted by Serruys, equates the two forms ^   and jfe ,
and seems to understand the sense as that of jiu, translating into German as "Tadel" (fault). If somehow the OBI disaster word written was pronounced like >J^  (*g'jog) rather than^" , that would have provided a possible antecedent.
Li Xiaoding (Jishi, p. 2665), Shima Kunio (S80.3), Ken-ichi Takashima ("Some Philological Notes," pp. 52, 55, n. 27) all identify this graph as the ancestor of jiu. Takashima comments, "the hypothesis of the graph "Vp as being equal to chiu       (blame, fault) is confirmed by the transitional occurrence of       and then /Q. in similar contexts."   He refers our attention to S80.2,3. In fact Shima gives jiu as the Shuowen equivalent of
but keeps distinct the similar graphin S80.2, which he does not identify as jiu, although it is the contexts of this form which establish it as a disaster word.   It most often occurs in the pattern (bu) wei (X-ancestor, etc.)  jiu(^)       . . . ^, "it is not (X-ancestor's) harm." For example, Chang Tsung-tung gives the following transcription of Yi ^ *525 (15.29, quoted and translated in Serruys, "Studies", p. 63; cf.   S80.2): wang zhain wei jiu, zhen bu wei DI jiu wang       £jj        ^£ , ^      ^ v^p7 ^      , "the king's bad omen is (> means) an evil influence.   Test [the proposition]: it does not mean that God will be harmful to the king." Another example, 15.6, is not included by Shima: yun zt bei shen, wei yj?
yVbujilj, wei hao fv g ^ f   , t_ £ ^ . T # > £ # > "The clouds starting from the North extend (roll out, unfold); it is (> means) they will make rain.   They are not harming, but are a good thing" (Serruys, p. 66).   While the OBI pattern bu wei jiu can be compared to the single case in Yi 14.1 of fei jiu, there do not seem to be any examples of the far more common pattern wu jiu, which is characteristic of other OBI disaster graphs.   Hence the arguments in favor of this graph rest on an obviously
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strong case for direct graphic evolution, with a presumed phonetic identity; and semantic similarity, although lacking direct syntactic parallels.
This graph occurs at least once in the Zhouyuan oracle bones, and the scholars working with the inscriptions identify it as jiu. (For context and discussion, see "A Grammatical Sketch," g. Negation, under wang      , note 49 to this chapter, and again below, under h. wang     .) It appears slightly different in various published photographs, rubbings, and hand copies: , ,       . It may be a variation or elaboration on graph (3) above.   If so, its parallel wang (wu) jiu context would provide a useful link to the Yi.
This graph is identified as you        (Cf. GSR 996a *giug > you, "fault,' "guilt,' "blame' in Shi; "excess' in Zuozhuan). It is a common disaster word, the context of which exactly parallels jiu: wang you f^. ^ > "there will be no fault."  Since it is also phonetically close to jiu < *g'iog, it becomes a likely candidate for consideration as antecedent of jiu. It is one of the few OBI disaster words which carries over into the WZBI. In the Xian gui l^yfy
1j| (Guo Moruo, Daxi kaoshi, 45b), the phrase wang (wu) you "j^ ^ refers to there having been no past fault or misfortune: Lu bo yu gou wang xiu, wang you ^jfjg -^J ^ -j^L ,       ^] . Dobson's translation, "the Earl
of Lu happened upon the King's graciousness and faultlessness," highlights the emerging moral connotation (EAC, p. 205).   In the OBI, wang you also parallels wu jiu in typically occurring at the end of a divination inscription. For example, wang bTn Bu Bing xie wang you j>> j^j )^ ^
(Zhuixin        ^ 304), translated by Keightley, "If the king entertains Pu Ping and performs the hsieh-ritual, there will be no fault" (Sources, p. 178, n. 6; bone reproduced as Figure 7). The bone in Cuibian $ %JfQ  ^6, which Keightley reproduces as Figure 18, contains six parallel divinations, all of the
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form, "Crack-making on jia-zY day, X-diviner divining: The king entertains Ancestor-X; performs the yong ^   ritual; no fault."   Such divinations concerning the sacrificial cycle were typical of Periods II and V. Keightley notes that you in this phrase served as a "formal incantation," expressing the wish no fault or misfortune might occur (p. 179, n. 7).   So the shift in meaning of such disaster words from a fatalistically-perceived natural objective phenomenon to one for which human beings had some subjective responsibility—which we note for huf ^ , jiu      , and lin ^ — might already have commenced in Shang times.
The most likely OBI ancestor of jiu on purely paleographic grounds—the only evidence traditionally employed—would be (3)/^  . But the striking semantic-syntactic parallels of        (you), along with its phonetic similarity, make it an interesting alternative.   The three graphs       ,       , and ^ all have a certain similarity of structure.   Perhaps we will discover that a conflation of several forms took place, with the graph ^  coming to be the most common one used in the Zhou to write one or more of the disaster words appearing in the OBI in the context wang + X-disaster, with the word retaining the pronunciation *g^og.
e. li "favorable'
Li occurs 119 times in the Yi, making it the fourth most frequent graph in the text.   It has its common meaning of "lucky, favorable, advantageous, beneficial, profitable.'  Gao Heng Dazhuan, p. 53) says li is used in the text in the sense of li y\       ^ "benefit.' Other glosses are similar.   All of the above English equivalents have been used as translations for ii in the Yi in the past.   Schmitt (Spruche, p. 81) renders it as "es nutzt" (it is advantageous, useful).   Still another unusual translation was that of Richard
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Wilhelm, whose German translation as "fordernd" (I Ging, p. 1, etc.) becomes "furthers" in Baynes's English version (W-B).^* I feel that "favorable" is the closest semantic counterpart to ft in English in rendering the various nuances of different contexts, and have adopted that translation.
Li occurs in two regular patterns.   In one pattern A is followed in a predicate-complement construction by a complement specifying what activity it is      favorable to undertake if the line containing this phrase is encountered, as in li jian da ren ^fr^ ^ 7\        > "i*       oe favorable to see a big man" (1.2—see gloss 1.2.2); or li is followed by a noun or nouns indicating the temporal or spatial bounds of favorability, as in 39.0 li xT nan
^1 $ ff{ ' "favorable to tne west and south" (39.0). Ll can be negated with bu      , although this is infrequent: bu ji bin ^ jp\ -|| , "it will not be favorable to be a guest" (44.2). However, there is a common variation on this pattern in which a double negative pattern substitutes for any possible complement: wu bu li ^ ^      , "there is nothing for this is unfavorable" (2.2, etc.).   This in turn has an affirmative counterpart in wu you h %J '/'xC "there is nothing for which this is favorable" (4.3, etc.).   (On the use of the object-substitute you here, see above, "A Grammatical Sketch," under d. Substitution.)   Li is also modified three times by xiao       "small': xiao ji 4^ jfi "slightly favorable" (22.0, 33.0, 63.0).
Only one time (46.6) is li joined to its complement with the relational word y_u ^ . The syntax of that line was dealt with above in the discussion of the marker of explicit modification zHT ^ ("A Grammatical Sketch," under b. Modification).   Wang Li notes that y_u is frequently omitted in such a construction through regular ellipsis: "if the predicate is a descriptive word (adjective) and it is followed by a preposition yjj, plus a noun or noun phrase, and the prepositional phrase expresses "in such and such a respect,' then the yu is often omitted" (Gudai Hanyu changshi, pp. 77-78).   Many Yi
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sentences with li fit this mold.
The second typical pattern in which li occurs is in construction with zheh
^ "determination': li (X) zhien, in which the optional X element, as in the
first pattern, specifies in more detail the scope of favorability.   Thus ji
junzi zhen j^T'J j(| ^ gjj (13.0) indicates that Hexagram 13 is generally
"favorable with regard to a noble's determination," or "a determination
favorable for a noble."   An unmodified A zheh, indicating universal
favorability, occurs 23 times, all but three of which are in hexagram texts
(see gloss 1.0.2). The various phrases with more specific scope occur 17
times, scattered throughout the hexagram and line texts (five in hexagram
texts).   The specific aspects of favorability include, in addition to "nobles,"
nu       "maidens," pin ma        fjjfj "mares," ju       "dwelling," jian ijz^
"hardships," yong >^ "long-term" determinations, you ren [£Jfcj       "persons in
confinement," bu xT "not resting," and wu ren ^ "military
men."   Shaughnessy argues that an unmodified li zheh is a "normative"
feature of hexagram texts, but not line texts, and so regards the three cases
in line texts as exceptional ("Composition," pp. 123-124, 316, n. 35). He
likewise is uncertain how to deal with the modified cases of the form li X
zheh, (pp. 150-151, 318, n. 46), which appear randomly in both hexagram and
line texts.   They lead him to postulate a multi-stage divination procedure,
which he describes as follows.
According to this thesis [of a multi-stage divination process] a preliminary divination resulted in the hexagram statement. Often, perhaps normally, a second divination, somehow reduced in scope, was required.   It was this divination which resulted in the line statements.   What is more, if my basic reading of li zheh as "beneficial to divine" is correct, then the elaborated forms li yong zhen (beneficial to perform a permanent divination), U nO zhen (beneficial for a woman to divine), and so on in the line statements would suggest occasions where one final and even further specified divination was required.   I must admit, however, that if this were indeed the case, there is no record either of how the Zhouyi was consulted during this stage of the divination (or even if it were) or what the results might
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have been (p. 151).
If I understand this hypothesis correctly, there are at least three stages
of divination.   Stage One (stalk-divination? some other mantic art?)
indicates a particular hexagram.   In order to proceed to Stage Two at ail,
there must be a statement in the hexagram text that it would be "beneficial
to divine" (presumably this time by stalk-divination).   Supposing there is such
an invitation to proceed (recalling that only 25 hexagram-chapters have a
phrase of the ft (X) zněn pattern), divination in Stage Two indicates a
particular line text.   If there is another ň (X) zhén sentence there (there
are 15 in 386 line texts), one may go on to Stage Three (again presumably
by stalk-divination).   But what happens if one encounters at any stage, not ň
(X) zhěn, but the more common (X) zněn jř (X) ^ (or xiong [£\ , li
, ňn ^ , etc.)?   Does the message "divining: auspicious" (Shaughnessy,
p. 258 and passim )   refer to an already completed divination or one yet to
be performed?   One would like to see this idea applied systematically to the
text as a whole, or even to one or two entire hexagram-chapters.   Take, for
example, Hexagrams 2 and 3. Hexagram text 2.0 tells us that it is
"favorable for a determination regarding a mare," (or "a determination
favorable for a mare"--cf.   Shaughnessy, p. 150: "beneficial for a mare's
divination").   But it also tells us that it is "auspicious in a determination
about security."   Are we in Stage One or Stage Two? And can we proceed
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only if we are a "mare"?    Are we not dangerously close here to an absurd misreading like one traditional interpretation rendered by Wilhelm-Baynes as "furthering through the perseverance of a mare"?   Furthermore, if we did continue through Stage Two, one line which invites proceeding on to Stage Three is the special line 2.7 (marked "sixes throughout" in the Mawangdui MS.). It tells us that it is "favorable with regard to long-range determinations" (cf. Shaughnessy, p. 151: "beneficial to perform a permanent
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divination"). Elsewhere Shaughnessy calls the system of labels with sixes and nines, to which this line is usually attributed, a late development, which was uncharacteristic of the period of the Yi's composition (pp. 84, 89ff.). So it is even more difficult to imagine how he would explain the text of 2.7.
Why is Shaughnessy led to a rejection of the interpretation of the modern school of Yijing scholarship in favor of one which produces so many new problems?   Simply put, he believes the interpretation of ft (X) zheh adopted here "forces a linguistically unjustifiable meaning on the phrase" (p. 130). He believes that ft zheh may not be construed as a head noun zhen, modified by an attributive adjective li, as suggested by the Gao Heng paraphrase as you li zhT zhan wen ^ ^ij , "a beneficial divination" (see discussion
in gloss 1.0.2). He further declares that "the one notable linguistic feature about all of these examples [of the pattern ft (X) zheh] is that ft is always followed by a verb."   Shaughnessy first acknowledges that the evidence is "not unambiguous" with regard to the four cases in which zhen is preceded by zhT, which "suggests that it is being used nominatively" (p. 318, n. 46). But he also ignores the clearly nominal counterexamples like ft xT nan cited above, or bu ft dohg bei ^ 4'J ij? Jtl   (39.0), and li jjf ^rj £/ (26.1, main text tradition).   Each of these cases shows that, even when li (X) zheh is treated as a predicate-complement construction, the relation of it to the following complement cannot be restricted to a narrow "it will be favorable to (do something)."   Hence the logically less restrictive translations I have given above: "favorable with regard to . . . ," or "favorable for . . . ." These allow for the interpretation of li (X) zheh as the distillation of divinatory experience, without any need to rethink the analysis of scholars like Gao Heng or Li Jingchi, and within the same syntactic framework Shaughnessy argues for.
I have considered the syntactic ambiguity of one version of this pattern
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already under the discussion of zhT ("A Grammatical Sketch," b. Modification).   The examples with zhT £ _ , which Shaughnessy himself is forced to translate as "beneficial for a mare's divination," and the like, should be sufficient evidence to dispel his concern.   But my translation in Part Two does generally follow Gao Heng in understanding this pattern as a nominal sentence coasting of attributive adjective + head: "(to encounter this line is) a favorable determination."   This is syntactically, but not functionally, different from the notation "(to encounter this line is) favorable with regard to determining," as it was understood above.   Let us now also consider whether the word A can in fact be reduced to an attributive to zheh.
In its earliest usage li was used as an adjective "sharp.' In this sense it was often used attributively in OC, modifying words for weapons. For example, Zuozhuan, Ai 25, jie" zhT li blng ^        %\ ^ , "everybody took up sharp weapons."   In the extended sense of "advantageous' it also appears attributively: bu dai ft shf liang A J ^ fy\        ^ g   , ". . . not wait for an advantageous time or good day . . ."   (Huainanzi, "Bing lue xun" ^E-quoted DKJ, #1932.79). The word ji may have followed a semantic development like "sharp' > "trenchant, incisive' > "incisive determination' > "advantageous determination' > "advantageous in general.'  While it is true that we search in vain for any exact EOC text parallels for li zheh itself, as we do for most of the expressions with zheh found in the Yi, these examples show that there is no syntactic rule against viewing ji as a modifier.   As a general summing up of the prognosticatory experience with a given hexagram-chapter, synthesizing various favorable statements in the hexagram's line texts of the form h X, ji X zh"en, (X) zhen j£ (X) jf, wu jiu, hui wang, and the like, a simple notation h zhen, "favorable determination," is very plausible.
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f. ji j^Lj * threatening, threat'
The word ji has a complex history in Old Chinese. The dictionary Gu
Hanyu changyongzi zidian (pp. 153-154) lists the following eight OC
definitions: 1) whetstone (Shiji, Hanfeizi), polish; 2) oppressive, vicious; 3)
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severe; 4) wade across river without removing clothing (Shi);    5) fierce,
violent (Zhuangzi); 6) pestilence, calamity (Shi); 7) demon (Zuozhuan); 8)
leprosy (Hanfeizi). Karlgren (GSR 340a) lists even more glosses.   In the Yi it
is clearly intended to be an unfavorable prognostication, but the 27
occurrences of ji in the text give us little detailed information to help in
elucidating it, since it is used in very abrupt sentences, either as a one-word
prognostication or in collocation with zhen |j|  or you ^ . The early
commentators, including the Wen Yan Commentary, are unanimous in glossing
it as N danger, dangerous' (e.g. Lu Deming, Shiwen: wei "if] )• Schmitt
and others translate it this way: "Gefahr," (danger) (Spruche, p. 43).   Since it
is not an ordinary word for vdanger' and, as I will explain below, it is
fraught with sinister connotations of disease, deadly insects, demonic
torments, and the like, it is semantically close to English words like "threat"
and "threatening," or "menace" and "menacing." Thus I have translated the
phrase zhen ft |sj as "the determination is threatening" (6.3, 9.6, etc.);
and the phrase vou A ^ as "there is a threat" (26.1, 43.0, 58.5). As
Gao Heng (Tongshuo, pp. 104-105) and others have observed, when such a
prognostication is immediately followed by another favorable one, like
(27.6) or wu jiu ^        (1.3), it presumably indicates that, while there
exists a menacing situation, it will nevertheless end favorably.
Now let us look more closely at the family of words related to h which
\      / & -f
occur in ancient texts.   The Shuowen definition, han shi =f        "dry stone
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(whetstone)" (9B/8b, p. 193) may not be the oldest usage, although that is attested in the Shi. Xu Shen argues that)     (" cliff0 is signific in the graph ji < *liad J^j, with an abbreviated phonetic ^ (GSR 326a *t ad > chai "scorpion' in Shi). This phonetic element is in turn composed of the graph for another word for "scorpion' or other similar insect, a clear pictogram
( ^ ) (GSR 267a *miwan > wan—no text extant in this usage) and the element for insect ^ . But based on the information gathered on the family containing these words *liad, *t'ad, etc.   in Karlgren's Grammata Serica Recensa, it may instead be that the oldest sense of li itself was that of "stinging insect' or "scorpion,' from which the other meanings—involving danger, evil, ugly, epidemic, cruel, etc.— were derived by extension. The illness-related meanings were then also written with the illness element (GSR 340d^v|^ ). This graph is explained by Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needham as composed of a scorpion ^   occupying the bed (^*~ <      ) of illness, or perhaps sharing it with the patient (£J^j); it has the meaning "epidemic fever" ("Records of Diseases in Ancient China," p. 223).   The original entomological signification was later further differentiated by adding an insect element (GSR 340e ^   and 340f $|f^). Then the meanings like "whetstone' and "polish' might have been loan applications, resulting in further differentiated graphs and meaning extensions such as^JJl (GSR 340b "grindstone, grind' in Shu);j|^fq (GSR340g *lad > lai, etc., "course grain' in Liezi); and perhaps alsoj^j] (GSR 340c "exert oneself' in Shu).
The demonic associations of the word li give further justification for preferring the constellation of meanings
"scorpion-demon-disease-cruel-violent-threat' as the operative set of connotations in the Yi prognostication ji, over the also conceivable one of "whetstone-grind-violent-threat.' Henri Maspero explained the ancient beliefs as follows: when a £0       soul stopped receiving offerings, it became starved
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and dangerous.   It would return among the living as a ghost gui ^ . If ghosts were wicked, they were called h       (or£y^). These ghosts sought revenge for their neglect by inflicting diseases upon the living (China in Antiquity, p. 105).   One such case of a starved ft spirit is retold in the eighth chapter of Mozi; a ft, acting through a medium, struck a priest, Gu of Guan, upon the altar with a bludgeon, in revenge for the priest's neglecting his duty to offer sacrifice to souls without posterity (Alfred Forke, cited by Maspero, pp. 116-117).   Karlgren calls attention also to the passage in the Shanhaijing l^J (j. 2) in which the Queen Mother of
the West (Xi Wang Mu) directs the tiah zhT ft 7\f ^_ "the cruel ones
(demons) of Heaven" ("Legends and Cults in Ancient China," p. 271). Maspero read this ft as ft^fy "heavenly epidemics," which Karlgren regarded as "unnecessary," since ft itself meant "ugly, cruel, noxious, demon."   In the Han period, Zhang Heng's "Rhapsody on the Eastern Capital" Dong jing fu
made aUusion to the exorcism of these ft disease-demons: "Then at the end of the year there is the Great Exorcism (Da No ) for the
expulsion of all pestilential influences (^^^ )"^* At least one of the cases of ft in the Yi itself occurs in the same line as a reference to illness: you jf
— ^ "5^ JM]   (33,3)* Tne "tnreat" in tnat line maY refer to tne demon of disease, in need of exorcism.
g. jin "distress'
Lan is another mild disaster word, which, like huY'f^ , seems to have been both an external objective situation and the subjective emotional reaction to it.   The translation "distress" suggests this flexibility. Otherwise, its specific meaning remains vague.   Like the other technical terms of prognostication in the Yi, it typically appears at the end of a line text. All
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but 4 of its 20 occurrences are in this final position, following mention of the situations, people, or times to which it applies.   It is a descriptive word, which is modified twice by xiao /{n "slightly' (21.3, 45.3), each time adjacent to a wu jiu ^      . It is not clear from other contexts whether it behaves more as a verb or as a noun.   It occurs 4 times after zhen: zhen — v[ "t*1e determination is one of distress" (11.6, etc.).
The Shuowen definition hen xj       '\%,"regret, be displeased, sad, feel sorry, grudge' (2A/13b, p. 34) stresses the emotional aspect.   Ma Rong of the Han (ap. Shiwen) also glosses jin in Yi 3.3 as hen      . A number of translators follow this interpretation.   For example, Legge's translation of 3.3 is "If he went forward, he would regret it."   Schmitt (Spruche, pp. 77, 80) renders jin with "es erregt Bedauern" (it arouses sympathy, pity, regret). Wilhelm-Baynes adds an additional emotional complexity: "To go on brings humiliation."   Honda Wataru (Eki, p. 29) says jin is a mild misfortune, specifically a "shame, a shameful thing' (hazubeki koto).   But later (p. 45) he also defines it as "stingy, grudging' (shiwashi, yabusaka nari), which is the sense it has in the Lunyu and in post-Han sources, but it is not clear that this is what is intended in the Yi. Honda also refers to a Zhu Xi explanation (from Zhuzi yulei, p. 70) that although lin and huY are equivalent in degree of misfortune, jin is heading toward xiohg "extreme misfortune' and away from ji "good fortune,' while hut is heading in the opposite direction, toward jf and away from xiohg. This is presumably scholastic gymnastics.
The Shuowen definition of jin goes on to quote Yi 4.1 yi wang hn (AX^ I^S- ^' However, another entry in Shuowen, for lin       (2B/5a, p. 41), which it defines as "have trouble walking' (xfng nan , also quotes Yi
4.1, but this time written yY wang lin V^A. • Gao Heng (Tongshuo,
pp. 103-104) concludes from this that Xu Shen's text of the Yi had for ^ in all 20 occurrences.   He quotes a number of Han-time works to show
the identity in meaning of these two lin words.   (Cf. GSR 475t *mli3n > lin "regret' in Yi, "niggardly' in Lunyu; 387h *lien > lin "walk with difficulty' in Da Dai Liji.) The fact that there are virtually no pre-Han occurrences at all of jin jjj^ weakens his contention that lin "5^ is in fact lin       "walk with difficulty.'  On the other hand, a number of divinatory judgments which include lin seem to involve going or coming.   Five out of 20 include wang
Several others, such as 13.2, 47.4, and 64.1, imply going.   This adds weight to his argument.
Lin scarcely appears in other EOC texts, or even LOC texts.   There are no cases at all in the Shi or in the genuine sections of the Shu. Shi ma's Sorui has no entry for the OBI, nor does Jinwen gulin for WZBI. Li Xiaoding (Jishi, p. 397) gives just one OBI case: Houbian ^        2.13.15^^ ( . . .
K ^s. • • • JIT ^f* * * * ^ <Z ' * * Li says tne meanin§ is unclear, but as Karlgren notes (GSR 475u), it appears to be a name.   Chen Mengjia,
however, once proposed an identity between the lin of the Yi and the OBI
graph ^ , as in the phrase ^ , Jj£ ("Guo Moruo Zhouyi de goucheng
shidai shu hou," p. 60).   He prefers this identification to that with cju .
He notes that the elements ~)\. and       could be interchanged in guwen
script.   But he does not discuss the meaning of the phrase, and it is
difficult to make sense of it, if lin here meant bad fortune as in the Yi.
The best clues to the specific meaning of lin come from examining the
family of cognate words to which it belongs.   Karlgren puts it together in
GSR 475 with the likely cognates        (475q *miw£n > nun "distress, pity,
pitiable' in Shi); and       (475s id. "grieved' in Mengzi). It is probably also
related toy^ (GSR 457c *mign > nun etc.   "ruin, destroy' in Zuozhuan,
"troubled, confused, disorderly' in Shu);^J^ (457r *mi.3n > nun and *^mwjn >
Hun "suffering, distress' in Shi); and       (457z *miwfcn > nun "grieved,
commiserating' in Zuozhuan). The meaning of all these words involves some
mild unpleasantness.   The Mawangdui MS. writes ftn in 4.1, 4.4, 11.6, 18.6, 13.2, etc.   with another unknown graph, transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as (not in GSR or in Shuowen). This graph would be phonetic in       (GSR 12511 MC*lien). It is similar in shape to some of the possible cognates of lin listed above, especially min JxJ* The MS. has still another graph, £ , for lin in 3.3.
h. wang \~   g° away
Wang occurs 24 times, and 19 of these are in the unusual divinatory
formula huf wang      -f-^ , which I have translated as "troubles will go
away."   It is particularly striking that all of these 19 cases fail in the
second logical half of the Yi text, the hexagram-chapters 31-64 constituting
the xici jihg "]C jj*^,. This distribution implies either dialect influence or
manipulation of the text by several editorial hands.   It is unusual that the
text, which otherwise so much reflects the value traditional Chinese
civilization placed on symmetry, was traditionally divided up unevenly into
two physical units of 30 and 34 hexagrams.   The corresponding skewed
v s
pattern of occurrence of hui wang may eventually help to explain the textual history which resulted in such a division.
It was noted in the discussion of the negatives wu ^ and wang in the preceding "Grammatical Sketch" that while wang serves as a pre-verbal negative in the OBI and WZBI, it never plays such a role in the Yi, with the graph wu ^ filling that slot and very likely representing the same word which wang does in the OBI. In fact, the phrase hui wang is complemented by the similar wu hin "there will be no trouble" (13.6, 24.5, 31.5,
34.5, 59.3, 64.5), and its affirmative counterpart you hui ^        , "there will be trouble" (1.6, 16.3, 18.3, 47.6), which are evenly distributed throughout
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the entire text.   But wang retains its original function as a main verb. In all its occurrences it is an intransitive verb meaning "go away, disappear, perish.'  In addition to hui, its subjects include peng j^J^ "friend' (or possibly "cowry sets') (11.2); zhV^j. "pheasant' and/or shY ^ "arrow' (56.5); ma pY i^f lit xone of a pair of horses' (61.4). In 12.5 wang occurs in the reduplicated phrase q( wang qf wang i£ ^ |£ "t^- > without an explicit subject.   Another interesting characteristic of each of these occurrences, as with a number of the cases of huY wang, is that wang is a rhyming phrase-final word.   The importance of rhyme for wang' was also noted earlier, in the discussion of negation, for its allograph wang Yc\ in 34.3 and 35.1. Rhyme would encourage the retention of *miwang (wang) here, while the pre-verbal negative changed to *miwo (wu).
The Zhouyuan OBI referred to in the discussion of wu (Wenwu 1979.10, p. 40, HI 1:55), which contains the phrase wang jiu "fc.       , has an interesting resemblance to the Yi line 61.4 in its time reference. The former reads wei shf yue ji sY     [p& (ba)? ], wang (wu) jiu "^T "f~
?]   ~C-       > "it 'IS in the tenth moon,     in     the fourth quarter (?): there will be no misfortune."   Yi line 61.4 also uses a variation on the characteristic Western Zhou calendrical notation, and ends with wij jiu: yue jT wang, ma pY wang, wu jiu     j-j^ ^? , 6^ |7t ~Q , ^      , "the moon is almost full and a matched horse runs away: there will be no misfortune." It is safe to conclude that these passages, one recently unearthed in a field in western Shaanxi and the other, from the most famous work in Chinese intellectual history, belong to one and the same divining tradition.   It is presumably a coincidence that the middle phrase also contains the verb wang, short of being the kind of rhyming pun discussed in Chapters Two and Three.
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i. xiang ^. /heng ^ "treat'
The graph ^   is one of the most well-known terms associated with the Yijing divinatory tradition.   It was a specialized, gradually differentiated form of the EOC root ^   (^ xiang), which over the centuries took on its own separate reading, now MSC heng, and cultural connotations.^ In EOC, and even subsequently, its use was almost exclusively confined to the Yi tradition.   In the original Yijing which is our primary concern here, however, most evidence indicates that the graph J   does not yet represent a word distinct from the common EOC word xiang (which also appears in the text). I have rendered the meaning of this word in Part Two with the English word "treat" and have transcribed it as if it were a protograph (or "loan") for
t
There are 47 occurrences of the graph ^   and 3 occurrences of the graph ^ in the Shisanjing zhushu version of the text.   Either graph occurs, apparently in free variation, to write xiang when used as a main verb, preceded by yong and optionally followed by the relational particle yu" and an object, as in wang yong xiang yu Q[* shan ^ Jf^ ^   () ^~ jJ^^T
|Jj , "the king used this for a sacrificial treat to Mount Qi" (46.4). There are 6 such cases (14.3, 17.6, 46.4 [all written ^ ] and 41.0, 42.2, 47.2 [all written      ]). Far more common is a free-standing or modified heng/xiang
^ used as a sentence in itself, as in heng/xiang wang jia you miao . . .
"% * \ * ^ ' * *' "Treat* The kinS proceeds to his temple"
(45.0).^6 All the remaining 44 cases fit this pattern, with almost all of them (40) appearing in the hexagram texts (1.0, 2.0, 3.0, etc.).   This heng/xiang can be modified with either yuan       "big, great, grand' (10 times, in 1.0, 2.0, etc.)   or xiao /Jv "little, small' (56.0, 57.0). As I suggest in reporting
xiang ^ . At the same time I have been careful to indicate in each case whether the received text has %r   or ^
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the results of an experiment at the end of this section, perhaps there are many more modifiers than we realize, with many of the words preceding heng/xiang, including the hexagram names themselves, serving in this role.
The distribution of the "Jf heng/xiang graphs reveals some interesting facts.   First, obviously the overwhelming majority of them occur in hexagram texts.  Since only 45.0 has two occurrences, this means that 39 out of the 64 hexagram texts have a ^ . There is a curious gap from 33.0 to 45.0, which no one has discussed.   But when looks at that area, he notices an absence of sacrificial topics, except in 41.0, and there we have a xiang ^ ! The 7 cases of ^  in line texts are also by no means random. Three are used in the pattern X yong xiang yu Y already referred to. The other four cases 12.1, 12.2, 26.6, and 60.4 also fit a pattern, with a short statement, followed simply by the graph ^ . The cases 12.1 and 12.2 are unmistakably in a sacrifidal context, while 26.6 and 60.4 could be so construed, but are not as clear.   That is, heng/xiang, a sacrificial "treat," regularly occurs in correlation with other sacrificial words and themes. We must then ask: if ^   were already merely a technical divinatory term, divorced from any sacrificial content and only measuring the degree of auspiciousness, would it appear in such a distribution?   The unlikelihood of this argues in favor of a sacrificial component in its meaning.
I have already quoted lines with this word in passing in several of the introductory chapters.   The famous punning debate in Zuozhuan, Zhao 7, concerning whether the prince Yuan (7^ ) would "be treated to" (heng/xiang) the privilege of assuming control of the state was recounted earlier in this chapter, under "Reading the Text Today," (pp. 91-92). That anecdote shows that awareness of the etymological connection among these cognate words was by no means dead in the Chunqiu and Warring States period.   The early glosses of ^  and the interpretations of various modern scholars are
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summarized below in Part Three, gloss 1.0.1. I have also noted there the special orthography of the Mawangdui MS. with respect to the graphs traditionally read xiang (writing ^   [ Jjj ]) and hehg (writing [ ^ ?]) in the received text.   Gloss 50.0.1 discusses the interesting comment of the Tuan Commentary on line 50.0, in which the commentator revels in the extended puns made possible by the close meaning and pronunciation of the three related words, heng      , peng j , and xiang .
Without repeating the information given in the glosses in Part Three, I would like here to present first what we know about the early paleography of the word xiang and its cognates.   Then I will explain why "treat" seems to fit best the varied use of this word in the Yi and other EOC texts—as a sacrificial offering, as a ceremonial feast for an honored guest, and as the enjoyment derived by the divine or human recipients of these honors.
Bernhard Karlgren's entry for the relevant words reads as follows: GSR 716a  ^ ^iang > xiang, %sacrificial offering ' in Shi, x feast,' >enjoy' in Zuozhuan; 716b «   *Xang > heng, * penetrate' in Yi, loan for ^   in Shi. "a. and b.   are primarily identical, two variants of the same char.; the usage to write a.   for hiang and b.   for heng is modern; in T'ang time the two forms were still used promiscue. . . . The graph shows a building, possibly a temple."   Also relevant is GSR 751a ^   *p'ang > peng *to boil' in Zuozhuan. Xiang is also either identical with or a close synonym of GSR
*^[iang > xiang, feast in Liji, * enjoy a feast,' *to present food or drink at a feast or sacrifice' in Shi; * receive and enjoy such an offering' in Liji.
The heng ^  ( ^ ) entry in Shinjigen, which adds modern Japanese paleographic scholarship to a basic confidence in Shuowen, is lengthy and informative.   It offers this analysis (p. 37): A pictogram.       , ^ , and were all originally the same.   The OBI, bronze, and seal forms       , ,
portray a viewing tower ( ^0       atop a (city) wall.   The ancient
forms of ^ are ^ , , , portraying paired, facing viewing towers. (Cf. Shuowen definition of ^ [5B/10b]: ft *fe  j£ "fa A ®
% %  t. It ^ £ -fcj    •) Bo*" <>f them ( jf and ]£ >
are borrowed to mean sacrificial offering' {presenting food and drink
to the spirits).   Since, having made such an offering, the spirits accept it, the form was slightly changed from ^ , producing the graph ^ [?]. Shinjigen goes on to give as the first definition of ^ , pronounced xiang, "sacrificial offering' (tatematsuru), "offer' (susumaru) (identical with      ); and as the second definition, pronounced heng, "penetrate,' "pass through' (toru), of which the subdefinitions are (a) "the spirits accept' (kami ga ukeireru) and (b) "be effected without hindrance' (shisho naku okonawareru); and as the third definition, pronounced peng, "cook (in water)' (niru), identical with ^ .
Hence Shinjigen seems to propose a semantic history of both meaning extension and loan which is something like this: "warning tower,' loan for "sacrificial offering' > (extended to) "receive sacrificial offering' > "success in any endeavor.'   If we accept an alternative view that ^* , represents a 'building in which sacrifice is conducted,' then no loan need be proposed to begin with, but a simple metonymical meaning extension. The differentiation in meaning between what is now written ^   and now written jj^ seems to have occurred at the point where "receive sacrificial offering' was extended on the one hand through "offering went smoothly,' toward "success' ^ , as above, and on the other hand, through "spirits receive and enjoy an offering,' and "any superior receives and enjoys any offering,' toward "receive and enjoy,' and finally simply "enjoy' .
The early form ^   comes from the OBI graph ^ft|   (S263.4-264.1; Li' Xiaoding, Jishi, pp. 1847-1849).   Li Xiaoding agrees with Wu Dacheng J£ A       tnat tne OBI §raPn depicts an ancestral temple (,,£       ), and that
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is where, in Shuowen's phrase, "offerings are made." Shuowen says (5B/lla, p. Ill), "To offer. Derived from an abbreviated ^ and 0 , depicting the putting forward of some cooked thing"       jfj^ fa V\ %       & ^ £^";
%k ).
It adds, "The Xiaojing says, "when one sacrifices, the spirits enjoy it'" B %jt fy\        % ^ )• In the OBI §  is used
as 1) a sacrifice term, and 2) a place name.   The contexts do not resemble those of the Yi. E.g., xln chou fu xiang ^ ^ $j ^    , "on the day xlh-chou we shall not make a xiang offering" (Cang^' [Tie-yunj, 113.1).
In the bronze inscriptions xiang usually occurs at or near the end of an inscription, in the formulaic sentence (with variations) yong bao yong xiang
f       ^ » "may they forever treasure it and use it for the sacrificial offerings."   The sentence also frequently continues with vu X ^ X, "to X." Scores of examples of each are listed in Jinwen gulin (#715, pp. 3529-3536). One of the editors of that compendium, Zhang Risheng ^ says
that in the WZBI the graph ^   (      ) was used with reference to the spirits, while the related word fyj^f was used with reference to living human recipients (p. 3541). The bronze forms show a range of variation:       , ,
etc.   Jinwen gulin (#712, pp. 3495-3514) gives qp]   as the seal form for ^ It had the WZBI forms       , etc., which, however, always had the sense
or (wall tower).   JWGL entry #715 (pp. 3529-3541) gives a seal
form for ^ , with WZBI forms like ^ , ^ , etc.   Takada Chushu
(quoted JWGL, p. 3538) gives a seal form of (which is the same as the
seal form in Shuowen), Unfortunately, no entry in JWGL attempts to explain how this seal form derived from WZBI forms like      , nor how the modern forms derived from the seal forms.   In the JWGL entries #712 > ^
(?), #713 j^J   > % , #714 ^  > J , #715 ^  > %   ( J ), and #716
> % , there is much discussion of graphic shape and almost no concern with the meaningful contexts in which these graphs appear in the WZBI.
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From their graphic similarity, overlapping paleographic and semantic histories, and the phonetic closeness of at least some of the OC reflexes of these graphs (e.g., ^   *Jtjang; and ^ GSR 755a *kliang), it is a plausible hypothesis that a number of the graphs and the words they represent are cognates.   I suggest one scenario, highly speculative, which relates some of the words to what we know of Shang and early Zhou society: captives l^-C/^.) are taken during a military expedition f£ ~~ ^ related to
the purpose of which is to obtain victims for the cooked sacrificial offerings (      , "^F ) performed on mound altars (JjC )> in temple enclosures ( ^ ), or on or near city or other walls (^P>J^ > ;fc)|f [< 4j? ?])» perhaps to ensure the benevolent assistance of the spirits in the defense of the city-state.   Yi 19.6 dun (^£ <       ) is a possible reference to a captive-taking raid.
The forms of the graph for heng/xiang in the Mawangdui MS. (see gloss 1.0.1), are somewhat different from all the published forms given in the sources referred to above: (12.1), c^"   (1.0—partially invisible in
MS.), ^ ? (33.0), ? (12.2). In another of the Mawangdui MSS., the
Laozi "B" MS. ( -"/^ \ 1j       )> the calligraphy of which is close to the Yijing MS., a case of modern peng J  is written with this same graph ^ :
zh\ da guo ruo peng xiao xian y£ ^ ^    ( "?
"managing a big state is like cooking a small savory" (Mawangdui Hanmu boshu, Vol. 1, In. 196 Jl. ; transcription, p. 91).
We have seen above the very confused paleographic situation with the numerous graphic forms which eventually divided and stabilized in the three modern graphs xiang      , heng      , and peng      . It has already been clear from the old dictionary definitions quoted that, however we choose to write the word, the various meanings of "make sacrificial offering,' "receive offering,' "give a feast for,' "enjoy' were all active at the same time in the
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77 v- /
linguistic usage of OC.    The notations in the Yi of a simple xiang, yuan
xiang, or xiao xiang could certainly be rendered simply with "offering,"
"great offering," and "small offering," but this would lose the other aspects
of the meaning, which imply the reception of the offering. Edward
Shaughnessy has made an admirable attempt to retain these connotations by
translating as "receipt" ("Composition," p. 128-130).   This means "the
divination has reached spirits (i.e., tohg) and that the spirits have
communicated their response to the diviner, who has "received' it" (p. 129). I
believe Shaughnessy's "receipt" neglects the typical use of heng/xiang in
scores of EOC contexts as a sacrificial term, and over-emphasizes an aspect
of the meaning which exists only in connection with the Yijing tradition and
nowhere else.   As Qu Wanli said in his final work on the Yi, the
posthumously edited and published Du Yi san zhong, in which he relinquished
his earlier views on this word, "In the bronze inscriptions and ancient books,
the graph       is sometimes J , sometimes      , but there are none which
can be glossed as tong "penetrate/ I am afraid that this graph in the Zhouyi
also means  sacrificial offering (jl xiang ^  ^ ). This is shown by
considering its explanation in the Wenyan Commentary, 'a beautiful gathering
... a union in ritual' (jia hui he h ^ ("Zhouyi jishi chugao,"
pp. 4, 13 and passimj cf.   "Xue Yi zha ji," op.   cit., pp. 469). I have
attempted to convey a fuller range of meaning with the translation "treat."
This is by no means an ideal translation.   But it does work especially well in
Yi 14.3 (q.v.), in which "the duke treats the Son of Heaven." "Grand treat"
is an effort to convey as well some of the ceremonial pomp of a sacrificial
occasion.
There are no direct parallels to yuan xiang or xiao xiang in other EOC texts.   But yuan si 7Cj       , "grand sacrifice," occurs in the Shu (see below, under m. yuan for texts).   Da xiang ^ %r   also occurs: "Pan geng" 14, zT
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yu da xiang yu xian wang, er zu £i cong yu xiang zhi        4 7\ 4
Documents, p. 21, "Now when I offer the great sacrifices to the former kings, your ancestors follow and together with them enjoy them."  This passage, perhaps deliberately, incorporates xiang in both senses—probably well-differentiated by the time of the relatively late Eastern Zhou "Pan geng" chapter.   Other instances of da xiang can be found in the "Shi fu" chapter of the Yizhoushu: e.g., da xiang san zhong ^ ^ j^L        , "the Great Treat three complete times" (Yizhoushu jixun jiaoshi, 37, p. 55).
There are no cases of the graph heng ^   in the received text of the Shu, either genuine or forged books, while xiang appears 33 times (Shangshu tongjian, p. 111).   The four times heng appears in the Shi (149/3, 154/6, 209/2, 231/1), it is used as protograph for peng f   *cook, boil.'   All of the contexts are unmistakably concerned with domestic cooking, rather than a cooked offering.   When the graph xiang appears in the Shi it is in the context of an offering: 166/4 jf juan wei chi, shi yong xiao xiang ^ (^If
^.  , Odes, p. 110, "Auspicious and pure are your sacrificial wine and food; with them you make filial offerings."   This pattern of occurrence—frequent use of the graph xiang ^ , virtual absence of the graph heng except as a protograph—is typical of all OC received texts. Of course, in the inscriptions there is no graphic distinction, and the contexts all indicate sacrificial offering and its reception.   An example which seems to emphasize the reception occurs in the recently unearthed He zun ^[ ^ . There the line transcribed as jing xiang zai 1^ ^  ( ^ ) ^fe   is interpreted by Tang Lan as "Respectfully receive the sacrificial offering!"  ( ^ ?G (Wenwu 1976.1, p. 60).
We can be fairly sure of our understanding of the EOC word xiang ^ (although we may choose to translate it in different ways).   Yet the function
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of the notation in the text, xiang, or yuan xiang, is much less certain. The prevailing view would probably be be that such an entry in the text is comparable to an entry in a datebook or calendar under a certain day9 like "shopping," or "dancing class."   That is, when we come upon such a notation, we recognize that it is reminding us to engage in a certain already familiar act.   We could think of such a notation as either a noun or mildly imperative verb "Treat!" As cited in gloss 1.0.1, Gao Heng believes that in the Yijing tradition, a xiang noted in the text is a mandate to the person who manipulates the stalks and encounters this particular line to perform the Xiang sacrifice.   Wen Yiduo, Qu Wanli, and the others do not make their views known, beyond interpreting as "sacrifice.'
The above view holds that xiang occurs most of the time in sentences of just one word, or occasionally two words.   I have experimented with an alternative hypothesis, that the words immediately preceding xiang (or yuan xiang and xiao xiang) might modify it.   This would include .at least some hexagram names.   For example, 24.0 fu xiang       ip would read "a return treat" (an offering on the occasion of a return, an offering to ensure a safe return, etc.)   The following evidence argues in favor of such a view. First, it is certain that some of the hexagram names are part of their hexagram texts.   Those most commonly noted are 10.0 lu hu wei      ffj.        , "step on the tiger's tail"; 12.0 pj zhT fei ren  ^       ^£ A.   , "bad are the non-ren"; 13.0 tong ren yu ye J&j '^3* , "gather the people in the open
country"; and 52.0 gen (ken) <ji bei ^       ^* , "one cleaves the back." Other hexagrams also have been suggested, including Hexagrams 14, 34, and 61. Second, this would solve the problem of these hexagram names, principally Kuh^^, which have no connection with their texts, either explicit or implicit.   (See Chapter Two, pp. 31-35, on the semantic connections of hexagram names.)   We could then argue that 2.0 kun yuan
xiang (which probably is equivalent to chuan yuan xiang Jl[
^ , as in the Mawangdui MS.) means "a grand treat concerned with (or to?)   rivers."   Third, in the MS., as in received texts in general, there is no physical separation between hexagram names and the rest of the hexagram text, but the MS. otherwise has quite a lot of punctuation, including occasional indication of mid-line pauses (e.g., 52.0). Fourth, in 60.0, the phrase jie xiang ^jj  ^   ( J|. ) is repeated in 60.4 an jie xiang       fef ^
This interpretation would potentially affect a large number of hexagram texts, possibly more than 30. But the exegesis of 60.0 zhong fu ^ ^p. is not helped thereby, nor is 11.0 tai     , since xiang is so far removed from the hexagram name.   On the other hand, the inadequately explained names 9.0 xiao chu <]s lj| , 14.0 da you -j^       , and 21.0 shu ke are favorably affected.   My translation in Part Two has made use of this hypothesis in only one or two cases where it seemed to provide the best interpretation.   Thus 9.0, "a small domestic animal treaty gives xiao chu a justification which would otherwise be lacking (except for a possible allusion to domestic animals in 9.2).
j. xiong "ominous'
Xiong is the most inauspicious prognostication used in the Yi text.   It is the opposite of jf ^ "auspicious' in the text, as it continued to be throughout Chinese history.   This appears to be an innovation with the Yi. While jfis frequent in the OBI, xiong is never used there (Keightley, Sources, p. 40, n. 64).   Gao Heng (Tongshuo, pp. 110-111) believes it refers to a "major catastrophe."   Edward Schafer ("Combined Supplements to Mathews," p. 3) notes that it came to be death-related, and he suggests
191
English equivalents like "deadly," "lethal," "malignant," "fell," and "baleful." Richard Wilhelm translated it as "Unheil" (e.g., I Ging, p.   13), as does also Gerhard Schmitt, and Baynes usually renders this as "misfortune." Other English translations include "ominous," "bad luck," "augurs ill," and "evil." I have adopted "ominous" as a translation in Part Two, which, like "auspicious" for jf, places emphasis on its predictive, portentous aspect.   Xiohg describes a future potentiality, rather than a past or present condition.
Xiohg is never modified by degree adverbs such as da ^  or yuan ^ , or even negated with bu ^ . The text never says  yuan xiohg "very ominous' or   bu xiong "not ominous.'  This is presumably because xiong has an inherent "extreme" meaning, like the English words "delicious" or "wonderful," and is thus not subject to modification.
The great majority of its 58 occurrences in the text are in the final position in a line (40 of 58). This position no doubt reinforced the finality of the judgment of "ominous." It sometimes stands alone as a one-word sentence, "Ominous!" (7.1, 7.3, etc.)   In other cases, it forms the predicate of a topic-comment sentence, either alone (6.0, 9.6, etc.)   or in construction with zheh gjj : zheh xiong "the determination is ominous" (3.5, 7.5,
In addition to its common meaning "use' in EOC, which has continued
k- yong
use
until the present, the verb yong had another specialized sense in EOC, "use in sacrifice.'  Both of these meanings occur in the Yi. Most often yong is a simple "use, employ, put to use': yong shY wu a|X , "use diviners and
sorcerors" (57.2); yong fou      ^ , "use earthen vessels" (29.4). Out of a total of 56 occurrences, only one definitely has the specialized sense of "use in sacrifice': 45.0 yong da shehg jf 'tf^E. ^ t "auspicious for using in
sacrifice large victims."
Yong also occurs in series following another verb as a post-verbal instrumental marker, "using, with,' like vY l*A^ (see "A Grammatical Sketch" above, under f.   Relational Particles and other Function Words). Examples of this usage can be found in xi yong huT mo 1fo ^ ^X^^J^j "bind them with a braid of three strands and a black cord of two strands" (29.6); gong yong huang niu zhT ge        ffl ^ » "bind them with the hide of a
brown ox" (49.1); and perhaps also jie yong bai map       ^      ^ , "cushion it with white cogongrass" (28.1). The frequent sentences consisting of li jjbjj "favorable' + yong + predicate-complement, as in li yong yu ^'J ^ <fl§A. "favorable for bringing suit" (21.0) can be analyzed as belonging either to this pattern or to the following one, since yong is followed by a verbal expression.
A large number of the sentences with the verb "use' refer to the application of a particular hexagram or line text to a situation as the justification for action.   In these cases yong is followed by another complementary verb phrase.   The text frequently admonishes the client to engage in a particular action, such as yong xmg shT ^Jp, "use (the
result of this determination) to mobilize the army" (24.6); or counsels refraining from action: wu yong you you wang tf\ , "don't
use this in having somewhere to go" (3.0). Five times it warns against any action whatever based on the encountered line: wu yong fy/J "don't use
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(the result of this determination)!"   (1.1, 7.6, 27.3, 29.3, 63.3—cf. gloss 1.1.2). A traditional understanding of yong in sentences such as these was as the equivalent of "to act."   (W-B p. 7: "Do not act").   As noted in gloss 1.1.2, this is indeed the functional result of the Yi's advice, but does not reflect what the Yi text literally says.
Below I present evidence which demonstrates that the word yong was used elsewhere in EOC to refer to applying the results of divination to situations requiring action.   Since it is possible that yong in some of the Yi sentences refers to the specialized meaning of "use in sacrifice,' I also consider that evidence.   Note that the translation of yong with an English word like "hereby," "thereby," or "herewith" (e.g., Shaughnessy, "Composition," pp. 131, 251 and passim )   is a variation on the former interpretation adopted here, since such words mean simply "using this."   They effectively evoke the formal ceremonial style of the language of the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, which frequently have yong as a phrase-initial connective, and share with the Yi such phrases as yong xiang Iff ^   "hereby offer sacrifice" (cf. Yi 14.3, 17.6, 41.0, 42.2, 46. 47.2, 47.5). Note that even in the WZBI, it is not always easy to discern whether the yong is an abstract
connective or has a more concrete meaning.   For example, the Ding? ding ljjr{ concludes, . . . xYng yu ren shen, fu ge, yong zuo bio zun yf . . .
on people's bodies and captured dagger-axes; we hereby [using the bronze therein?]   make a precious sacrificial vessel . . ."   (Chen Mengjia, "Duandai," I, p. 173).
The Shu, the Shi, and the Zuozhuan all contain passages in which yong refers to the results of divination.   In "Da gao" 9, we have nlng wang wei bS ying . . . sh|n £ w|i b£ y^ng jjj % ff   ^  %   . . .%\ f%
ffi  , Documents, p. 37, "The serene [= deceased] king (used =) followed
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only the oracle . . . how much more must we follow the oracle."   In "Hong fan" 25, there is the line guTshi gong wei yu ren, yong jing jf, yong zuo
SEBjJL HUE &  ' Documents, p. 33,
"When tortoise and milfoil both go counter to men, to remain still is auspicious, to act is baleful."  (Karlgren's translation skips over the two yong graphs, which doubtless serve more than a metrical function, reading literally, ". . . to use (the divinatory determination) to remain still . . . .") In the Shi song "Xiao min" xj^ ^ , three lines contain the phrase sin yong rf^ "use this," in the sense of following an oracle's advice: e.g., 195/3 shl yong bu jiu (or ji) j|_ ffi ^ (i| ), Odes, p. 142, "therefore [RK:
lit., using these (turtle oracles)] there is nothing achieved."   And in Zuozhuan, Zhao 7, the text states sju xf y_u meng, Wu Wang suo yong ye ^
'        £ Pf $      > LeS8e' ISSf P- 619> "Wnen tne reeds accorded with his dream, king Woo followed them."
It is probably these divinatory contexts which Xu Shen had in mind in
arranging his Shuowen entry for yong (3B/20a). He first defines it as "can be
put into action' ( &f        /yffi "(j^ ). He then derives the graph from bu ^
"divine by crack-making' (A/\ f» ) and places the entry for yong after a
sequence of divinatory terms, including bu f- , zhen ^  , zhan      > etc., and
before others like yao £ . Xu Xuan s note on the definition (ibid.) makes
the divinatory connection even more explicit.   He says, "when the divination
"hits home,' it can be used" ( \- ^ R "fe, )•
Gerhard Schmitt's translation of yong as "verwenden" (apply, utilize)
follows this interpretation.   For example, he translates xiao ren wu yong yjv.
K 4fl ffl (63.3) as "not to be utilized for the small man!"   (Fur den
kleinem Mann, nicht zu verwenden—Spruche, p. 112).     Wen Yiduo's remarks
on the phrase wu yong in 29.3 ("Leizuan," p. 35) also suggest that this was
his reading too.   He says of that line that "it [the pit] is treacherous and
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deep; he who enters it has no hope of getting out again.   Hence someone who is going to enter prison and who obtains this hexagram had better not
use it (my emphasis) (...$£ /If ^ ffi Sj       l& & % ' l£ tf] )• (One wonders what options a person entering prison would
have!)
Finally, there is the phrase zT yong      J^J , which appears in the OBI, sometimes as a kind of crack notation, but more often with the rest of the divinatory charge itself.   It has been understand to mean "this (crack/divination charge [?]) was used" (Keightley, Sources, p. 119). Serruys ("Studies," p. 50) renders it, "This was applied."   Rarely it appears in negated form, zT bu yong £^       ^ , zT wu yong       ^ fj^ , or just bu yong (p. 119, n. 130).   Serruys translates an example (p. 66, Zhang Zongdong's 16.36): xin wei bu Pi feng bu yong y_u 3jp ^ \* JfJ^ ^      ■> "Hsin-wei day divination: we shall perform the Ti sacrifice to (the god of the) Wind. It was not applied, for it rained."   Or, for bu yong yu he suggests another possible interpretation: "(This course of action) not being used, it (still) will rain (?) (p. Ill, n. 54).   Chen Mengjia (Zongshu, p. 98) gives further examples.   Keightley surveys the studies of Hu Houxuan and others, but goes on to propose that zT yong perhaps doesn't mean "use this crack" at all, but rather something like "here (at this point in the divination process) we offered sacrifice." That is, "this was the charge, or this was the crack, that showed it was auspicious to proceed" (p. 119, n. 24).   This is suggested by the correlation of the notation zT yong with sacrificial divinations.
v > 79
Yong elsewhere in the OBI is clearly a verb  to use in sacrifice.'
Passages in received texts like the Shu, Chunqiu, Yizhoushu, and Zuozhuan
also have yong as a sacrificial verb, especially with human victims. The
"Shao gao" chapter of the Shu has the line yong sheng yu jiao niu er "IHfc-
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3~        ^~ "*^* ' Docurnents> P*       "ne (tne Duke of Zhou) sacrificed victims on the suburban altar, namely two oxen."   In a well-known story, the Zuozhuan records under the 19th year of Duke Xi that "the Duke of Song had Duke Wen of Zhu use Zengzi in sacrifice at the altar of Ciju" (Song gong shf Zhu Wen gong yong Zengzi yu Ciju zh~ she ^jr
n        f f ^ .St 2. fc- ) (Legge' ^2' P- 17*).   Du Yu's commentary adds "yong zhT means that they used him as an animal victim" "J£_ ^ ^ $ ~% fyic- )• Similar entries appear in the Chunqiu or the Zuozhuan under Zhao 10, Zhao 11, and Cheng 17.
These entries show the specialized meaning of yong, 'to use in sacrifice.'   In the Yi it is possible that wu yong means "do not sacrifice"; or that the various lines with yong followed by a sacrificial term like xiang J (41.0, etc.), yue^ (46.2), ji si (47.5), or yV(18.5) mean something
like "use (a victim) in an X-sacrifice"; or even that 4.1 li yong xing ren ^"jj Jf\ ^Fj| A   means "favorable for using in sacrifice a person being punished."   Shaughnessy in fact translates this line in accord with such an interpretation: "Beneficial to use (= sacrifice?)   the branded man" ("Composition," p. 131).   But this possibility is outweighed by the extensive evidence in favor of viewing yong "use' as referring to using the results of a divination to take action.
1. you ^  "there be,' "have'
With 120 occurrences, you, the verb of existence, is the third most
common graph in the Yi. Only its negative counterpart wu % and appear more often.   The great majority of occurrences present no problems of interpretation.   Sometimes it is equivalent to an English "have": junzi you you wang ^ ^- rfsj Y'^C       » "a noble has somewhere to go" (2.0); kan you
xiart "a pitfall has a sheer dropoff" (29.2). You in many cases
precedes an object which indicates a situation which, it is predicted, will prevail: you fu      "j^ "there will be a blessing" (11.3). Other situations include huY ^| "trouble' (1.6, etc.); ta ^ "disaster' (8.1); sheng ^ "calamity' (25.6); ji /jf^ "threat' (26.1); or "illness' (33.3). You can be
modified by da       "greatly (14.0, 16.4) and xiao/jv "slightly' (6.1).
One phrase which recurs often in the text is of special interest. The combination you fu ^        appears 25 times distributed throughout the hexagram and line texts.   Edward Shaughnessy has made a special study of this phrase ("Shi "youfu' ^^"^ j|L : From Sacrifice to Sincerity"; summarized also in "Composition"). He argues that not only does fu always refer to a "human captive" ("Shi "youfu', p.9ff; "Composition," p. 264), but that the verb you here has a special sense of "to make an offering" (p. 255), related to one use of the verb you ^ in the OBI.    That is, it is an injunction to "offer a captive" as a sacrifice (p. 258). The phrase had a subsequent graphic elaboration as f^      . But given the plentiful parallels with the prognosticatory phrases cited above, consisting of you + situation-object, I prefer to interpret you here also in its usual meaning as
the verb of existence.   You fu is a prognostication that "there will be a capture."   As referred to under a.   fu       above, Zhang Liwen recently gave the sense of you in you fu a slightly different nuance: you means "have" in the sense of "get, capture," while fu is its direct object, "prisoners-of-war."
/ V y/ S
This moves the sense of "capture" from fu to you. You fu then means "capture prisoners-of-war" (Zhouyi sixiang yanjiu, pp. 175-180).
The use of you in attributive position, to mean "one's own,' in eight lines (37.1, 45.0, etc.) was dealt with earlier in Chapter Four, in "A Grammatical Sketch" under c. "Affixation."
198
m. yuan 7^ "grand,' "very'
The oldest meaning of yuan was probably that of "head, chief, prime,' the graph itself representing this ideographically.   This meaning was very early on applied in varying senses and extended to mean also "original, fundamental, first' and "big, great, grand,' and the like.   Yuan "head, great' was in turn applied as an intensifier for other descriptive words in EOC, like English "very.' In the OBI yuan regularly means "primary, first' as in yuan shi       ^ (Qianbian jjjj 3.22.5), "the primary spirit-tablet" (of Shang
Jia Jc *p , the first king in the sacrificial cycle); or yuan bu yong 7^
(Xucun&|| ^  1.39.9), "the (result of the) first crack-making was used."
In the Yi, yuan occurs a total of 27 times.   Of these, 14 modify ]i ~& "auspicious,' in the phrase "very auspicious."   Lines 8.0 and 45.5 each contain the curious phrase yuan yong zhen ^       ijjj  . I have followed Gao Heng and others in Part Two in emending these to yuan heng (xiang) yong zhen
^ If ( % } ^ t.   (8'0) and ^lil ii        2hSi % S       ^ (45.5), so that each phrase conforms to preexisting patterns elsewhere in the text. However, the Mawangdui MS. has exactly the same wording as the received text, and despite the lack of parallels elsewhere, these phrases may well mean just what they seem to say: "a very long-term determination."
With one exception in 38.4, all the remaining ten cases of yuan modify heng ^   (xiang) ^_  "treat,' which refers to the performing and receiving of a sacrificial offering.   All ten are in hexagram texts, where the occurrences of heng/xiang are concentrated.   These two words occur together nowhere else in Old Chinese, although yuan is common in other contexts in the sense of "big, great.'  For example, in Shi 177/4 there is the line yuan rong shf sheng ^ ^ , Odes, p. 120, "the great war chariots, ten piece"
199
(sic). The divining turtle itself was later called a yuan guT ^ fjf"^' "tne Great turtle" (e.g., Shiji, "Guice liezhuan").   A similar phrase referring to sacrifice, yuan si J[j ^f-^j occurs in the "Luo gao" and "Jiu gao" sections of the Shu, both early Western Zhou documents.   In "Luo gao" 7 there is zohg y? gong zuo yuan si ^ L»/v -£f\       7^ ^, Documents, p. 52, "in the ancestral temple according to merits let them act in the fundamental sacrifices."   "Luo gao" 15 has dun zohg jiang Ii, cheng zhi yuan si, xian zhi
Documents, p. 52, "(I shall) give weight to the great rites of the ancestral temple, take up and regulate the fundamental sacrifices, and range everything in order without confusion."   "Jiu gao" 2 has wei Tian jiang ming, zhao wommTO yuan s] 'f|L , % +ft % '
Documents, p. 43, "when Heaven sent down the mandate, what it created for people was the fundamental sacrifices (sc. to the founders; in which wine should be offered)."   Dobson (EAC), following another commentary tradition, translates the phrase yuan si as "Grand Sacrifice" ("Luo gao," pp. 160-161) or as "Great Sacrifices" ("Jiu gao," p. 145).   Karlgren (Glosses . . . Documents, #1664 on "Jiu gao" 2) explicitly rejects the interpretation of yuan as "great/ Noting that the commentator pseudo-Kong Anguo interpreted as "great sacrifices," and that Sun Xingyan had "the originator's sacrifice," he supports Yu Yue's rejection of the former, "great sacrifices," and adoption of the latter.   Yuan si means the "inaugural, primary, fundamental sacrifices," connected with the foundation of the dynasty.   We saw evidence of this in the OBI inscriptions quoted above.
While the context of the Shu passages may make clear the preference for the meaning "fundamental' there, in the case of the Yi phrase yuan heng/xiang some of the earliest commentators, such as the Tuan Commentary, favor a simple "big, great.'   The Tuan Commentary paraphrases
yuan as da in lines 19.0, 25.0, 49.0, and perhaps elsewhere too: da heng yj zheng [AA.       ' W~B> P* *^2, "Great success through correctness."
Gao Heng (Tongshuo, pp. 89-90; Dazhuan) also adopts this interpretation, as does Li Jingchi (Tongyi). Wilhelm rendered yuan heng/xiang as "erhabenes Gelingen," which Baynes renders as "Supreme success," or sometimes "Sublime success."  I have translated yuan in Part Two as "grand," which seems to fit the stylistic requirements of the situation best.   On the other hand, Edward Shaughnessy ("Composition," pp. 123-124, 127-128, 251, and passim ) prefers the translation "primary," presumably to retain the OBI connection, and also perhaps because he argues that "heng [ 'receipt' ] was the first prognostication reached in the performance of Zhouyi divination" (p. 130).
The efforts of some scholars to combine a number of the early senses of yuan in a single English translation like "prime" or "premiere" are noteworthy.   For example, David Nivison renders the phrase yuan de y{j in the OBI inscription Ming 0^ 1370 and Shu, "Jiu gao" 7, as    prime' de" ("Royal "Virtue' in Shang Oracle Inscriptions," p. 55).
n. zhen ^  * determination'
No other single word in the Yijing is as critical as zhen to an understanding of the primitive meaning of the whole text, and no other word played a more important role in the Confucian moral reinterpretation of the original Yijing during the latter half of the first millennium B.C.E. Fortunately, in the late twentieth century we are in the enviable position of having more of the primary sources of pre-Imperial China at our disposal than any previous generation since at least the Warring States period itself. I refer, of course, to the precious original documents of EOC, the oracle bone and bronze inscriptions, and to the other original documents on bamboo
201
and silk unearthed in recent decades.
In the case of zheh, it is the OBI which have played a crucial role in enabling modern scholars to read the dictionaries and received documents of ancient China, including the Yi, with a new understanding.   Just as zheh is the fifth most common graph in the Yi, with 111 occurrences, it is also one of the ten most common graphs in the OBI. Its decipherment in the OBI was the key which unlocked the door to interpreting thousands of what are now-seen to be routine oracle records.   Zheh is the marker which serves to define the act of divination itself—the resolution of doubt, the settling of questions, in a word, making a "determination." If the particular nuance of the OBI word zheh is still in dispute, a subject we return to below, it is perhaps because insufficient attention has been paid to the way in which the divinatory lexicon of the Yi took up in the late second millennium and early first millennium B.CE. where the OBI left off, then continued to develop through the years of the Zhou dynasty, providing a continuous semantic bridge to the classical texts of the Warring States period and the masterworks of Han lexicology.   This is especially true of zheh. In the Yi it is a rare hexagram-chapter which hasn't at least one occurrence of zhen, just as in the OBI it is a rare bone or plastron in which at least one divinatory charge is not introduced by zhen.
In the Yi we can say with confidence that the meaning of zhen was from the beginning "to determine an uncertain matter through divination."   In a process repeated with several of the divinatory terms discussed here—among
relative auspiciousness or ominousness associated with an externally-induced, objective uncertainty gradually was transformed into an internalized, subjective commitment, a personal determination to proceed, and proceed correctly, despite the vagaries of fortune.   The extension of meaning
and jin      —this divinatory determining of the
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involved here in zhen is such a natural one that the English vocabulary also reflects it, in words like "determined," "resolved," or "settled." Divinatory determination became human determination.   As China changed in the first millennium B.C.E. from a pre-moral, magico-religious society to one in which educated men were concerned with questions of human-heartedness, right and wrong, duty, and the like, the understanding of the Yijing changed with it. Some have argued that the reinterpretation of the Yi in a moral light was even a conscious act and a major intellectual achievement.   The intellectual historian Dai 3unren believed that the Confucians couldn't possibly have been ignorant of the older meaning of zhen as "to divine' ("Bushi zhi Yi yu yili zhi Yi," p. 7).   Their conscious reinterpretation of the Yi in terms of yili
(ethics and reason) was "a great advance in learning."
Let us examine first how zhen is used in the Yi, then consider in more depth the extensive scholarship of the OBI scholars on zhen and its likely cognates, and, finally cite some textual sources which reflect the process of meaning change, as well as some problematic passages.   The 111 occurrences of zhen are distributed throughout the hexagram and line texts.   In no hexagram-chapter does it occur more than five times, and in most, it occurs two or three times.   Zhen can be thought of as a verb which serves in the Yi an essentially nominal function.   In other words, while it is often the subject preceding a prognostication-predicate or, in one interpretation, the head noun in a nominal sentence, it never itself serves as a verb with a noun object.   Only when it serves as a complement to li ^jHj "favorable,' in one analysis, could it be a verb.   It occurs in two regular patterns.   One is X-situation or scope (optional) + zhen + prognostication.   For example, an zhen ji 'ijr7 $ ~£i   > "auspicious in a determination about security" (2.0); or zhen xiohg |lj |Xj  , "the determination is ominous" (57.6). The other is li (favorable) + X-situation (optional) + zhen. For example, li nu zhen ;jb'J "JC
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,^  , "a determination favorable for a maiden" (20.2); or simply ji zhen
, "a favorable determination" (1.0). (See "A Grammatical Sketch," under a.   Syntax, and "Some Important Lexical Items," section e. ji above for analysis of this pattern.   See also glosses 1.0.2 and 50.1.1.) Beyond these two patterns there are a few other recurrent contexts, such as zhen preceded by <?] ke (see "A Grammatical Sketch," under i. Adverbs and other Verbal Auxiliaries, [pp. 141-145]).
The six occurrences of the word jian       "hardship' in the text provide an interesting sample of the kinds of determinations in which zhen appears—all good news with regard to jian!—including a couple in which it might appear, but does not.   They are all gathered below:
11.3 jian zhen wu jiu ^
"In determinations about hardship, there will be no 81
misfortune."
14.1 jian z| wu' j£  |fc £
"If hardship, then there is no misfortune." 34.6 jian ze jf  %f< g 'J ^
"If there is a hardship, it is auspicious." 26.3, 36.0 ji jian zhen ^ ^
82
"Favorable in a hardship determination."
21.4 l\ jian zhen jf $  lj$< ^ &
"Favorable in a determination about hardship. Auspicious." It is hard to imagine any interpretation of zhen other than the oracular one of "determine, divine," whether it be the quality of being "correct," or "persevering," or "constant," which could fit here without seriously distorting the meaning of the other words involved, or adding words which aren't there.   For example, Wilhelm must read jian as "be conscious of difficulty" in some of these cases, in order to interpret them all consistently as
204
situations in which human will can control the outcome rather than as
efforts to determine what the future has in store, that is, as divinations.
Or consider ail the extra words added in Qu Wanli's proposed interpretation
of 36.0: "Favorable to encounter an adverse situation and be able to adhere 83
to what is normal."
The entry for zhen in Shinjigen (p. 144) gives a good summary of its early history, one which I find convincing.   It describes the original graph as a phonetic compound, made up of bu       (" divine by crack-makingO and the phonetic element dYng ^  (" cauldron 0, of which the modern bei ^  is a
y
corrupted form.   It treats this ding as also etymonic, the meaning of which was "determine' (sadameru), which it relates to the graph ding ("fix, determine*).   The word zhen is defined as meaning (1) "make an inquiry through divination' (uranai o shite toitadasu) [i.e., the Shuowen definition (3B/19b, p. 69) f>        -{jj ]; (2) "hit, turn out right' (ataru), "be precise' (pittariau), "be settled' (sadamaru); (3) "correct' (tadashii), which is derived through meaning extension from meanings (1) and (2). Shinjigen continues to list the later extended senses of (3) "adhere to principles without changing' (setsugi o mamotte kaenai); "a maiden preserves her virginity' (joshi ga misao o mamoritosu); (4) "true, sincere' (makoto), "sincerity' (magokoro), etc.; and (5) "a person who carries out a task to completion' (jigyo o yaritogeru hito).
One curious divination-related meaning of the word zhen which Shinjigen did not give is "the lower (inner) trigram of an Yijing hexagram.'  The upper (outer) trigram is termed huty^ —the same graph hujf as the Yi prognostication "trouble." These were meanings which existed already in Eastern Zhou texts like the Zuozhuan, and "Hong fan" chapter of the Shu. Zuozhuan, Xi 15, has the line gu zhi zhen feng ye, <ji hui shan ye ^        itj » ^"       li-l \1j  ' "tne l°wer trigram of the Gu hexagram is "wind,' and its upper trigram is "mountain.'" "Hong fan," 20-22, says qT jT yi
. . . yue zhen yue huY      ^ . . # ^  @ //^   , Documents, p. 32,
"Seventh: the elucidators of doubt. . . .   (and they are called) the lower trigram and upper trigram."   While the "Hong fan" passage gives the impression that the author is merely displaying an acquaintance with divinatory technical terms, the meaning of which he is rather vague about, the Zuozhuan passage, on the other hand, seems to allow for no other interpretation than the one given.   However, James Menzies, the early twentieth-century authority on the oracle bones, implied that even in both of these works zhen could be interpreted in the sense of "divinatory inquiry' ("Bai gen shi . . . kaoshi," pp. 2-3).   He also suggested that hui'f^ was "anciently the same graph" as       in the "Luo gao" and       in the OBI phrases ^ and ^        (p. 2). Since Menzies does not paraphrase or
further discuss the meaning, one can only guess what he might have had in mind.   But in any case the meaning of zhen here cannot readily be related to that evolutionary progression of meaning from "make a divinatory determination' to "be determined,' "be correct,' "be chaste,' and the like. The discovery of further textual references in this sense would help to trace its history.
The opinions of the authorities on the oracle bones with regard to zhen
have not diverged with regard to its fundamental divinatory function, but
rather have concentrated on its etymology and especially the question of
84
whether the divinatory charge it introduces is a question or not. The
various OBI forms of the graph identified as zhen are reproduced and some
of the scholarship on the word is quoted in Li Xiaoding, Jishi,
pp. 1103-1108.   The word zhen doesn't occur as such in the bronze
85
inscriptions, with one or two possible exceptions.    But a graph which is essentially the same as the OBI form zhen occurs occasionally as the name of a vessel type, possibly simply a ding. The word ding occurs often in the
206
WZBI, always in the meaning "cauldron.' The relevant entries in JWGL are
#449 |i etc.), pp. 1996-2000; #928       ( ^ etc.), pp. 4407-4421; and
#929 ||i ( |^ ), pp. 4422-4430.   Each entry quotes sample secondary
scholarship.   A pair of bronze dYng cauldrons unearthed in 1975 in ■**" v«7 r—
Rujiazhuang -£CZ & near the city of Baoji in Shaanxi are helpful in
understanding the orthographic evolution of the graph identified as zhen, because while each member of the pair contains a reference to a ding "cauldron,' one has the form ^    (the graph zhen), while the other has the form ^^(the more traditional form of the graph ding). It is not clear what the significance of this is, other than to suggest that the two forms were in a state of free variation (Wenwu, 1976.4, p. 41 [text] and p. 54 [rubbing]; also Tang Lan's translation, pp. 45-46, n. 1).
David N. Keightley (Sources, p. 29, n. 7) summarizes his views concerning ^   (which we take as the OBI equivalent °*t*j| ) in tne OBI: lt introduces a charge to the shell or bone which is a "prayer, prediction, or statement of intent"; its etymology is still unclear, although it appears to belong to a word-family which includes also ding ^, zheng \£ , and ding      ; and it may be translated with the "interim functional translation" of "divine." He prefers to use the OC reconstruction *tieng as a phonetic representation of ^   to reflect the uncertainty about its modern reflex (i.e., to remain uncommitted to a particular MSC reading zhen, zheng, zheng, ding, etc.). Note that Keightley has strongly emphasized the optative, wishful, prayerful aspect of the charge following zhen, at the expense of the inquisitive information-seeking aspect.   This is probably typical of much current thinking on the OBI, especially in North America. While this optative aspect is certainly important, one suspects that it is stressed even more to combat the unfortunate tendency of some older scholars to see the content of the divination as a simple question, and as a result, turn the prefacing word
207
zhen into a verb meaning "ask.' As ! believe the Shinjigen translation of the Shuowen definition quoted above correctly understands it, this was certainly not Xu Shen's meaning, nor is there a bit of textual evidence to support that reading of the word zhen. It is true that another famous Eastern Han gloss of zhen, by Zheng Sinong Jj|  (Zheng Zhong     ^ ) on the
Zhouli, was simply wen j*Jj "ask,' but I think even this, when considered in the light of Eastern Han thought, i.e., as a gauntlet thrown down before the philosophical predecessors of Wang Bi, was not intended to suggest that zhen was at any time a synonym of wen. Zheng also referred to Yi 7.0, and also perhaps 3.5. (See extremely thorough, but perhaps now dated, discussion in Keightley's unpublished paper, "Shih Cheng," pp. 4-8.)
Paul Serruys ("Studies," pp. 21-23) argues that the Shuowen sense of bu wen |* fj^  , which he interprets simply as "to ask, query") and the usage of zhen in the Zhouli (see below) is a late development and rare usage; that "the more frequent and regular meaning" is zheng Jf , ding^J? , shan ^ , xin j-^" , and that in a majority of uses, zhen goes together with a noun as adjective + noun in the sense "reliable, good, fine, correct" (although he cites no evidence of this).   On the basis of this more common use, Serruys argues that zhen in the OBI should be understood as a verbal "to test, to try out, to make true [the optative meaning again], correct," that is, "find out the right (course of action)" [here we return to the querying aspect]. This would be parallel with the adjectival senses above, "reliable," etc.   Thus Y zhen would be translated as "diviner Y tested the proposition, or proposed for test (i.e., rectification) the following course of action or alternative courses of action . . . ."
Ken-ichi Takashima ("Some Philological Notes," p. 53) adds further useful insights: already by Period I of the OBI, the use of the words jjj?   / ^ was "formulaic," and they were used "perhaps without regard to the intrinsic
208
etymological content."   Hence it is difficult to decide which understanding of the terms in closest to the truth—whether ""to divine' (by Keightley), "to test' (by Serruys), "to ask' (by Hsu Shen), and "to ting sacrifice' (by Keightley, [Sources, p.79]), respectively."   Takashima goes on to propose his own refinement of Keightley's conception of "the ritual performed at the cauldron" (Sources, p. 79; also see the gloss 50.1.1 to the Yi in Part Three below): 1) when ding is used in conjunction with other ritual verbs, it means "to do it [i.e., the antecedent ritual activity] by employing a cauldron"; 2) used alone, it means "to do it [i.e., "cheng-ing J=§ ] by employing a cauldron"; 3) when used as a phonetic loan, it stands for ding "to
stabilize, regulate"; used adverbially, it means "surely, certainly"; used
verbally, it means "to decide to . . ."; zhen Ip?   is also related
etymologically to ding 'xp7 (p. 55, n. 19).
We have already seen the following words cited as cognate with zhen
(GSR 834g *tieng): ding ^  (GSR 834a *tieng); zheng j£ (GSR 833j *tieng);
and ding 'x^7 (GSR 833z *d'ieng). Todo Akiyasu would add to this list ting
(GSR 835d' *t'ieng > tTng, "hear' in Shi; *t'ieng (MC rising tone) > ting,
86
"listen to' in Shi,' "acknowledge' in Shu, "obey' in Zuozhuan).    These forms had already begun to differentiate by the Shang-early Zhou period. In addition, there are two other related words which probably are somewhat later differentiations from the various meanings of zhen itself.   Or they might have been perceived as slightly different because of a morphological alternation, expressed in some now long-lost affix.   They are written simply with the phonetic/etymon zhen, elucidated by a semantic element, just as zhen itself apparently started as a simple ding J*^ , which was subsequently simplified, and elucidated with a bu       ("crack-making') element. These include zhen ~fj|   (GSR 834k *tieng, "observe, examine' and "test, verify' in Liji); and zhen ^  (GSR 834j *t£eng "auspicious' in Shi). Zhen ^  appears in
209
the Liji, "Zi yi" chapter, in a quote from Yi iine 32.5. But where the Yi has heng 31 de zhen 'fj if » tne Liji reads 'f$ |£ ^ f|» *or which
the gloss is still "zhen means inquire" (). The latter graph zhen
occurs in the terse, archaic-sounding Zhou dynastic hymn, Shi 268, <ji yong you cheng, wei Zhou zhT zhen ^ J^j jgj jfo , £»jJ£       jj^ £{| , Odes, p. 240, "[Wen Wang initiated the sacrifices] and by them it has come to an achievement: the good fortune of Chou." It is easy to imagine that this zhen an auspicious determination, may have been related to the neutral zhen js| much as the English negative, inauspicious determination "ominous" is derived from the neutral "omen."
Here are some other EOC occurrences of zhen which are of interest: A familiar passage in the Shu, "Luo gao" 4, reads wo er ren gong zhen jffc      J\  t\   ^   , Documents, p. 52, "We two men have both verified (sc. the reading of the oracles)."   That is, the Zhou king and the Duke of Zhou have both prognosticated.   Karlgren comments that zhen here is "to verify, to determine, what is correct."   Cf. the translation of Dobson (EAC, p. 159): "We two [you and I] have [now] both divined."
The other commonly noted passges with divinatory zhen appear in the Zhouli. In the "Chun guan" ^ x^*?   "Tian fu" ^ jtf   section, there is a sentence which ends with . . .y_Y zhen lai sui zhT mei e l^A ^ ^ •^j^.'^f, ". . . in order to determine the good and bad fortune of the coming year."   The glosses of Zheng Xuan and Zheng Sinong explain, respectively, "inquire about the good and bad fortune of the coming year"
( ^ jff ^ ^      J and "inquire of the turtle" ( f*l "fcj }* In
the "Chun guan" "Xiao zong bo" /J^ ^ f      section, a sentence reads ruo
guo da zhen ^ 1^ > "like the major determinations of the state,"
to which Zheng Sinong's gloss adds, "a "major determination' is a
crack-making oracle about establishing a ruler, or a major enfeoffment" ( ~f\^
210
| jktj   h ^1 %. ' V ~K %i ) <discussed in Keightley, "Shih Cheng," pp. 4-8; Menzies, "Baigen shi . . . kaoshi," pp. 2-3).
In the Zuozhuan, Ai 17, occurs this line: [wli] Gong qlh shi zhj. . . zhan zhj. . . Wei Hou zhen bu . . . l^jfjl       JJR^ |j? jl- • • • rj £
• * • fj^f       ^ K   * * *' Le88e' Tso> P* 850» "Tne marQ.uis himself consulted the reeds . . . interpreted the result . . . The marquis again consulted the tortoise-shell . . . ." While here zhen is used with pyromancy rather than stalk-divination, it can scarcely be understood as anything else than a verb for "make a divinatory determination.'  After the marquis had already manipulated the stalks and had the result prognosticated, "he sought a further determination in crack-making."   Or, if bu is not the object of zhen, the two words zhen bu have already become a pleonastic compound, as in MSC.
Our understanding of zhen as "determine' invites rereading of still other classical lines.   In the opening lines of the "Li sao" in the Chuci (Chuci buzhu, l/3b) it is said She-tf zhen yu meng zou ^ ^ JfL       ' in
which zhen is usually interpreted as zheng Jj. "just, precisely': "The yj!n year (She-ti) was just in the first month" (cf. Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, pp. 22, "When She T'i pointed to the first month of the year"; pp. 211-212).   But we might instead translate as "She-ti had been determined to be (was fixed) in the Meng-zou month."
A recently-identified likely occurrence of zhen appeared in the bronze vessel^ the Li gui fa\ ||"   tureen.   According to the exegesis of Yu Xingwu ("Li gui mingwen kaoshi"), this vessel contains the hard-to-interpret line sui zhen ke wen (jjf ) jj|   ( ^ ) ^ ^ (/^f), which Yu explains as
follows: "divined concerning the great event of a year (?), and it was able to be heard (by Di on high)." As weakly-supported as this reading of the whole passage is, there is as yet no clearly superior alternative with regard to
211
zhen here.   Yu's interpretation has also been embraced by the well-known Japanese historian and OBI authority, Kaizuka Shigeki (Chugoku kodai saihakken, p. 152).   While numerous other interpretations have been suggested for the full line, the majority of scholars have agreed with the identification
2124), which he explains as "make a year-divination, don't rise up, no harm."   That is, with regard to the year's fortunes, there will neither be anything of particular interest, nor will there be any harm (p. 11).
Finally, a whole series of late, probably Warring States, cases which lend themselves to a divinatory interpretation occur right in the Yizhuan themselves, in the Xici zhuan (Bl, Yinde, p. 44).   We see the sentence jf xiohg zhe zhen sheng zhe ye ^3 )^J^ ^ *tj > which could be
rendered, "good and bad fortune is what determines victory." Compare Wilhelm-Baynes (p. 326): "Good fortune and misfortune take effect through perseverance."   In this reversal we have the essence of the moral reinterpretaticn of the Yijing,
o. Other Notable Lexical Usage
Studies of the Yi by various scholars have sometimes called attention to usage in the text which is characteristic of the Western Zhou, whose language I call here EOC. Chen Mengjia's argument that the repetition of the phrase yong xiang ^  f^. "use in (sacrificial) offering" is typical of WZBI usage was cited in Chapter One above.  Similarly, according to Chen, jtn rf, "metal occurs 6 times in the Yi (4.3, 21.4, 21.5, 44.1, 47.4, 50.5) but does not occur in the OBI. Other expressions which suggest in particular
a Western Zhou date to Chen because of WZBI
212
"kneeshields' (47.2,5); wang mu "king's mother' ( > "grandmother0
(35.3); zhe shou       ||   "chop off heads" (30.5); and huh gou "marriage match' (3.2, 3.4, 22.4, 38.6, 51.6).
Qu Wanli adds other items to the list of Yi expressions which he holds to be early Zhou usage, appearing seldom or not at all after the end of the Western Zhou in 771 B.C.E.: zhf yan jjtjfy -=f   (7.5), which Qu et al.   say is equivalent to the WZBI phrase zhf* xun "seize for interrogation'; da
guo ^        "the great state,' (64.4) referring to the Shang state; da jun ^2 "great ruler' (14.5) as a term for the Zhou king; ji* rning j£p £jj "attend on a command,' similar to jiu ming       ^jj ; jian       in the sense of "disaster'      ^) (11.3, 14.1, 21.4, 26.3, 34.6, 36.0).89
The difficulty with relying on single or infrequent occurrences of an expression in describing and pinpointing the date and local provenance of the language of the Yi is that these may be later interpolations, or we may be totally misunderstanding an isolated case without adequate context. For these purposes the systematic usage of an item throughout the Yi text, such as is the case with the word jian referred to above and in Appendix G, is more valuable.   The concordance in Appendix G and Frequency Count of Graphs in Appendix B have both been compiled in the expectation that they will prove useful in the systematic lexical analysis of the Yi which remains to be done.   Frequency counts of larger corpuses, in particular, can help to isolate the broad secular trends across the entire lexicon.   Yet to date to my knowledge there exist for Old Chinese only the very limited and difficult-to-use frequency tables appearing in Appendix II in Dobson's EAC (pp. 256-269). We may hope that the coming computerization of typesetting in China, as in the United States and France, will be accompanied by the enlightened cooperation of publishers in making available the machine-readable texts thus generated to linguists, who will in turn subject
213
them to standard concordancing routines, thus producing attractive, useful concordances and frequency tables at a lower cost to the scholarly world than is now required for the typing of manuscripts alone.
For the time being, however, a less ambitious undertaking is to compare the results of our count of the Yi with Dobson's count of the half-again-as-large EAC corpus.   First we may note that in the Yi the great majority of graphs occur fewer than five times.   Almost half occur only once.   A number of these graphs (if not the words they represent) are hapax legomena, appearing nowhere else in ancient texts.   (We may assume that a similar situation prevails in the case of EAC, but Dobson does not list graphs occurring fewer than five times.)
Some significant comparisons of usage are possible, especially where synonyms or synonym pairs are available, in order to minimize the effect of the very different content and style of these two corpuses.   In Yi, ren "man, people' occurs 55 times, while min ^   "people' does not occur; in Dobson's EAC corpus ren occurs 58 times while min occurs 69 times (misprinted as 59 in Dobson's Table IV). In Yi, guo       "state' occurs 6 times, bang       "state,' 0 times; in EAC, guo occurs 12 times but bang occurs 38 times.   In Yi, che       "carriage' occurs 4 times and y_u " carriage' occurs 8 times; in EAC, che occurs 6 times while ytx occurs 0-4 times (not in table).   In Yi, nian dp "year' occurs 5 times and sui jjsj^ "year,' 5 times; in EAC, nian occurs 13 times while sui occurs 0-4 times (not in table).   In each of these cases there appears to be a difference in diction between the Yi and the EAC material.   But, on the other hand, in a pair like zhehg ^jp "attack' (19 in Yi, 12 in EAC) and fa f£ "attack' (4 in Yi, 8 in EAC), the Yi and EAC are similar.
It is difficult to draw any conclusions from these data.   Differences are at least as likely to be attributable to dialect variation as they are to be
214
chronological in origin.   Some perspective would be gained from comparing the data with such statistics as could be compiled for OBI (using perhaps the OBI concordance of Shima Kunio, Inkyo bokuji sórui) and more WZBI than just the small EAC corpus (using the Jinwen gulin of Zhou Fagao et al.). My impression, however, is that the usage of the Yi is certainly not later than that of the EAC material, and in some cases resembles OBI usage more strongly than does EAC.
One small area of the Yi vocabulary which it is easy to deal with systematically, in addition to the number system tabulated above, is the vocabulary of color.   Table 12 below lists color words which appear in the text.
Table 12.   The Color Vocabulary of the Yi Color Term Frequency of Occurrence
" white' 3 " yellow-bright' 8 "dark-black' 1 "red' 1 "red' (vermilion?) 1
Here too the Yi presents a picture which is the most archaic of any received text.   A vocabulary limited to light-white, yellow, dark-black, and red is what we would expect, according to Brent Berlin and Paul Kay's Basic Color Terms, of a primitive four-term color naming system.   The pair xuan/huang in 2.7, as also in the Shi, may be a vestige of a still earlier two-term system, in which only light and dark were distinguished.
Finally, in addition to the binoms listed in Table 11 in the "Grammatical Sketch" above, several pleonasms (synonym compounds) or near-pleonasms occur, which, aside from the suffixed expressions already mentioned,
bii é
huáng ^
xuan
chi fa zhu
215
complete the catalogue of polysyllabic expressions in the text.   Table 13 lists these words.
Table 13.   Pleonasms and Near-pleonasms
huh gou		* marriage-match'	3.2,4;22.4;38.6;51.6
pan dai		"leather belt-belt'	6.6
qih fa	* ft	"invade-attack'	15.5
fan fu	Ji. It	"reverse-return'	24.0
zai sheng		" disaster-calamity'	24.6;62.6
huT mo		"braid-black cord'	29.6
fan shu		" numerous-many'	35.0
mu y_e ig		"evening-night'	43.2
ti y_i		"tears-nasal mucus'	45.6
xiang si		" treat-sacrifice'	47.2
		" sacrifice-sacrifice'	47.5
tong pu	£ l#	"serving boy-slave'	56.2,3
shY wu	£ iE.	" diviner-sorceror'	57.2
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Notes to Chapter 1
Notes to Chapter 1
1. An excellent survey of the major mantic traditions of China from antiquity to modern times is Rong Zhaozu's 1928 article "Zhanbu de yuanliu" (see Bibliography for full citation).
2. The paper by David N. Keightley, "Was the Chou Yi a Legacy of Shang?," is a state-of-the-art evaluation of the possible ties between Shang pyromancy and the OBI on the one hand, and stalk divination and the Yi on the other. Also see Shaughnessy, "Composition," pp. 58-60 and passim.
3. M. Grieve, A Modern Herbal, vol. 2, pp. 863-864; Sarah Garland, The Complete Book of Herbs and Spices, p. 24.   One oral tradition says that the ancient Greeks drank a broth made from yarrow before going into battle against the Trojans, so as to be less affected by loss of blood when wounded.
4. All these words belong to Karlgren's large GSR series 552, except for GSR 173-175 suan |f , ss? , and J= .
5. Li Jingchi, "Shici kao," Tanyuan, pp. 67-70.
6. E.g., Li Jingchi, "Zuo Guo zhong Yi shi zhi yanjiu." Cf., contra, Maspero, Review of Arthur Waiey, "The Book of Changes," p. 171.
7. Guo Moruo, Gudai shehui, p. 74, Supplementary note 1; Zhouyi de goucheng shidai, pp. 28-34, 54; "Zhouyi zhi zhizuo shidai," in Qingtong shidai, pp. 73-75.   Guo mainly argues that the several occurrences in the Yi of the
similar position on the date of the Yi up until his death (see "Youguan Yijing de xin," p. 6), despite its lack of scholarly acceptance.
8. Qu Wanli, "Wu Wang shi," p. 24.
9. Li Jingchi, Tanyuan, pp. 149-150.   Shaughnessy, "Composition," pp. 42-49, takes a similar approach: political crises in the late 9th and early 8th centuries B.C.E. were "the catalyst for the composition of the Zhouyi"
(p. 47).
10. Chen Mengjia, "Guo Moruo Zhouyi de goucheng shidai shu hou," pp. 76-78.
11. Zhouyi tanyuan, p. 17.   Note that this book is distinct from the collection of articles by Li Jingchi with almost the same title.
12. Even better, we can relate this to the larger picture of the Sino-Tibetan
217
Notes to Chapter 1
language family.   Benedict and Matisoff treat chuan < *t'iwan as an a example of a "collective suffix" -n in Old Chinese (OC), alternating in this case with shuT < *siw3r /fC "water' (Sino-Tibetan: A Conspectus, p. 158, n. 428).   Chuan is thus a collective "waters' (i.e., a river).   They compare it with Proto-Tibeto-Burman *tway "water/ This occurrence of a common Sino-Tibetan root throughout the Yi, particularly if it can be supplemented with other examples, will help reconstruct the history of both the Yi text and Sino-Tibetan in China. For the time being it suggests the view that the Yi represents an early, more purely Sino-Tibetan, stage of the Chinese language spoken by the Zhou people of the Northwest, and contradicts competing views, such as the Chu theory above.   (He y$, in contrast, is likely to be an Altaic root, related to Mongolian gol " river. 0
13. For the Han stone classic text see Qu Wanli, Han shijing and "Han shijing Zhouyi wei Liang Qiu shi ben kao."
14. The political and social history of Western Zhou was described by Herrlee G. Creel in numerous works, including The Birth of China, Studies in Early Chinese Culture, and most recently, The Origins of Statecraft in China, Volume 1. Other useful studies-are those by Ping-ti Ho, K. C. Chang, and David N. Keightley on the neolithic and Shang dynasty foundations; Wolfram Eberhard and E. G. Pulleybiank on the multiple ethnicity of ancient China; Henri Maspero; and Marcel Granet. Guo Moruo's Zhongguo gudai shehui yanjiu was a pioneering and iconoclastic effort to fit the evolution of Chinese society into a Marxist framework, which he followed with the similar Qingtong shidai.
15. The da ren, the "big men," of the Yi, if they are not involved somehow in the divination process itself (cf. Part Three, gloss 1.2.2), may be the same group which are commonly referred to in the Shi as the da fu   -j^ "big fellows," or "big grown men."   It is curious that in the Shi the term da ren occurs only twice, while da fu occurs eight times (54/1, 54/5, 57/3, 194/2 (twice), 205/2, 258/8, and 30077). But da fu doesn't occur at all in the Yi.
16. More specifically, 1) da ren includes the tian zT "5^        and wang hou i%. > 2) junzi includes wu ren jf£        and shi~wu ^ <Jf_ , perhaps also
you ren i&te/ ; 3) xiao ren" includes yl ren .§ X. , xing ren ff1 A. and lu ren JKfx. »     xihg ren~includes ch£n qie and iong £U      ^ .
In justifying a distinction between da ren and jdnzTT Guo only cites their parallel use in 49.5 da ren hu bian j(~7^ jjj^  j&k   and 49.6 junzi' bao bian y% -ff^ * Since the "tiger" is more powerful than the "leopard," Guo
says, the da ren are probably also more powerful than the junzY (Gudai shehui, pp. 43-44).
17. Qu Wanli, "Shuo Yi sangao," p. 26, is a typical expression of this view.
18. Peter Boodberg, "The Semasiology of Some Primary Confucian Concepts," pp. 320-321.
19. Karlgren, Odes, p. 112.
20. Karlgren, Odes, p. 154.
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Notes to Chapter 1
21. Might we even claim that in the way that the Yijing diviners often allowed a plurality of conflicting prognostications to coexist in connection with the same line text, they show a pluralistic tolerance the society later could not permit?
22. James Legge, trans., The Yi King, Vol. 16, translation of 17.4 (p. 93).
23. On the theory and practice of sacrifice, see Hubert and Mauss, Sacrifice: its Nature and Function, which cites examples of these topics from all over the world.   Within the Chinese tradition, the Confucian ritual texts, especially the Jiao te sheng    j5 section in the Uji fjE      » contain systematic accounts of sacrifice with divination (Legge, The LT~Ki, Vol. 27, p. 416ff.).   The phrasing there is often reminiscent of the Yi.
24. Wang's glosses are even more valuable because they a|so preserve the notes on the Yi of his famous father, Wang Niansun ^       ^jp, .
219
Notes to Chapter 2
Notes to Chapter 2
1. E.g., Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianwenxue shi, Vol. 1, pp.   83-94, on cosmology; Du Shiran et al., eds.   Zhongguo kexue jisnu shigao, Vol. 1. A good example of anachronism in the latter is the following: in the section entitled "The Accumulation of Technological and Scientific Knowledge (Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou Periods, approximately 21st century B.C.-770 B.C.)" the statement is made that knowledge of the dynamic, shifting nature of the earth's crust originated very early in China (Vol. 1, p. 75), and the only documentary evidence rited is a line from the Juan Commentary to Hexagram 15 Qian (W fjr jb       ):       jf $ JL       yk. tik   "the way of earth transforms the full and causes it to flow into the lowly." Whether or not this line reflects the knowledge claimed, it is certainly not from the Western Zhou period, let alone earlier.
2. On both of these aspects, Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, Vol.   2, and other volumes passim., contains definitive accounts.
3. Xie Qiucheng, ""Bagua' he Yijing xintan," p. 37.
4. Recent demonstrations that hexagram and trigram-like number signs on Shang and Zhou pottery and bronze vessels which contain not two but five or more different numbers are probably ancestors of the modern binary hexagrams and trigrams encourage us to date the origin of the latter to a much later period than was earlier supposed—perhaps as late as the Warring States period.   There is already an extensive literature on this subject, but the most important study, which stimulated many others, is that of Zhang Zhenglang, "Shishi Zhou chu qingtongqi mingwen zhong de Yi gua."
5. The totals do not include the line labels such as chu jiu f/1 ~hj , "nine at the beginning," liu si      Vjfc? > "six in the fourth place," etc.   These would add an additional 782 graphs.
6. Zhu Tianshun, Zhongguo gudai zongjiao chutan, pp. 170-173.
7. A start was made in this direction in the 1952 paper by Rene" Barde, "Recherches sur les Origines Arithmetiques du Yi-king." See also Chapter 3 below, note 5.
8. Benjamin N. Colby, The Daykeeper: The Life and Discourse of an Ixil Diviner.
9. James M. Menzies, "Baigen shi jiu cang jiagu wenzi (kaoshi)," p. 1.
10. For suT ff||. the Mawangdui MS. has wei        reducing the concessive meaning still further, to a simple introductory copula stressing the word in exposure: "as for the coming ten-day week, there will be no misfortune."
11. A good example of such a bone may be seen in David N. Keightley,
220
Notes to Chapter 2
Sources of Shang History, Fig. 10 (Xucun £|| ^ 2.972).
12. Naito Torajiro, "Eki gi"; Kaizuka Shigeki, "Kiboku to zei," esp. pp. 460-461, 480-481, 507-519. Leon Vandermeersch, "De la tortue a l'achillee" further develops these ideas.   See esp.   p. 46.
13. It has been confirmed by Professor K. Takashima that there is indeed an absence of gui days occurring in either the zhou       or yan cf ,||*| 1&ft parts of the OBI, i.e., as subjects of divination propositions or verifications. He raises the question, "does this suggest that the [gul] day was a day of rest (like Sunday) or a taboo dav on which nothing (except the perfunctory purifying ritual [xun wu huo] ^jjh  divinations) was conducted?" (personal communication, September 30, 1984).
14. See his Lokalkulturen im alten China, Vol. 1, pp. 290-291.
15. Southern gu beliefs are covered in his The Local Cultures of East and South China, p. 149ff.   A modern ethnographic study, Marjorie Topley's "Cosmic Antagonisms: A Mother-Child Syndrome," is also relevant (after 3000 years!)   to understanding Hexagram 18.
16. Bronislaw Malinowski, "Magic Science and Religion," pp. 21, 35.
17. Malinowski, p. 76: "One gain easily outweighs several losses."   In my own experience the best example of this psychological phenomenon is an American folk tradition that (in my version—there are variations) one tends to look at the clock more often at 8:20 p.m. than at other times—supposedly because this was the time President Abraham Lincoln was shot in the Ford Theatre in 1865. I am prepared to believe, against all rational argument to the contrary, that 8:20 p.m. is indeed special.   Hardly a day goes by when I am not reminded by glancing at a clock at just 8:20 p.m. that superstition is not limited to the primitive mentality.
18. Henri Maspero, Review of August Conrady, "Yih-king-Studien,"
pp. 169-170.   This is an improvement over his earlier views on the Yi expressed in La chine antique.   There he understated the inductive, empirical, taxonomizing character of the hexagram and line texts. See English translation, China in Antiquity, pp. 281-286, 447-449.
19. Joseph Edkins, "The Yi king, with Notes on the 64 Kwa," p. 426. Edkins's contemporary, A. E. Terrien de Lacouperie, made a similar point in "The oldest book of the Chinese, the Yh-king, and its authors," pp. 785, 788, 810.
20. Thomas W. Kingsmill, "The Construction of the Yih King," pp. 272-275. Arthur Waley was to draw the same distinction again 35 years later (in 1933, in "The Book of Changes"), with the added advantage of knowing something about the OBI, and having read the seminal studies of Gu Jiegang, Li 3ingchi, and others in Gushibian. After another 50 years fundamentally the same analysis has received further refinement, based on a much more thorough familiarity with the OBI analogy, in the 1983 dissertation of Edward Shaughnessy, "The Composition of the Zhouyi" (esp. pp. 123-158). Notably, Thomas Kingsmill was also one of the first to relegate all of the Yizhuan to
221
Notes to Chapter 2
the post-200 B.C. period, on the basis of language and content, as well as because of the total lack of reference to them in the Zuozhuan.
21. Li's many works are exhaustively listed in the Bibliography. For his discussion of the composition of the text, see Tanyuan, pp. 3ff., 25-55, 63-70, etc.   His posthumous work, Zhouyi tongyi, summarizes his mature views on both the composition and the interpretation of the text (which, however, are not always to my mind his best—advancing age brought with it conservatism, and the tacit recanting of earlier provocative heresies).
22. Tanyuan, pp. 6-7, 25-31, 75, 89, 107.
23. Tanyuan, pp. 67-68.   This view is also implied by Li's noting that the diviners speeches in Zuozhuan and Guoyu would be much more mysterious to us if we didn't have the stories which go along with them in those sources, and it is just the lack of such specific contexts that is the problem in understanding many of the hexagram and line texts (Tanyuan, pp. 420-421). Cf. the contrasting, and to my mind less satisfactory, view of Hellmut Wilhelm, that the Zuozhuan diviners were quoting directly from a purer, less corrupt Yi text than we now possess ("I-ching Oracles in the Tso-chuan and the Kuo-yu, pp. 275-276).   It is surely preferable to believe that they were paraphrasing or drawing on a larger oral fund of diviners' lore, of which the Yi is only one version.
24. Tanyuan, pp. 91-92.
25. Tanyuan, pp. 110-112.
26. See also Chapter 3 below, note 22.
27. Michael D. Coe, The Maya, pp. 148-149; Ralph L. Roys, translator and editor, The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel; J. Eric S. Thompson, The Rise and Fall of Maya Civilization.
28. H. Dillon, Assyro-BabyIonian Liver Divination, p. 29.
29. SCC, Vol. 2, p. 336.
30. On incremental repetition in the Shi and the Yi, see Chapter 3 below.
31. Du Shiran et al., Zhongguo kexue jishu shigao, Vol. 1, pp. 98-102.
32. Early scholars like Charles de Harlez and August Conrady, who speculated that the Yi was a fragment of a lost dictionary, were on the right track in perceiving in it a fascination with words as significant signs, but they pushed their ideas to absurd conclusions which ignored the historical circumstances under which the Yi arose and the vast intellectual gulf which separated the Western Zhou from the Han. Yet the remarkable sophistication of Han lexicography undoubtedly had deep roots.   Perhaps it would not be a distortion to call a compendium like the Yijing a proto-dictionary.   There is, however, no reason to see it as a fragment of anything other than the vast fund of orally transmitted knowledge accumulated by early mankind. De Harlez's theory is best put forth in his "Le texte originaire du Yi-king, sa
222
Notes to Chapter 2
nature et son interpretation"; Conrady's, in his "Yih-king-Studien,"
esp. 415ff.   Cf. the critical remarks of Henri Maspero, China in Antiquity,
pp. 283, 448, n. 42, and his review of Conrady.
33. In the MS., however, it is likely that the da '7\ of 11.0 was written
since the MS. writes the latter for the former in a number of other cases (11.0 has a lacuna at this point).
34. Li Jingchi, "Zhouyi guaming kaoshi"; Gao Heng, Zhouyi gujing tongshuo, p. 16ff.; recent additional remarks are to be found in Chen Jinsheng, "Zhouyi yu Zhongguo zhexue," pp. 303-339, esp.   p. 313ff.
35. Improvising of songs in a group using the device of xing /3pS imagery and incremental repetition in successive stanzas was one way of generating and organizing images which were all actual or potential omens (of the "step on a crack, break your mother's back" variety).   See Chapter 3 below.
36. The evidence presented here is relevant also to the Naito-Kaizuka hypothesis cited above (see note 12).
37. This is a difficult phrase, with a number of alternative, philologically supported interpretations.   This one is a synthesis of ideas proposed by a number of scholars, but is perhaps closest to those of Chen Mengjia (Zongshu, pp. 274-275) and Gao Heng (Dazhuan, exegesis of line 64.4). Numerous phrases below have also been translated for simplicity's sake in accord with only one of a number of competing interpretations.
38. There are numerous interpretations of these lines.   Whether this is the correct one or not does not, however, affect the argument here.
39. Li Jingchi, "Shici kao", pp. 54-55; Wen Yiduo, "Leizuan," pp. 53, 56, 57, and passim.; Qu Wanli, "Wu Wang shi," pp. 21-22.
40. Henri Maspero, China in Antiquity, pp. 447-448, nn. 38, 41; Rene Barde, "Recherches sur les Origines," pp. 234-281; SCC, Vol. 2, p. 343.   Note that the difference in views between Western and Chinese scholars extends to the analysis of the antiquity of the tradition passed on in the Mawangdui MS. A number of Chinese scholars have argued that the different hexagram order of the MS., based on grouping like trigrams rather than inverse and reverse hexagram signs, preserves a more "primitive" arrangement than that of the received text, which was possibly rearranged in the Han, after the date of the Mawangdui MS.—e.g., in the roundtable discussion reprinted in Wenwu 1974.9, Xiao Han (p. 42), Zhang Zhenglang (p. 48), Zhou Shirong J$1*^
(p. 49); also in He Jiejun and Zhang Weiming, Mawangdui Hanmu, p. 72 (see Bibliography for full citations).   On the other hand, an alternative hypothesis implied by the Western view is that the Mawangdui version is the rearranged one, made so as to place greater emphasis on the trigrams rather than the hexagrams as basic units, in accord with Warring States period theories of natural philosophy.   No scholar holding the former view has to my knowledge addressed the problem of how the numerous connections in language and content I have described above between line texts of related hexagram pairs in the received text would have come about if these hexagrams had not in the earliest version been perceived as related.   It is inconceivable that the
223
Notes to Chapter 2
semantically connected phrases did not enter the text until the Han. (In any case, they are already in the text of the Mawangdui MS.) And it is implausible that diviners, in their memories, or editors, shuffling bamboo strips and the like, could have kept track of all the multifarious semantic connections among the lines if they were randomly scattered about the text, as they are in the MS. I had an opportunity to raise this issue with Gao Heng in 1980, when he also referred to the more "primitive" order of the MS.f but with inconclusive results.   In Dazhuan he makes the more cautious statement that the MS. shows that in the pre-Han period there were several different orderings of the Yi text in circulation.
41. E.g., Zhang Liwen, Zhouyi sixiang yanjiu, pp. 108-137; Li Jingchi, Tongyi, gloss to 41.3. The principal debate on dialectical thinking in the Yi took place in numerous articles carried in the pages of Guangming ribao and Wenhuibao in 1961 and 1962.
42. Cf. J. H. Breasted, The Dawn of Conscience, which deals with the moral development of ancient Egypt.
43. Alternative interpretations or translations may be found in Guo Moruo, Gudai shehui, pp. 50-51; Bernhard Karlgren, Loan, #354, and Glosses. . .Odes, #183; Gao Heng, Dazhuan; Li Jingchi, Tanyuan, pp. 39, 157, Tongyi; Waley, "Changes," p. 129; Wen Yiduo, "Leizuan," p. 8; Kjathan Sivin, Review of Blofeld, p. 293.   On the problematic word mff^fe, I differ from most ^gf the above, which interpret as "share.' Instead I follow the early gJpss san tffc. "disperse,' of several commentators (Lu Deming, Gan Bao     W , Pi Cang y% # > aP« Shiwen), which corresponds to a similar usage in uuoyu and Liji—cf. GSR 17h, . . .squander, prodigal (Li), exhaust (Guoyjj)—and follows from the more common EOC usage "not, lack.'
44. For example, the series of articles on xing in the Shijing section of Gushibian (Vol. 3), by Gu Jiegang. (pp. JJ2-G77, esp.   pp. 675-676, Zhu Ziqing (pp. 683-685), He Dingsheng f*f       ?g-  (pp. 690-694, 698, 702), et al; and Li Jingchi, Tanyuan, p. 38.   See aTso Chapter Three below.
45. The extensive use of suffixes ruo and ru in Yi often creates problems of interpretation.   W.A.C.H. Dobson (Songs, p. 150) says of ruo and ru in the Shi that they are used as suffixed elements in determinant terms used as attributes, when these are used metaphorically. E.g., wo^ "to water, rinse,' and wo ruo "as though rinsed,   glossy,lush, shiny' (in Shi said of vegetation, or of polished leather reins).   This analysis may apply also to cases like Yi 60.3. where the concrete sense of jie gjt "joint' and the interjection jie 0f|_"tsia!" are applied figuratively (ci. English "disjointed").
46. This follows in the main the interpretation of Wen Yiduo, "Leizuan," p. 62.
47. On the relation of science and magic in China, Needham, SCC, Vol. 2, pp. 33-34, 51, 280, 328.
48. Gao Heng (Dazhuan gloss to 44.1) paraphrases, fleshing out details and adding a scenario: "(Thread) tied to a bronze spindle (a tool used in weaving cotton or silk cloth—the thread is wrapped around it and one end is tied to
224
Notes to Chapter 2
the loom).   (This is soft thread attached to a hard metal spindle, just like slaves attached to the slave-owner nobility, it is lucky, so) to obtain this line in divination is lucky.   But the slave will run away to somewhere else, and therefore it is ominous.   (Then he will be caught and brought back by the slave-owner like a pig which strays off and is caught), tying the pig with rope and leading it back.   The pig balks, plants its feet firmly and does not go forward, ultimately to be put back into its pen or slaughtered—is this not ominous?"
49. Wen Yiduo, "Leizuan," pp. 15-16, following a proposal of Yu Yue/ft Li Jingchi in Tongyi also adopts this reading.
50. Shuowen (6A/5b, Zhonghua Shuju ed., p. 116) gives the oldest meaning for ni, that of  a tree, w.ith fruit like a pear's' (jfcfc ^ •(£ , x& -lpQ. ^ ). zbu Junsheng, followed by Gao Heng (Gujing), proposes that ni is a loan for^ffij , which Shuowen (6A/18a, p. 123) defines as a handleor frame. (jjf.ft) for spooling silk thread on (ffl js& fa J^k £ j3} # ft ?S J&j >• In fact, rather than being a case of a loan, it is just as likely that the tool took its name from the kind of wood it was made from, and ni as "spindle' was a meaning extension. _The gloss of "brake' goes back to the Han commentator Ma Rongj^        , quoted by Kong Yingda in Zhouyi zhengyi: "the ru is beneath the vehic/e (machine), and is what stops the^wheel and causes it not to move" (jfa, %       j^. &f W\ ^\
%1fl  "3 "G )• Wen Yiduo adopts this reading, but then treats in 44.1
as a loan, for ai^£^ "hinder, obstruct': "hindered by a metal brake." Che
j^- could in Ma Rong's gloss refer to a spinning wheel as well as to a vehicle for transportation.  (Cf. Needham, SCC, Vol. 4, Pt. 2, p. 267.)
51. In addition to the two Shuowen entries cited in the above note, the graph nT also figures in a third entry, for       (6AZl9a, p. 123).   This is defined as Jlthe handle of a "silk collector'" (?) ( || and as a chongwen ^        alternate graph, j^fej is given, with the, comment " J£ is also derivedrom ^ and has the sound of Jfc " ( & j£ X/\ ^ ). Duan Yucai's note says that the M   is a luo che |w| f£ , "winding" or "throwing" reel, and Cihai equates this with a fang che       3^- "spinning wheel.'  Shuowen says of the  * (5A/3a) that it is a 'silk receiver' or "silk collector' (       ^                  K Cf. huo       "receive,' which is probably cognate.   Dieter Kunn ("The Spindle-wheel: h Chou Chinese Invention," p. 17) writes the name of a small reel as   11   huo, and this must be a graphic variant for the same word.   Now Joseph Needham (SCC, Vol. 4, Pt. 2,
p. 266, note h) quotes an agricultural book of the year 1313, which says "what receives .the weft is the iu ^% ( ^ tyjk ^       ). And the, Shuowen definition of       says "attach silk_to the fti'dhe" ( % ^ ff? Kuhn (p. 17) interprets this ftf che as a "quilling wheel," one specific application of the spindle-wheel which he believes was invented in the early Warring States period, 5th-4th centjuries,B.C.,While, for the purposes of fixing the earliest date when ftf (      , ^ ,      ) might have been used as a term in textile technology, this is after the period of the Yi, nonetheless Kuhn notes that already in the Shang, people were familiar with the operation of a reeLspool, or spindle for silk reeling (p. 16). One word for such a spool is fu « . Shuowen,(5A/3a, p. 96) defines fu" as a "spindle, „
spoor <4[   /z 3 * ** I        *l Jf^sii
is defined (ibid.) as  a spool for doubling silk threads (£5. ii>       Jfr  J, and
225
Notes to Chapter 2
guan ^ (ibid.) as . I. e., all are synonyms, meaning "spindle, reel,
spool.    Also to be related is the Shuowen word pou      , defined as "draw' ( ^| P?L     ), which could refer to the act of "drawing out' ( ^/ or ■/£) the thread from the spindle (see Kuhn, p. 23).   The Mawangdui MS. for line 44.1 is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as
f<f til), * f.*«:*.ttti0
All these variants, which appear to be loan graphs, give more information to consider.
52. Li Jingchi (Tongyi) interprets 45.1 as follows: "There was a capture, (but since the captives escaped) there was no (good) result. Everybody called out or ran in pursuit, and wailed. . . ."
226
Notes to Chapter 3
Notes to Chapter 3
1. E.g. Liu Dajie, Zhongguo wenxue fazhan shi, Vol. 1, pp. 13-14; Zhongguo Kexueyuan Wenxue Yanjiusuo Zhongguo Wenxueshi Bianxiezu, eds., Zhongguo wenxueshi, Vol. 1, p. 16ff.
2. Gao Heng, Tongshuo, p. 11; also his Zalun, p. 66; Dai Junren, "Bushi zhi Yi yu yili zhi Yi," pp. 3-9; Zhang Liwen, Zhouyi sixiang yanjiu, p. 23.
3. For the text of the Zuozhuan ditty, see James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 5: The Chun Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen, p. 709.   A general analysis of children's ditties as oracles is Jeffrey K. Riegel, "The T'ung Yao: Ancient Chinese Prophetic Arts and Historiography."
4. Among the many studies of Ifa, the works of the late William Bascom are the best, especially his Ifa Divination. Judith Gleason, A Recitation of Ifa, Oracle of the Yoruba contains beautiful translations of many of the verses recited by one diviner.
5. A more detailed analysis of the patterns in some of the verses for one odu can be found in Richard Kunst, "Oral Formulas in the Yijing and Shijing." A good place to start in considering the relation of play, gambling, and games in general on the one hand and divination and religion on the other is with Thomas Q. Reefe, "The Biggest Game of All: Gambling in Traditional Africa." This also gives a sense of the wide geographic spread throughout the area mentioned of certain number-based games, like mancala.
6. Bascom, Ifa Divination, pp. 20-21, referring to a 1926 study by Stephen S. Farrow.
7. Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, p. 220.
8. Waley, Songs, p. 14.
9. Marcel Granet, Chinese Civilization, p. 173.
10. See especially Li Jingchi's "Xukao," p. 126ff., and "Wuzhan," both in his selected works, Zhouyi tanyuan.   Waley's pioneering study of the Yi, "The Book of Changes," is filled with interesting speculations and also a number of erroneous, now dated, conclusions.
11. Loan proposed by Zhu Junsheng      jj^t^j^ Shuowen tongxun dingsheng (see Li Jingchi "Jiaoshi," #130). The loan is implicit already in the Han glosses of Yu Fan     «33, ap.   Jijie, and Ma Rong |C %fo , ap. Shiwen. Cf. Gao Heng, Gujing, linder 34.1. ""4
12. E.g., Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, tr.   Cary F. Baynes, preface by Hellmut Wilhelm, pp. xiv-xv; Gao Heng, Tongshuo, pp. 41-44.
227
Notes to Chapter 3
13. Shih-hsiang Chen, "The Shih-ching," pp. 387-390; C. H. Wang, Bell, pp. 8-9, 12.
14. Tr. Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes, p. 16.
15. Gushibian, Vol. 3, pp. 675^676.   In^the same volume, similar views are expressed by He Dingsheng       3? (pp. 698, 702), Zhu Ziqing $t & ^j|(pp. 684-685) et al.            ^ ^
16. Li Jingchi, "Shici kao," Tanyuan, p. 38.   Li quotes Zhu Xi      ^ , Shi jizhuan ij^     "f|£ : the function of the initiating image is merely "to inspire by means^of an object" (^2      )> while the rest of the poem is connected through rhyme,  continuing its sound with a fact" (MA^
17. Cf. C. H. Wang, Bell, p. 118ff., on the theme of the "Bird of the Filial Return."
18. Waley, "Changes," p. 128.
19. C. H. Wang, Bell, pp. 111-112.
20. Spruche, p. 166; Schmitt parses line 47.6 between ge and lei, and interprets: "They are brought into distress through kidney-bean runners (?—Faselranken), entangled in the punishments of nose and foot amputation. To bestir oneself produces remorse upon remorse.   To undertake a punitive expedition promises good fortune" (pp. 63-85, esp. p. 84ff.).
21. The Singer of Tales, p. 148.
22. A description applied by the late Ludwik Sternbach to the classical subhasita of India in his contribution to the recent volume of the Journal of the American Oriental Society devoted to "Oriental Wisdom" literature, "Indian Wisdom and its Spread beyond India," p. 99.   One could not fail to note the parallels between the wisdom texts described in this issue of JAOS and the Yijing, the omission of which in a survey of "Oriental Wisdom" literature was the more striking because it is one of the oldest and most famous" representatives of this genre.   I call it a "genre," because, judging from the texts described in this volume, the blend of omens, maxims, "purely poetical verses," and useful information of all kinds which we are familiar with in the Yi seems to have been the rule in early literature of this form, rather than the exception.   Omens, maxims, and poetic formulas all seem to have been seen as signs, conveying important information to man in symbolic, metaphorical, or otherwise indirect form.
23. This is close to the view expressed by Henri Maspero, in his 1935 Journal Asiatique review of August Conrady, "Yih-king-Studien." He describes the Yi as in part a compilation of divinatory precedents, famous cases which are listed for each hexagram which was obtained in divination, giving also the interpretation and the result.   The cases are recorded in brief verses or in a few mnemonic words.   With our sketchy knowledge of ancient Chinese myths and legends, these verses are often incomprehensible.   Even in
228
Notes to Chapter 3
antiquity they weren't always clear to the layman. But this was not so for the diviners, for whom they called to mind suitable anecdotes (pp. 169-170).
24. Burton Watson, Early Chinese Literature, p. 151.
25. E.g., Francis B. Gummere, The Popular Ballad; Louise Pound, Poetic Origins and the Ballad.
26. Pound, Poetic Origins, p. 125.
27. Quoted in Gummere, The Popular Ballad, p. 130.
28. Gummere, The Beginnings of Poetry, p. 80, quoted in Pound, Poetic Origins, p. 7.   The theory of group improvisation is no longer widely accepted among scholars, yet it has not been replaced with any other theory of equal explanatory value.   In any case, whether folk-songs were composed by a group effort or by a single creative spirit, or first created by an individual then embellished collectively, does not affect the argument concerning the Yijing presented here.   The same is true of the reservations held with regard to the general theory of oral-formulaic literature. The existence of formulas and themes is itself beyond question.
29. Gummere, The Popular Ballad, pp. 24-25.
30. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 7.
31. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, pp. 33-34.
32. Emphasis added.   Cf. Henri Maspero, China in Antiquity, p. 448, n. 42., and Maspero's compte-rendu of Conrady.
33. See Li's commentary on 36.1-5 scattered throughout Tanyuan, pp. 10, 41-46, 53, 270, 273-276).
34. Cf. Nathan Sivin, Review of John Blofeld, tr.   I Ching: The Book of Change, p. 293: "When the wild goose skims [? or advances] over the land, the husband will go to war and not return."
35. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 104.
36. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 125.
37. Waley, "Changes," p. 128, and The Way and its Power, p. 23; Sun Zuoyun, Shijing yu Zhoudai shehui yanjiu, p. 318.
38. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 69, 154. Gao Heng (Dazhuan, gloss for 2.1) notes the use of a common formula here.
39. Chow Tse-tsung, "The childbirth myth and ancient Chinese medicine: a study of aspects of the wu tradition," p. 53; Akatsuka Kiyoshi, ""Lu shuang jian bing zhi' no kaishaku—ka • ko ji kosei kaimei no kokoromi," pp. 9-16. The symbol appears, to us at least, unmotivated.
229
Notes to Chapter 3
40. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 16.
41. This follows the interpretations of Gao Heng (Dazhuan) and Li Jingchi, "Guanyu Zhouyi jitiao yaoci de zaijieshi," Tanyuan, p. 185.
42. Bell, pp. 124-125.
43. Tr. Karlgren, Odes, p. 30.
230
Notes to Chapter 4
Notes to Chapter 4
1. These are reprinted in Yijing jicheng, vols. 1, 2, and 4.
2. Among the numerous studies of the references to the Yi in the Zuozhuan and Guoyu, see Li Jingchi, "Zuo Guo zhong Yi shi zhi yanjiu"; Gao Heng, Zhouyi zalun, pp. 70-110; Hellmut Wilhelm," "I-ching Oracles in the Tso-chuan and the Kuo-yu" and "On the Oracle Recorded in Tso-chuan Hsi 4 (656 B.C.)"; Song Zuoyin, Zhouyi xinlun, pp. 54-68; Edward Shaughnessy, "Composition," pp. 60-103; and Kidder Smith, "Accounts of Zhouyi Interpretation Contained in the Zuozhuan." On Yi quotes in Shuowen, see Ma Zonghuo, Shuowen jiezi yin Yi kao; Ma GuohanTlYi) Mu geng tie; and Eldon McNeese, "The Reliability of Ma Guohan's Compilation of Lost Works: Yi Quotations in the Shuowen."
3. The Origins of Statecraft in China, p. 447.
4. An early study of loan graphs in the Yi was Jiao Xun's "Zhouyi yong jiajie lun," which has little value beyond its observation that there are many loans in the text.   Li Jingchi's discussion of the subject ("Shici kao," Tanyuan, pp. 44-45 and passim )   is superior.   Shaughnessy rightly takes Gao Heng to task for the profligacy of his loan proposals ("Composition," p. 10).
5. The classic treatment is to be found in the works of Li Jingchi (e.g., "Shici kao," Tanyuan, pp. 25ff., Tanyuan "Preface," pp. 3-7); Arthur Waley, "Changes," pp. 12Iff., 139-140; and Gao Heng (e.g., Tongshuo, pp. 5-8, Gujing, p. 54, on line 14.3, pp. 98-99, on line 28.6). On the other hand, modern scholars who have qualified the concept of composite authorship to such an extent that their position is closer to one of a single author include Qu Wanli (e.g., "Wu Wang shi," pp. 11-15, but cf.   "San gao," Shuyong lunxueji, p. 44) and Edward Shaughnessy (e.g., "Composition," pp. 16-49, 103). Iulian Shchutskii's view of composite authorship also involved a distinction in the origin of the hexagram texts and the line texts (Researches on the I Ching, pp. 156, 185); See further discussion, with citations from other works, in Chapter Two above.
6. Zuozhuan Zhao 7 is also discussed by Chen Jinsheng ("Zhouyi yu Zhongguo zhexue," p. 316), who, however, fails to observe that the diviner's ad hoc reinterpretation is an integral, organic part of the divining tradition, a technique no doubt inherited from earlier times.   See more below on "Some Important Lexical Items," i. xiang/heng "treat' and Chapter Two on "Deeper Layers of Meaning."
7. The last kind of ambiguity derives from just that knowledge of the native speaker about the real world which has confounded efforts at machine translation by computer.
8. I am grateful to Professor Weiming Tu for calling my attention to these useful and elegant concepts.
231
Notes to Chapter 4
9. Tianjin Shifan Xueyuan Lishixi «. . .» Bianxiezu, Zhongguo jianshi, p. 21; Bai Shouyi, An Outline History of China, p. 49.
10. Yu Qingyuan^y^^ jlf , Huaixi jianwenji >fetK? ^ JJj*"j , quoted in Rong Zhaozu, "Zhanbu de yuanliu," p. 307.                     * '"
11. Chiang Ping, "When the Gods Return to the Village," pp. 24, 31, 33.
12. Zhu Xi, however, to his credit asked the^ sensible related question, why, if the Yi were only a book of wisdom (yilY ) and did not involve divination, would the sages have chosen to use such a difficult and obscure vehicle to convey their thoughts as the hexagrams and their images (gua xiang       x£ ), rather than setting them out straightforwardly in a different book?   (I have not yet been able to locate the source of this remark in Zhu Xi's works.   The Chinese original is quoted, attributed to Zhu Xi but giving
no source, in ed., Zhao Hengy
13. As mentioned in the previous section, Shchutskii would divide this corpus into the distinct layers of hexagram texts and line texts, and Shaughnessy ("Compositicr.," p. 12Iff.)   takes a similar position, but I notice no linguistic evidence, aside from a few differences in topical concern and diction, for such a distinction.   However, the question needs systematic consideration.
14. Dobson, A Dictionary of the Chinese Particles, pp. 525-526.
15. "A Grammatical Sketch of Late Archaic Chinese," p. 305.   Note the similarity to the semantically passive sentences with bu shf above.
16. Zhou Fagao, Zhongguo gudai yufa, Vol. 2, "Goucibian," pp. 248ff.; Wang Li, Hanyu shigao, Vol. 2, pp. 299-301.   On the other hand, Pan Yunzhong, Hanyu yufashi gaiyao, pp. 30-31, 42-47, vociferously denies that yue was a true verb prefix, or that you referred to below was a true nominal prefix, but his analysis is not substantially different from the others.
17. Paul F-M. Yang, "Prefix k9 in Modern Chinese dialects and Proto-Chinese," pp. 293-294.; Paul Benedict and James Matisoff, Sino-Tibetan, A Conspectus, p. 88, n. 259, pp. 112-114 (also personal communication, 10/31/81).
18. Paul L-M. Serruys, "The Function and Meaning of Yun ^ in Shih Ching," pp. 290-302; W.A.C.H. Dobson, Songs, p. 137.
19. Cf. Zhou Fagao, op. cit., p. 260, whose analysis is similar.
20. Shchutskii (Researches on the I Ching, p. 178) aiso compiled some statistics on the usage of these and other words, but his totals are much smaller.   He appears to have needed a good concordance.
21. "Xian Qin Hanyu de zhuangtai xingrongci," pp. 434-435.
22. Chen Mengjja_ (Zongshu, pp. 94-99) summarizes pronoun usage in the OBI as follows: y_u^ ^ occurs frequently, but usually refers to the Shang king himself, as  I ; wo -jfo  is used as "we,' "our,' and this usage is carried over
232
Notes to Chapter 4
into the WZBI, with the added use of zhen       as 'my.' Second person pronouns are rare in the OBI: nu = ru       in subject and object position and nai /3  in the genitive.   Demonstratives include zT       and zhT       (jt ).
23. The term "determiner" may be more common in current linguistic parlance (e.g., John Lyons, Semantics, p. 452ff.), but it is too easily confused with "determine, determination," the translation of the divining verb zhen.
24. EAC, p. 81. This function of <jf is also well described in Wang Li, Gudai Hanyu, pp. 325-327.
25. However, I have dealt with sT in 40.4 in Part Two tentatively as performing a weak prosodic function, or simply as a metrically inverted anaphora, like shi ^ or zhT 21, in a four-syllable Shi line.   (Cf. the similar translation of 40.4 in Shaughnessy, "Composition," p. 228: "Severing their thumbs, a friend arrives and captures them.")   In 56.1 I have interpreted s7 rather as a verb "chop.' Shchutskii (Researches on the I Ching, pp. 179-lift), on the other hand, treats both cases as  this, and on the basis of this usage, likens Yi to Lunyu, in which sT also occurs, and distinguishes it from Zuozhuan, in which si does not occur.
26. In the OBI zhT occurs as a demonstrative in phrases like zhT xT $ '|thaj night,' and, vestigially, in the Shi in phrases like zHT zi yu guT ^
§<ij7   "that child goes to her new home."
27. Nathan Sivin (Review of Blofeld, p. 297) in fact translates you in 36.1 with "place": "There will be a place to go."
28. Dobson, EAC, pp. 117-118.   He calls this function the "indefinite substitute."
29. Alexander Wylie, "On the Knowledge of a Weekly Sabbath in China," p. 44; Kaizuka Shigeki, "Kiboku to zei," pp. 516-519.
30. Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, p. 81: yji means wang .
31. See list of examples in Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, pp. 123-125.
32. Both referred to in Guo Moruo, Daxi kaoshi, 45b. Guo calls yjj there a "sentence-middle particle."   Also in Dobson, EAC, pp. 189, 206. Cf. Dobson translation of Xian gui: "The Earl of Lu happened upon the King's graciousness . . . ."
33. Waley, "Changes," p. 126: "The contexts of       throughout 57 demand a noun not a verb, as in usual gloss of       as "to obey.'"   Thus Waley translates "If there is a sun under the bed . . . ."   But Waley also claims (p. 127) that the context of lines 5.1-5, with xu ^ followed by yu, "demands a noun, not a verb," which is clearly wrong.
34. Chen Mengjia, "Duandai," (1), p. 172; cf.   Dobson, EAC, p. 61.
35^. See Kunst, ''A Note on Several Possible Cases of the Copula
wei^  /hui jj^ in the Line Texts of the Yijing" and the references cited
there for more on the Sino-Tibetan context of the EOC copula.
233
Notes to Chapter 4
36. Respectively Bingbian j^j jfjjsq 13, 15, 17, 19, 21 and Bingbian 12, 14, 16, 18, and 20, quoted and analyzed in Keightley, Sources of Shang History,
pp. 77-80.   My translation is based on his there.   Note that the latter phrase is an instance of a specific divination upon which the generalized prognostications of Hexagram 8 B'i (e.g., 8.2) were based.   Ba irfc, and cong /J\ (?/£_) were indistinguishable in early EOC orthography, so that "follow' and "ally with' are alternative glosses.   Cf. Shaughnessy, "Composition," p. 123, translation of 8.3: "Follow him: not a man."
37. E.g., Paul Serruys, "Studies," pp. 74, 114-119.
38. Wang Yinzhi, Jingzhuan shici, p. 66.
39. On the function of hui in Shi, cf. the different, non-copular analysis of Dobson, A Dictionary of the Chinese Particles, pp. 332-333.
40. Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, pp. 121-125; Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen yufa yanjiu, p.190; EAC, pp. 104-105, 245-246, 248-249.
41. Zongshu, pp. 121-122; EAC, pp. 15-16.
42. Dobson, EAC, pp. 72-73, 76-78, 108-109; Songs, pp. 105, 112-117.
43. Qi 235 and Yi 875, discussed by Yao Xiaosui, "Shangdai de fulu," p. 365. Cf. Keightley, Sources of Shang History, p. 180; S503.2; Li Xiaoding, Jiagu wenzi jishi, pp. 4371-4373.
44. Yiyuan cihuang ^ quoted, DKJ #13716, p. 5349. Dobson, A Dictionary of the Chinese Particles, p. 790, cites only Zhuangzi, ignoring the far more numerous Yi examples.   In EAC (p. 240) he calls -Zr- a peculiar LAC [LOC] form.
45. Mawangdui Hanmu boshu, Vol. 1.
46. Serruys, "Studies," pp. 59-74; Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, p. 127; Li Xiaoding, Jishi, p. 3805; Keightley, Sources, p. 66, n. 44.
47. Chen Mengjia, "Guo Moruo Zhouyi de goucheng shidai shu hou," p. 60: "the wu jiu of the Yi is the wang hub of the OBI". . . "hub ... is like jiu."
48. Guo Moruo, Daxi kaoshi, 45b; analyzed in Dobson, EAC, pp. 204-206, and translated here in accord with his interpretation.
49. Wenwu 1979.10, p. 40, Plate VI, fragment (H11:55 (comment is "wang jiu, which ought to be, namely, wu jiu" u y > ^.      7& ^   ); cf. Xu Xitai, "Tantao Zhouyuan jiaguwen zhong youguan Zhou chu de lifa wenti," pp. 205-207.   This inscription is discussed further under d. jiu in the following section.
50. VII.25; cf.   Waley, Analects, p. 23, "Nothing pretending to be Something."
51. XII.5; cf.   Waley, p. 163, "[Everyone else has brothers;] I alone have none."
234
Notes to Chapter 4
52. DKJ #13716, p. 5349; original in Shuofu jsjj^ ^.f collection, section ( 4y  ) 80.
53. Zhu Junsheng^ makes a similar point in Shuowen tongxun dingsheng, under entry for wan/man, 14/90a (p. 746) in 1983 Wuhan reprint of Linxiaoge
54. Cf. WZBI parallel bu ting fang ^ -|i ~ft , "regions which do not come to court" (Mao gong ding, analyzed in Oobson, EAC, p. 25).
55. Serruys, "Studies,"   pp. 69-72.   Guan Xiechu ("Yinxu jiagu keci de yufa yanjiu," pp. 39-41) does not, however, consider the latter two forms to be so used.   Cf. Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, pp. 127-128.
56. Guan Xiechu, Xi Zhou jinwen, p. 187, counts 18 cases of wu ^ and 27. of wu2&« Cf. Dobson, EAC, p. 43, "[t]he verb is injunctive or hortatory when negated with wu (-j^ ) *miwo or with its stressed form wuh ( ty] ) *miwet .... [b]oth forms occur in [the Mao gong ding], and both occur with object."
57. Serruys ("Studies," pp. 60-62) rejects Zhang Zongdong's claim (Per Kult der Shang-Pynastie im Spiegel der Orakelinscriften, pp. 256-257) that wei ~ occurs. He proposes that wei (*miwgd) instead may well have arisen as a fusion or contraction of the actuaf equivalent OBI collocation bu ji &jf^ (*pwn + *ki*d).
58. I do not intend to enter the troubled waters surrounding the rather one-sided "debate" over whether the divinatory charges of the OBI are questions or not (see, for example, Serruys, "Studies," p. 21ff; Keightley, Sources, p. 29, n. 7).   It is quite sensible to treat them as propositions to be tested, i.e., as statements.   On the other hand, it is reasonable, particularly for those who argue against translating the charges as questions, to have a working hypothesis concerning what form real questions would have taken in the EOC of the Shang. Were they formally marked in speech by some device such as final particles or intonation?   How would such marking be conveyed in writing, if at all?
59. Shaughnessy ("Composition," pp. 318-320, n. 47) concurs that in the Yi, ke denotes "to be capable of," while ke denotes "may," "be allowed to," the situation permits."   In the paper "The Zhouyi: a Western Zhou Pivination Text," Shaughnessy draws a parallel between the phrases 11 zhen "it is beneficial to divine" and ke zhen "it is permitted to divine."
60. One adverbial occurrence of total 19—the rest are nominal.
61. For the number san jS- "three' used adverbially, see Section e. "Number and Units of Measure" above.   Numbers in parentheses in the list which follows indicate total number of adverbial occurrences, and do not always reflect total occurrences.
62. Dictionaries of these binoms, such as the Lianmian zidian I$fi jffi ^ vj£, edited by Fu Dingyi £j       —   , list thousands of examples.
235
Notes to Chapter 4
63. The Tuan Commentary and the rest always explain fu with xin, but the Xiang Commentary reads the single case of fu in 8.1 as bao treasure' (Gao Heng, Dazhuan, p. 111). ^
64. "Sei Shu shiryaku" ^ ^ vj£ , in Kimbun tsushaku $p , Vol. 46 (1979); summarized in Shaughnessy, "Shi 'youfu'," pp. 23-26.
65. Whatever the significance, hut also rarely occurs in OBI inscriptions prefaced with a zhen. In the Yi there are 8 lines with both a huY and a zhen in them, which seems to be a normal ratio. ^Yet all of these lines are once again in the xili jlrig, all but one with huY wang.   Is there a dialect or other continuity perceivable here?
66. Yu Haoliang ("Shuo %yin' zi," pp. 339-340) has, on the other hand, argued on the strength of Yi 45.2 and some passages in the Mao gong ding inscription that the OBI graph commonly read as hong would be better read as yin, with ytn ji "extended auspiciousness" just as in the Yi. Cf. Keightley, Sources, p. xvii.
67. He could have translated it as "Tadel" (blame), as Chang Tsung-tung anachronistically translated a word he identified as jiu in the OBI (quoted, Serruys, "Studies," pp. 90, 110.
68. It is interesting that this occurs in a portion of the Shu, the "Pan geng" chapter, which otherwise shows numerous earmarks of being a late Zhou document.   This is an example of how more sophisticated knowledge of the lexical history of Chinese will help in substantiating the date of many texts.
69. E.g., Li Xiaoding, Jishi, pp. 2997-3001; S209.2; Mickel, "A Semantic Analysis of the Disaster Graphs of Period One Shang Dynasty Oracle Bones," pp. 95-110; Serruys, "Studies," p. 90, n. 3, p. 110, n. 49.
70. For the usage of qiu in phrases like qui nian jjc        , qiu yu , see Keightley, "Shih Cheng," pp. 35, 79, n. 36.
71. Wiihelm's translation of li zhen is "fordernd durch (or ist) Beharrlichkeit," which becomes in W-B "perseverance furthers."   This is awkward and confusing enough that even Gerald Swanson, who was Hellmut Wiihelm's student, gets it turned around in his essay which forms the "Introduction" to Shchutskii's Researches (p. xviii), saying, "li is translated [by Wilhelm-Baynes J "Perseverance"; and cheng is translated "Furthers." (He does have it straight a few pages earlier, however.)
72. If zhen must be an active verb, then pin ma must be its subject, else we would expect fi zhen pin ma, parallel with 11 jian hou ^"'J , "favorable for establishing a lord," etc.   Cf. the objection of Dai Junren to Gao Heng's reading of zhen as "to divine,' based on the same narrow construction of zhen; it may be OK in some cases, but it could not be applied to 2.0, because what precedes zhen here is not a person, and divining is a human activity ("Bushi zhi Yi yu yili zhi Yi," pp. 6-7).
73. This seemingly anomalous meaning may be related to Yi 27.6, in which the formula A she da chuan, "favorable for wading across a big river," also appears.   The Shi reading (34/1 shen ze li y5j? J^j      , Odes, pp. 20-21,
236
Notes to Chapter 4
"where it is deep they wet their dress") seems well-founded, since it is balanced with the word jie ^"Jj"lift up' in the succeeding line, yet it is likely that there is an overtone in the Shi, "where it is deeo it is threatening."   And it is also conceivable that Yi 27.6 li jf      ^ says "wade across with clothes on: auspicious."
74. Tr. Derk Bodde, Festivals in Classical China, p. 84.
75. This formulation would have to be revised jf_ further research can prove that the two forms */Qang ( j^. ) and *>Uing ( ^ ) were from the beginning distinguished through a morphological alternation, of the kind familiar already in pairs like zhi < *tied       "arrive' (cf. Yi 2.1, etc.)   and its causative counterpart zhT"< *tiSd J£L%bring' (i.e., "cause to arrive 0 (cf. Yi 5.3, 40.3). Pulleyblank would attribute the causative alternation to an original -r- infix. Karlgren observed the relation between words with and without yod i
—which is the essential phonological distinction between xiang and heng. (See Pulleyblank, "Some New Hypotheses Concerning Word Families in Chinese," esp.   pp. 117-120, for discussion.)   The semantic relation between xiang "make offering' and heng "penetrate, go through' would be a "resultative" one.
76. This is one of the cases of heng which Li Jingchi too reads as xiang "sacrifice' ("Jiaoshi," #168).
77. 3ames Legge remarks on the use of xiang in the Zuozhuan (Tso, p. 890) that it meant  to entertain.'  "But the entertaining which went by this name was mainly confined to drinking, accompanied by complimentary offerings. The animals whose flesh should have served as food were set forth whole and not partaken of."   Thus we see that the secular feasting of the time was not far removed from the sacred offering to the spirits.
78. Cf. Shaughnessy: "the small man is not to be used" ("Composition," p. 257).
79. Chen Mengjia, Zongshu, p. 327; Yao Xiaosui, "Shangdai de fulu," pp. 381-382; Keightley, Sources, p. 8, n. 22, p. 119, n. 124.
80. Cf. Takashima, "Some Philological Notes," pp. 52-53: "^fcf   or        in a sacrificial context means "to offer"; it is cognate or identical with the word later written "flS . RK: The occurrence together of the two words wang fu
in Yi 35.1, were it not for textual instability there, would make an interesting test case for Shaughnessy's theory, since Takashima observes that the sacrificial verb you ^ is not negated with the counterpart of the verb of existence wang      , but rather with wu you -^J -^j   (*mjet *gwj9gh).
81. Cf. Menzies, "Baigen shi . . . kaoshi," pp. 2-3 (in Chinese): "In divining about a difficult matter, there will be no misfortune."
82. Nathan Sivin (Review of Blofeld, pp. 297-298) translates 36.0, "Prognostication^): advantageous in difficulty,!* which may not be much different semantically, but is syntactically quite different.
83. "Shuo Yi san gao," pp. 23-26.   In his last notes on the Yi, however, Qu changed his interpretation of at least some of the sentences with zhen to
237
Notes to Chapter 4
that of "to inquire by divination."   E.g., in Du Yi san zhong, p. 4, after line 1.0 he quotes Zheng Sinong's zhen, wen ye       fa\       ' But as if this were too painful to leave unqualified, he adds a^wistful "zhen also means "true, sincere'" you zhen ji zhen 1£ X ^ fjL •
84. Cf. above, "A Grammatical Sketch," h. Interrogatives, esp. n. 58.
85. Onejjpssible case of zhen in the meaning "determine' occurs in the San pan j§£^§i. : • • .zhen . . . sheng . . . <jf   . . . j|" , "determine . . . disaster . . ." (?) ( 3WGL p. 1996).   See also the reference to the Li gui at the end of this section.
86. Kanji gogen jiten, Nos. 120-122. See also Keightley, "Shih Cheng," p. 41.
87. The scorecard reads 1) zhen "to divine': Yu Xingwu, Kaizuka Shigeki, Zhao Cheng, Huang Shengzhang, Guo Moruo, Wang Yuxin (total 6); 2) dYnglffi "cauldron': Tang Lan, Shirakawa Shizuka? (2); 3) ding "important': Shang Chengzuo (1); 4) ding "correct' (w/ Jupiter—cf. use in Li sao proposed above): Zhang Zhenglang, Qi Guiyan (2); 5) ze fl'J "therefore': Xu Zhongshu (1); 6) chao       (place name): Zhang Fengnian (1). See Wenwu 1977.8, 1978.6.
88. Chen Mengjia, "Guo Moruo Zhouyi de goucheng shidai shu hou," pp. 76-78.
89. "Wu Wang shi," p. 10.   On jian, cf.   below, Appendix G, Explanatory Note.
PART TWO
TEXT, PHONETIC TRANSCRIPTION, WORD-FOR-WORD TRANSLATION, AND FREE TRANSLATION
HEXAGRAMS
1. Qian
2. Kun ?f
3. Zhun ^
4. Meng ^
5. Xu (Ru) ^
6. Song -g£
7. ShT |?p
8. BI Ho
9. Xiao chu /Jx ^ 10. Lu
11. Tai
12. Pi v5
13. Tong ren
14. Da you    A ^
15. Qian
16. Yu
17. Suf fj^_
18. Gu
19. tin
20. Guan ^
21. Shi ke t£ *%
22. Bi
23. Bo 5]<^
24. Fu ft
25. Wu wang jg, ^
26. Da chu   Tv. ||
27. Yf j£§
28. Da guo
29. [Xf] Kan [ %
30. Li' jfe
31. Xian (Kan) j£
32. Heng fJ.
33. Dun (Tun)
34. Da zhuang £
35. Jin
36. Ming yi   0$ ^
37. Jia ren v|c V\
38. Kui' g;^
39. Jian !lp
40. Jie
41. Sun
42. Y"i J^,
43. Guai (Jue) ^
44. Gou ^
45. Cut 1p
46. Shing ^j-
47. Kun Q
48. Jing %
49. Ge 2ji
50. Ding |g|
51. Zhen
52. Gen (Ken)
53. Jian >^
54. Gui mei ,fsp
55. Feng 3f
56. Lu jfc
57. Xun (Zhuan) ^
58. Dul (Yue) #
59. Huan
60. Jie
61. Zhong fu  ^ ^
62. Xiao guo /J^
64. Wei jl ^~
1. Qian
Qian (*G'ian) yuan (hing:) xiang (*^Jang) Ii zhen (*tieYig) grand/treat/favorable/determination
^ % |Ia » #a
1.1 qian long (*liung) wu yong (*diung) submerged/dragon/don't!/use
£ $ b */ £ * ^ b
1.2 jian long zai tian (*d'ien) Ii jian da ren (*nien) see/dragon/in/f ield/favorable/see/big/ man
1.3 junzT zhong ri qian-qian (*g'ian-glan) xT ti (*t'iek) ruo Ii wu jiu noble//end/day/vigorous//night/wary/-like/threatening/no/misfortune
1.4 huo yue zai yuän (*»iwen) wu jiu some/ leap/in/deep/no/misf ortune
£ B« £ £ A B
1.5 fei long zäi tian (*t'ien) Ii jiän da ren (*nieh) fly/dragon/in/sky/favorable/see/big/man
1.6 (kang:) kehg long you hui (*Xmw9g) gully/dragon/there be/trouble
1.7 jian qun long wu shou (*siog) ji see/group/dragons/no/heads/auspicious
241
1. Qian
1.0 Grand treat.
A favorable determination.
1.1 A submerged dragon.
Don't use (the outcome of this determination).
1.2 See a dragon in a field: it will be favorable to see a big man.
1.3 Nobles throughout the day are "g'ian-g'ian" vigorous, but at night they are wary.
Threatening, but there will be no misfortune.
1.4 Or it leaps in the deep: no misfortune.
1.5 A dragon flying in the sky: it will be favorable to see a big man.
1.6 A dragon in a gully: there will be trouble.
1.7 See a group of dragons without heads: auspicious.
Kun (*K'w3n) yuan (heng:) xiang (*^iang) li pin ma zhT zhen junzi
grand/treat/favorable/female animai/horse/MOD/determination/noble//
you you wang (*giwang) xian mi hou de zhu li xT have/place-which/go/first/lose way/later/get/host/favorable/west/
% fl ai f n f<« * I *
nan de peng doing bei sang peng an zhen ji
south/get/friend/north/lose/friend/security/determ ination/auspicious
2.1 lu shuang (*siang) jian bihg zhi step on/frost/solid/ice/arrive
* =- I-  #  a*.* 3
2.2 zhf fang (*piwang) da bu xi (*dzi?p) wu bu li (*li9d) straight/square/big/not/doubled/no/not/favorable
2.3   han zhang (*tiang) ke zhen huo cong wang (*giwang)
hold in mouth/jade talisman/can be/determination/some/follow/king/
shi wu cheng (*dieng) you zhong (*?iong) service/no/completion/there be/end
2A   kuo nang (*nang) wu jiu (*giog) wu yu (*zio) bind/pouch/no/misfortune/no/honor
2.5   huang chang (*diang) yuan ]i yellow/skirt/very/auspicious
243
2.6 long zhan yu ye qf xue xuan huang (* g'wäng) dragons/battle/in/open country/DEF/blood/dark/yellow-bright
2.7 li yong (*giwang) zheh favorable/prolonged/determination
2. Kün
2.0 Grand treat.
A determination favorable for a mare.
A noble who is going somewhere will first lose his way, and later find a host.
Favorable to the west and south—one will find a friend. To the east
and north he will lose a friend.
Auspicious in a determination about security.
2.1 When one steps on the frost, the solid ice is coming.
2.2 Straight and square, big and not doubled up: there is nothing for for which this is unfavorable.
2.3 Hold a jade talisman in the mouth. May be determined.
If someone pursues the service of the king, there will be no completion; there will be an end.
2.4 Bind up a pouch: there will be no misfortune, and no honor.
2.5 A yellow skirt: very auspicious.
2.6 Dragons battle in the open country. Their blood is dark and yellow-bright.
2.7 Favorable in a long-range determination.
244
3. Zhun
Zhun (*Tiwgn) yuan (heng:) xiang (*>&ang) li zhen wu yong you you wang grand/treat/f avorabie/deter mination/don 't!/use/have/ place-which/go/
li jian hou
favorable/establish/lord
3.1 pan-huan (*b'wan-g'wan) il jú" zhěn li jian hou
turning round//favorable/dwell/determination/favorable/establish/lord
A - 4, a P it a*» * ft ÍPa** Čte
3.2 zhun (*tiwan) ru zhan (*tian) ru cheng ma bán (*pwan) ru fei kou (*k'u) bunch/-like/turning/-like/drive/horses/arrayed/-like/not be/bandits/
Wh**Í * ?f* £
huh gou (*ku) nu zi zhen bu zi (*dz'i?g) shi nian nai zi (*dz'iag)
wife's kin/match/girl/SUF/determination/not/pregnant/ten/years/then/pregnant
* ?- tf fk  t « em=] Ťt I # A f # t
3.3 jř lu (*luk) wu (*miwo) yu (*ngiwo) wei ru yú líh zhohg approach/deer/no/gamekeeper/INIT.PARTICLE/enter/into/forest/middle/
junzi ji bu ru she wang hn
noble//almost/not/compare with/quit/go/distress
* «9       A 3Ja*» ft. t
3.4 cheng ma bah (*pwan) ru qiu hun gou (*ku) wang ji
drive/horses/arrayed/-like/seek/wife's kin/match/go/auspicious/
% % n
wu bu li
no/not/favorable
245
t 'M t   | \ix
3.5 zhun qf gao xiao zhen ){ da zhen xiohg hoard/DEF/fat/small/determination/auspicious/big/determination/ominous
3.6 cheng ma ban (*pwan) ru qi xue lian (*lian) ru drive/horses/arrayed/-like/weep/blood/streaming/-like
3. Zhun
3.0 Grand treat.
A favorable determination.
Don't use this in having somewhere to go.
Favorable for establishing a lord.
3.1 Turning around.
Favorable in a dwelling determination. Favorable for establishing a lord.
3.2 Bunching and turning, they drive their horses arrayed about. They are not bandits. It is a marriage match.
In a determination concerning a girl, if she does not become pregnant, in ten years she will become pregnant.
3.3 They approach a deer without a gamekeeper. It enters into the forest. Nobles would almost do better to abandon the chase.
To go will be distressing.
3.4 They drive their horses arrayed about. They seek a marriage match. Auspicious for going. There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
3.5 They hoard its fat.
Auspicious in small determinations. Ominous in big determinations.
3.6 They drive their horses arrayed about. Tears and blood are streaming.
246
4. Meng ^ -
«tt<|>g
Meng (*Mung) (heng:) xiang fei wo qiu tong-meng (*d'ung-mung) treat/not be/we/seek/dodder//
tong-meng qiu wo chü shl gao (*kok) zai sah du (*d'uk) dodder//seek/us/first/manipulate stalks/tell/twice/three times/insult/
>f §•] * £A PI I
du (*d'uk) ze bu gao (*kSk) Ii zhen insult/then/do not/tell/favorable/determination
4.1 fä meng Ii ybng xing ren ybng (shuö:) tuö zhi dislodge/dodder//favorable/use/punish/person/use/remove/leg shackles/
t% »A 1t
gu yi wang lin manacles/ for/go/distress
4.2 (bao:) bäo meng ji na fu ji zT ke jia
carry/dodder//auspicious/bring in/wife/auspicious/son/can/make family
4.3 wu yong qu nu (*nio) jian jlh fu (*piwo) bu you gong
don'tfuse/take as wife/girl/see/metal/husband/not/have/body/
wu you h
no/that for which/favorable
4.4 (kun:) kun meng lin pound/dodder//distr ess
x i*- % % ^
4.5 tong-meng (*d'ung-mung) j' dodder//auspicious
4.6 jT meng bu A wei kbu II yu kbu beat/dodder//not/favorable/become/bandits/favorable/fend off/bandits
4. Meng
4.0 Treat.
It is not we who seek the dodder. The dodder seeks us.
The first time one manipulates the stalks, they tell one's fortune.
The second or third time is insulting. Since it is insulting,
they do not tell.
A favorable determination.
4.1 We dislodge the dodder.
Favorable for punishing someone, or for removing leg shackles and manacles.
In going somewhere, it will be distressing.
4.2 She carries the dodder. Auspicious. Auspicious for bringing in a wife. A son can take on a family.
4.3 Don't use this to take a girl as a bride. They see the man of metal. He has no body. There is nothing for which this is favorable.
4.4 We pound the dodder. Distress.
4.5 Dodder. Auspicious.
4.6 We beat the dodder.
Unfavorable for becoming bandits, favorable for fending off bandits.
5. Xú (RÚ)
«HUI <i*>št % <#># f
XG (*Sniu) you f u guäng (hing:) xiang zněn ji
there be/capture/glory/treat/determination/auspicious/
li she da chuän
favorable/wade across/big/river
5.1 (xG:) ru yú jiáo (*kôg) li yong heng wu jiu (*g'jLog)
get wet/at/suburban altar/favorable/use/long time/no/misfortune
5.2 (xú:) ru yu sha (*sa) xiao you yan zhông jť (*kiet) get wet/in/sand/small/there be/talk/end/auspicious
5.3 (xú:) ru yu nŕ (*ni£r) zhí kou zHi (*íied) get wet/in/mud/bring on/bandits/arrive
<JÄ)f íz-aííj ŕíÄľ A
5.4 (xú:) ru yu xue (*Xjwet) chü" zi xue (*g'iwet) get wet/in/blood/come out/from/hole
5.5 (xu:) ru yu jiu (*tsiog) shi (*d*i»k) zhén ji (*kiet) get wet/in/liquor/food/determination/auspicious
5.6 ru yu xue (*g'iwet) you bu su zhT ke (*klak) enter/into/hole/there be/not/(to speed > urge>) invite/MOD/guests/
sán ren lai (*l3g) jmg zKI (*ti g) zhông ji (*kiet) three/persons/come/ respect/them/end/auspicious
249
5. Xu (Ru)
5.0 There will be a capture, and glory. Treat.
The determination is auspicious. It will be favorable to wade across a big river.
5.1 It gets wet at the suburban altar.
Favorable to use in performing the heng perpetuation rite. No misfortune.
5.2 It gets wet in the sand.
There will be a little talk, but ultimately auspicious.
5.3 It gets wet in the mud.
It will bring on the arrival of bandits.
5.4 It gets wet in blood. It comes out from its hole.
5.5 It gets wet in liquor or food. The determination is auspicious.
5.6 It enters into its hole.
There will be three uninvited guests who come. Be polite to them. Ultimately auspicious.
250
6. Song -f£__
«>  í* ^ | (f*> f f í é* l&l
Song (*Dziung) you fu ztii-ti (*tiet-ťiek) zhông jí zhôhg xiông (*£iung) there be/capture/frightened//middie/auspicious/end/ominous/
*l € X A * #J >$ * n\
Íl jian da ren (*nien) bu íi she da chuän (*t'iw*n) favorabíe/see/big/man/not/favorable/wade across/big/river
6.1 bu yong suo sni xiao you yan zhông ji
not/prolong/that which/serve/small/there be/talk/end/auspicious
6.2 bu ke song gu7 er bu (*pwo) qi yl ren sán bai hu (*g'o) not/can/dispute/return/then/f lee/DEF/town/people/three/hundred/houses/
% B
wu sheng (*sieng) no/calamity
/v ^ ^ g  /'G'(lf)      /t*7 A-  a -?*
6.3 shí jiíi de zhén li zhông )( huo cong
eat/old/get/determination/threatening/end/auspicious/some/follow/
í  f % EU B
wáng shl wif chéng (*dieng)
king/service/no/completion
B? % % & *\% tr yif >t
6A   bu ke song fu ji mmg yu
not/can/dispute/return/approach/charge/change for the worse/
an zhen ji
security/determination/auspicious
251
6.5 song yuan ji dispute/very/auspicious
6.6 huo ^clp ci zhT pan dai (*tad) zhong zhao sin clu (*d'ieg) zhT some/bestow/him/leather belt/belt/end/morning/three times/take away/it
6. Song
6.0 There are captives. They are "tiet-t'iek" frightened.
Auspicious for the middle stages, but ultimately ominous.
It will be favorable to see a big man.
It will not be favorable to wade across a big river.
6.1 He will not continue for long his service. There will be a little talk.
Ultimately auspicious.
6.2 He was not successful in a dispute. When he returned, he had lost in flight three hundred families among the townsfolk.
There will be no calamity.
6.3 They eat an old catch: the determination is threatening, but ultimately auspicious.
If someone follows in the service of the king, there will be no completion.
6.4 He was not successful in a dispute. He returned to attend upon a charge.
There will be a deterioration.
Auspicious in a determination about security.
6.5 Very auspicious in a dispute.
6.6 He once had bestowed upon him a leather belt, but in the course of one morning, he was stripped of it three times.
252
7. ShT g'Jí--
7.0 If g [ £ em:] £ A Š  t £ ShT (*5i3r) zhěn [zhang em:] da ren jí wú jiu
determination/big/man/auspicious/no/misfortune
7.1 shT chTJ (*t'iwet) yí lü (*bliw?t) [pi em:] bu zäng xiöng
army/go out/by means of/pitchpipes/not/good/ominous
Ä - jí. If t H í
7.2 zai shT zhông jí wu jiu wang sán ^cT=) ci milng
be in/army/middle/auspicious/no/misfortune/king/three times/bestow/charge
7.3 shT (*siar) huo yu shT (*si?r) xiöng army/some/cart/corpse/om inous
7.4 shT (*siar) zuo ci (*ts'iar) wu jiu army/left/camp/no/misfortune
k$- ®%i hift t % #
7.5 tián (*d'ien) you qin (*g'i3m) A zhí yan (*ngian) wu jiu
hunt/there be/game/favorable/seize/prisoners for questioning/no/misfortune/
£f íť íf Bijí ŕ f f B
zhang zí shuai shT (*si3r) dl zi yu shT (*si?r)
eldest/son/command/army/younger brother/son/cart/corpse/ zhén xiöng
deter m ination/om inous
J:Ä A*        fiB SI A #
7.6 da jün you nung kai guo cheng jiá big/ruler/have/charge/establish/state/receive/feudal house/
253
A- A. %\ %
xiao ren wu yong small/man/don't!/use
7. ShT
7.0 The determination is auspicious for a big man. No misfortune.
7.1 The army went forth using the pitchpipes. It is not good. Ominous.
7.2 It is auspicious to be in the army. No misfortune. The king three times bestowed a charge.
7.3 The army sometimes "carted the corpse." Ominous. 7A           The army makes camp to the left: no misfortune.
7.5 In the hunt, there will be game.
Favorable for seizing prisoners for interrogation.
The eldest son commanded the army. The younger son carted
the corpse.
The determination is ominous.
7.6 A great ruler had a charge, to establish a state, to receive a feudal house.
A small man should not use this.
254
8. Bi tt--
8.0 bt       /fv ^ ^ [ J ( f )] ^ BI (*Pji*r) jf yuan [(heng:) xiang] yong
auspicious/original/manipulate stalks/grand/ [ treat ] /prolonged/
zhen wu jiu (*g'iog) bu ning fang lai (*l?g) hou fu xiong determination/no/misfortune/not/peaceful/fang-state/come/later/man/ominous
%  (1»*t i it i (fJ >
8.1 you fu (*p'iug) bi zhT wu jiu (*g'jog) you fu (*p'iug)
there be/capture/pair with/them/no/misfortune/there be/capture/
ying fou (*pk>g) zhong lai (*l3g) you ta (*t'a) ji fill/earthen vessel/end/come/there be/disaster/auspicious
8.2 bi zhT zi nei zhen jf
pair with/them/from/inside/determination/auspicious
8.3   bY zhT fei ren
pair with/them/not be/people
* O # tfc i # £
8.4   wai bi zhi zhen ji
outside/pair with/them/determination/auspicious
* £ (*S> * £   * ® * U t
8.5   xian bi wang yong san qu shT qian qin
girth-strap/pair/king/use/three/drive horses/lose/ahead/game
eL A ^
yi ren bu jie ji
town/people/not/frighten/auspicious
255
J: Tv H: t £ f A Utl
8.6   bi zhT wu shou (*siog) xiong
pair with/them/no/head/ominous
8. Bx
8.0 Auspicious. At the original manipulation of the stalks, grand treat.
In a long-range determination, no misfortune. \ border state which is not peaceful will come. Later it is ominous for the men.
8.1 There will be a capture. Ally with them. There will be no misfortune. There will be booty filling the crocks.
They will come in the end. There will be unanticipated harm. Auspicious.
8.2 Ally with someone from within (the state). The determination is auspicious.
8.3 Ally with someone who is not a ren person (a foreign slave).
8.4 Ally with someone outside. The determination is auspicious.
8.5 The girth-straps are paired.
The king used this to drive forward from three directions, but he lost the game ahead. The townspeople did not frighten it (into the trap, by beating drums, etc.). Auspicious.
8.6 Ally with them without a chief. Ominous.
__ 256
9. Xiao chu 'j\
W *f  |  <|> H f ^ A £ # ,S tf B^
Xiao chu (*Siog t'iok) (heng:) xiang mi yun bu yu (*ghvo) zi wo xT jiao^kog)
small/domestic animal/treat/dense/clouds/not/rain/from/our/west/outskirts
9.1 fu zi dao (*d'og) he qi jiu (*g'jog) ji
return/from/ road/ what?/DEF/misfortune/auspicious
9.2 qian fu (*b'iok) ji lead/return/auspicious
9.3 yu (shuo:) tuo fu (*pjuk) fu qT fan mu (*miok) carriage/come off/spoke/husband/wife/reverse/eyes
9.4 you fu (*p'hig) xue (*^iwet) qu (*k'jab) ti (*t'iek) chu (*tiw3t) there be/capture/blood/remove/wary/go out/
5E, #
wu J1U (*giog) no/misfortune
9.5 you fu luan (*bliwan) ru fu yT qf lin
there be/capture/tie together/-like/rich/by means of/DEF/neighbor
* ^ ft % a jti^A # »'ft' <# > #
9.6 ji yu (*ghvo) ji chu (*t'io) shang de (*t?k) (zai:) zai (*ts?g) fu (*b^iug) already/rain/already/stop/still/get/to plant/matron/
zhen Ii yue ji wang (*mjwang) junzi zheng xiong
determination/threatening/moon/almost/full moon/noble//attack/ominous
257
9. Xiao chu
9.0 A small domestic animai treat.
Dense clouds do not rain. They come from our western outskirts.
9.1 To return along the road, what misfortune is there in that? Auspicious.
9.2 He returns, leading (an animal). Auspicious.
9.3 A carriage has a spoke come off.
The husband and wife will look away from each other.
9.4 There will be a capture. A bloody castration.
Go out warily, and there will be no misfortune.
9.5 There will be captives, all trussed together.
They are prosperous on account of their neighbors.
9.6 Now it has rained, now it has stopped. We will still get to plant. The determination is threatening for a married woman.
The moon is almost full. Ominous for an attack by a noble.
io. lu /%
Lu (*Li3r) hu wei (*rruw?r) bu die (*d'iet) ren (heng:) xiang step on/tiger/tail/not/bite/person/treat
10.1 su lu (*li3r) wang wu jiu
plain white/shoes/go/no/misfortune
10.2 lii dao tan-tan (*t'in-t'an) you ren zhen jf
step on/road/flat-smooth//(dark : )confined/person/determination/auspicious
10.3 miao neng shi (*dj?r) bo neng lu (*liar) lu (*li3r) hu wei (*miwar) feeble-sighted/able to/see/lame/able to/take steps/step on/tiger/tail/
die ren xiong wu ren wei yu da juh bite/person/om inous/ military/person/do/ for/big/ruler
10.4 lu (*li3r) hu wei (*mjw?r) su-su (*sag-sag) zhong ji step on/tiger/tail/panicky appearance/end/auspicious
10.5 (guai:) jue lu (*li3r) zhen h
split open/shoes/determination/threatening
^tUIa! a^ fttfc * £
10.6 shi (*di?r) lu (*li2r) kao xiang (*dziang) qi xuan (*dziwan) yuan ji look/step/inspect/omen/DEF/return/very/auspicious
259
10. Lu
10.0 Step on the tiger's tail. It won't bite the person. Treat.
10.1 Plain white shoes. There will be no misfortune in going.
10.2 He steps on the road, so flat and smooth.
The determination is auspicious for a person in confinement.
10.3 The feeble-sighted will be able to see. The lame will be able to walk. Step on the tiger's tail. It will bite the person. Ominous.
A warrior performs for the great ruler.
10.4 Step on the tiger's tail. He looks "sag-sag" panicky. Ultimately auspicious.
10.5 Split-open shoes. The determination is threatening.
10.6 If he watches his step, and inspects the omens, it is very auspicious for his return.
11.0 % AAtXfc % I ($>
Tai (*T'ad) xiao wang da lai )((heng:) xiang smali/go/big/come/auspicious/ treat
11.1 ba mao (*mog) ru (*nio) yi qi hui (*giw3d) zheng ji
pull out/cogongrass/shoots/with/DEF/roots/attack/auspicious
11.2 bao huang (*^mwang) yong ping he bu xia yf peng wang (*miwang) gourd/hollow/use/ford/He river/not/far/leave behind/friend/disappear/
de (shang:) shang (*siang) yu zhong hang (*g'ang) get/reward/in/middle/road
11.3 wu ping bu bei (*pia) wu wang bu fu (*b'iok) jian zhen wu jiu no/level/not/slope/no/go/not/return/hardship/determination/no/misfortune/
wu xu qi fu (*p'iug) yu shi (♦d'wk) you fu (*pjuk) don'tl/worry/MODAL PAR T./capture/at/eat/there be/blessing
11.4 pian-pian (*p'ian-p'ian) bu fu (*piug) yi qf lfn bu jie yi fu (*p'lug)
flutter about/not/rich/by means of/DEF/neighbor/not/cautious/thereby/capture
11.5 di yY guT mei yY zhY yuan jf
Di Yi//send in marriage/daughter/thereby/happiness/very/auspicious
x x f&ii f ft c n qjf % i
11.6 cheng fu yu huang (*g'wang) wu yong shT zi yi
city wall/collapse/into/(waterless) moat/don't!/use/army/from/town/
261
gao ming (*miang) zhen lin report/charge/determination/distress
11. Tai
11.0 He will go small and come great. Auspicious. Treat.
11.1 Pull out the cogongrass, roots and all: auspicious for an attack.
11.2 The gourd is hollow. He used it to ford the He river (tying it to his waist as a buoy). When he had not gone far, he left behind his companions, who perished. He received a reward en route.
11.3 "There is no level which does not slope; there is no going without returning."
In determinations about hardship, there will be no misfortune. Don't worry.
Might he be captured at a meal? There will be a blessing.
11.* Fluttering about, "p'ian-p'ian."
They are not prosperous on account of their neighbors. They were not cautious, and were as a result plundered.
11.5 King Di Yi sent his daughter in marriage. There was happiness as a result. Very auspicious.
11.6 The town wall collapsed into the moat. Don"t use the army. They came from the town to report [and request] instructions. The determination is one of distress.
262
12. pr h
12.0 %   Lgf  k % IS * £ A Pi (*Pi?g) zhT fei ren bu lx junzx zhen da wang xiao lai (*l»g)
bad/DEF/not be/person/not/favorable/noble//determination/big/go/small/come
f b£ »A£# I f J($)c
12.1 ba mao (*mog) ru (*nio) yx qx hux (*giw7d) zhen jx (heng:) xiang (^jang)
pull out/cogongrass/shoots/with/DEF/roots/determ ination/auspicious/treat > — ^7
& *<f >/J-A $ -K A f A
12.2 bao (cheng:) zheng (*tiang) xiao ren ji (*kiet) da ren pi (*pj.3g) wrap/steamed meat offering/small/man/auspicious/big/man/bad/
? <$>c
(heng:) xiang (*$ang) treat
7\ ~—  fjti  Jf. B
12.3 bao (*pog) xiu (*sniog)
wrap/prepared food offering
12.4 you mxng (*miang) wu jiu (♦g'xog) chou (*d'iog) li (*lia) zhx (*t'wg) have/charge/no/misfortune/plowed field/lia-bird/happiness
7t£f*g*A£g£c
12.5 xiu (*^iog) p( (*pi9g) da ren ji (*kiet) qi wang (*miwang) stop/bad/big/man/auspicious/MODAL PART./run away/
qx wang (*miwang) xx yu bao sang (*sang)
MODAL PART./run away/tie/to/thickly-leafed/mulberry tree
XiL        % A & $Aft $A
12.6 (qTng:) qxng px (*pi9g) xian px (*pi»g) hbu xx (^j?g) short tim e/bad/first/bad/later/joy
263
12. PI
12.0 Bad are the non-ren persons (foreign slaves). A determination unfavorable for a noble. He will go great and come small.
12.1 Pull out the cogongrass, roots and all: the determination is auspicious.
Treat.
12.2 Wrap the steamed meat offering.
Auspicious for a small man, but bad for a big man. Treat.
12.3 Wrap the offering of prepared food.
12 A We have a charge. There will be no misfortune.
A lia-bird in the plowed field: happiness.
12.5 Stop the badness. Auspicious for a big man.
Might it flee? Might it flee? Tie it to the bushy mulberry tree.
12.6 Bad for a short while. First bad, later joy.
264
13. Tong ren /s] A. ==
13.0 /SJ Af S f i$>tl% XH\
Tóng rén (*D'ung nién) y u ye (hěng:) xiang ň she da chuáh
gather/people/in/open country/treat/favorable/wade across/big/river/
fcl * f I
A junzi zhen
favorable/noble//determination
%n t   k f ř5 £ #
13.1 tong ren yu men wu jiu gather/people/at/gate/no/misfortune
13.2 tong ren yu zôhg lin gather/people/at/ancestral hall/distress
13.3 f u rong (*niông) y u mang (*mwang) sheng qí gäo ling (*li9ng) be hidden/war chariot/in/tall weeds/climb/DEF/high/hill/
=i ft y ig*
sáh sul bu xTng (^jwng) three/years/not/rise up
13.4 chéng qi yông (*diung) f u ke gong (*kung) ji mount/DEF/wall/not (it)/can/attack/auspicious
níLŘkz, in dictate
13.5 tong ren xiln hao-tao (*g'og-d'og) er hou xiao (*siog) gather/people/first/weep and wail//and/later/laugh/
■k t? I * &
da shT ke xiáhg yu (*ngiu) big/armies/can/each other/meet
265
J: A H k f tt t i%
13.6 tong ren yu jiao (*kog) wu* nuf (*^mw3g) gather/people/at/suburban altar/no/trouble
13. Tong ren
13.0 Gather the people :n the open country. Treat.
Favorable for wading across a big river. A determination favorable for a noble.
13.1 Gather the people at the gate. There will be no misfortune.
13.2 Gather the people at the ancestral hall. Distress.
13.3 War chariots lying in ambush in the tall weeds: climb the high hill, and for three years they will not rise up again.
13.4 Mount the wall. They will not be able to attack it. Auspicious.
13.5 Gather the people.
First they wept and wailed, and later they laughed. The great armies were able to rendezvous.
13.6 Gather the people at the suburban altar. There will be no trouble.
14. Da you
i«-o A jj       f ( $. ) Da you (*D'ad giug) yuan (hěng:) xiang greatly/have/grand/treat
#? * * * Ý ft # fK ftf £ # ^
14.1 wu jiäo (*kog) hai (*g'ad) fei jiu (*glog) jian ze wu jiu (*g^iog) no/to cross/harm/not be/misfortune/hardship/in that case/no/misfortune
Mte tiž %
14.2 dá che y{ zai (*ts9g) you you wang (*giwang) wu jiu (*g'jog) big/carriage/thereby/transport/have/place which/go/no/misfortune
14.3 gong yong (hěng:) xiang (*^iang) y u tiän zí (*tsi?g) xiáo ren f u ke (*k'?k) duke/use/treat/to/Heaven/son/small/man/not (it)/can
KS £ t %% %
14.4 f ěi qí peng (*b'áng) wu jiu (*g^iog)
not be/DEF/sacrifice at side of temple gate/no/misfortune
Ail |<#)t^£ 4a t
14.5 jué íu (*p'iug) jiáo (*kog) ru wei (*'iw*r) ru ]i their/capture/crossed/-like/terr if ied/-like/auspicious
14.6 zi tiSn you zh7 ji wu bu li
from/Heaven/divine help/them/auspicious/no/not/favorable
267
14. Da you
14.0 We have (harvest) in plenty. Grand treat.
14.1 There is no crossing (in the flight of birds): harm. It is not misfortune.
If hardship, then there is no misfortune.
14.2 A big carriage used for transport: there will be no misfortune in having somewhere to go.
14.3 The duke using this (line as the result of a determination), treated the Son of Heaven. Small men cannot.
14.4 It shall not be the peng sacrifice at the side of the temple gate. No misfortune.
14.5 Their captives are tied up crosswise, and look terrified. Auspicious.
14.6 From Heaven they are helped. Auspicious. There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
268
15. Qian || :=_=
15.0 % f ( $ ) % $ % Qian (*K'liam) (heng:) xiang junzi you zhong
treat/noble//there be/end
ink it tt      % f% >,f A ii\
15.1 qian-qian (*k'liam-k'liam) junzi yong she da chuan \(
*2
crunch/crunch/noble//use/wade across/big/river/auspicious
15.2 mihg qian zhen )i call/hamster/deter m ination/auspicious
,        — —•   V     ^        — /
15.3 lao qian junzi you zhong ji toil/hamster/noble//have/end/auspicious
15.4 wu bu li huT qian no/not/favorable/to tear/hamster
15.5 bu fu yi qi 1m (*lien) h yong qTn fa
not/rich/by means of/DEF/neighbor/favorable/use/invade/attack/
wu bu li no/not/favorable
15.6 mmg qian li yong xihg shT zheng yi guo call/hamster/favorable/use/mobilize/army/attack/town/state
269
15. Qian
15.0 Treat.
For a noble there will be a conclusion.
15.1 "Crunch-crunch." If a noble uses this to wade across a big river, it will be auspicious.
15.2 A grunting hamster: the determination is auspicious.
15.3 A toiling hamster: for a noble there will be a conclusion. Auspicious.
15.4 There is nothing for which this is unfavorable. A tearing hamster.
15.5 They are not prosperous on account of their neighbors. Favorable when used for invading or attacking. There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
15.6 A grunting hamster: favorable when used for mobilizing the army, and attacking a town or state.
270
16. Yu f | zrrE
16'° ft £'J rfi 1? ff If
Yu (*Dio) ll jian hou xihg shl
favorable/establish/lord/mobilize/army
*Ja  4 Hi \2A
16.1 ming yu xiong call/elephant/ominous
*~ ftfi* tea*. %
16.2 jie yu shi (*diak) bu zhong ri (*niet) zhen ji (*kiet) border/in/rocks/not/end/day/determination/auspicious
Bf ft 4$ jf_ $ ^
16.3 xu (*^lwo) yu (*dio) huf chi you hujf stare/elephant/trouble/walk slowly/there be/trouble
16.4 you (*diog) yu (*dio) da you de £wk) wu yf (*ngi?g)
("monkeys and elephants">) hesitation//greatly/have/catch/don't!/doubt/
peng he zan (*ts?m) cowry-string/why not?/skewer
a 5
16.5 zhen j' (*dzi?t) heng bu si (*si?r)
determination/illness/long time/not/die
16.6 ming yu (*dio) cheng you yu (*diu) wu jiu
dark/elephant/wall/there be/change for the worse/no/misfortune
271
16. Yu
16.0 Favorable for enfeoffing a lord, and for mobilizing the army.
16.1 A trumpeting elephant: ominous.
16.2 Bound by rocks: it will not last a day. The determination is auspicious.
16.3 A staring elephant: trouble. It walks slowly: there will be trouble.
16.4 Hesitation.
There will be a plentiful catch.
Do not be doubtful.
Why not string the cowries?
16.5 If determining about illness, perform the heng perpetuation rite, and he won't die.
16.6 An elephant in the darkness: there will be a collapse in the wall. No misfortune.
272
17. Suf --
i7-°fi£   %i {t)*H
Suf (*Dzwia) yuan (heng:) xiang it zhen wu jiu
grand/treat/favorable/determination/no/ misfortune
17.1 (guan:) guan you yu zhen ji
lodging-house/there be/change for the worse/determination/auspicious/
a ft £
chu men jiao you gong
go out/door/to cross/have/deeds
17.2 xi xiao zY shT zhang fu" (*p<iwo) bind/small/child/lose/mature/man
kS. ^ ft * * * ^ f M * #
17.3 xt zhang fu shT xiao zi sui you qiu de
bind/mature/man/lose/small/child/pursue/there be/seek/get/
it ju zhen
favorable/dwell/determination
17.4 sui you huo zhen xiong you fu (*piug) zai dao (*d'og)
pursue/there be/catch/determination/ominous/there be/capture/in/road/
yi (nung:) meng he jiu (*g'iog) therewith/make covenant/what?/m isfortune
17.5 fu yu jia ji
capture/in/jia-celebration/auspicious
273
17.6 ju xi (*kieg) zhT nai (cong:) zong wei zhT wang yong (heng:) xiang grab/bind/them/then/let loose/tie/them/king/use/treat/
yu xT shah
to/ west/mountain
17. Sui
17.0 Grand treat.
A favorable determination. No misfortune.
17.1 There was a collapse in a lodging-house. The determination is auspicious.
If he goes outdoors and there is a crossing, he will have accomplishments.
17.2 They bind the youngsters but lose the grown men.
17.3 They bind the grown men but lose the youngsters.
In pursuit, there will be a getting of what is sought. Favorable in a dwelling determination.
17 A In pursuit, there will be a catch.
The determination is ominous.
There will be a capture in the road. If they (the captives) are used in a sacrificial covenant, what misfortune will there be?
17.5 Captives at the jia-celebration. Auspicious.
17.6 They grabbed and bound them, then loosely tied them. The king used them in a sacrificial treat to the spirit of West Mountain.
18. Gu ^     _ _
Gu (*Ko) yuán (häng:) xiang ň she da chuän xiln jiä sän ri
grand/treat/favorable/wade across/big/river/before/jia-day/three/days/
hou jia san n
after/jia-day/three/days
18.1 gan f u zhT gu you zi kao (*k'og) wu jiu (*g^iog) stem/father/MOD/pestilence/have/son/dead father/no/misfortune/
ll zhöng ji
threatening/end/auspicious
18.2 gan mu zhí gu bu ke zhen stem/mother/MOD/pestilence/not/can be/determination
+>2. # í-1 s. -m i-n 7t *
18.3 gan fu zhT gu xiao you huY (*^mw?g) wu da jiu (*g'iôg) stem/father/MOD/pestilence/small/there be/trouble/no/big/misfortune
* ® H     £ 1 ft ft £ £
18.4 y u f u zhT gu wang jian hn
bathe/father/MOD/pestilence/go/see/distress
18.5 gan fu zhT gu (*ko) yong yu (*zio)
stem/father/MOD/pestilence/ use/yu-incantation-sacr if ice
18.6 bu shi wang hou (*g'u) gäo (shang:) shang qí shi not/serve/king/lord/high/reward/DEF/service
275
18. Gu
18.0 Grand treat.
Favorable for wading across a big river, for three days before a jia-stem day and three days after a jia-stem day.
18.1 A stem father's pestilence.
If there is a son, the deceased father will be without misfortune. Threatening, but ultimately auspicious.
18.2 A stem mother's pestilence. Cannot be determined.
18.3 A stem father's pestilence.
There will be a little trouble, but no great misfortune.
18.4 The pestilence of a "bathing" father (whose sun currently bathes in the "Hot Water Valley" of the Mulberry Tree in the east).
18.5 A stem father's pestilence.
Use the y_u incantation-sacrifice.
18.6 He does not serve king or lord.
He is highly rewarded for his service.
19. Líh
19.0 gfc     5&   f   (|) *í | 1 ^ 1>U
Lin (*Bli3m) yuan (héng:) xiang li zhén zhl yú ba yue you xióng
grand/treat/favorable/determination/extend/to/eight/month/there be/ominous
19.1 xián (*g'£m) (lín:) ňn (*bliam) zhěn jí salty/ceremonial wailing/determination/auspicious
19.2 xián (*g'£m) (lín:) lín (*bli?m) jí wu bu li
salty/ceremonial wailing/auspicious/no/not/favorable
* =      1?« £ f* *í & # i,
19.3 gan (*kam) (lín:) lín (*b'li»m) wu you li ji yóu (**iog) zhf sweet/ceremonial wailing/no/that for which/favorable/already/grieve/him/
wu jiu (*giog) no/misfortune
19.4 zhi (lín:) lín wu jiu
extreme/ceremonial wailing/no/misfortune
19.5 zhT lín da jun zhT yí ){
know/oversee sacrifice/big/ruler/MOD/sacrifice to soil spirit/auspicious
X X   ffc í% t % %
19.6 dun (*tw?n) (lín:) íin (*b'li?m) jí wu jiíi thick/ceremonial wailing/auspicious/no/misfortune
277
19. Lfn
19.0 Grand treat.
A favorable determination.
Up until the eighth month there are ominous signs.
19.1 Salty tears of wailing: the determination is auspicious.
19.2 Salty tears of wailing: auspicious. There is nothing for which this is not favorable.
19.3 Sweet tears of wailing: there is nothing for which this is favorable. If you have already grieved for him, there will be no misfortune.
19 A Wailing to an extreme: no misfortune.
19.5 Expertly oversee the great ruler's yi sacrifice to the soil. Auspicious.
19.6 Copious wailing: auspicious. No misfortune.
20. Guán |f£/    — —
20.0fi
Guan (*Kwán) guan (*kwan) er bu jian (*tsit?n) you fu yong ruo
wash hands/and/not/offer in sacrifice/there be/capture/big-headed/-like
20.1 tong guán xiao ren wu jiu juhzi hn
pupil of eye/observe/small/man/no/misfortune/noble//distress
-   \   Í -
20.2 kui guan h nu zhen
peek/observe/favorable/maiden/determination
20.3 guán wo shěng jin tul (*t'w«d) observe/our/victims/advance/withdraw
20.4 guan guo zhT guang (*kwang) li yong bin yu wang (*giwang) observe/state/MOD/brilliance/favorable/use/be guest/to/king
20.5 guan wo sheng junzi wu jiu observe/our/victims/noble//no/misfortune
20.6 guan qi shěng júnzí wu jiu observe/DEF/victims/noble//no misfortune
279
20. Guah
20.0 They lave but do not make sacrifice. There will be captives, tall and haughty.
20.1 An observation in the pupils: no misfortune for a small man, but distressing for a noble.
20.2 A squinting observation: a determination favorable for a maiden.
20.3 •       Observe whether our sacrificial victims advance or witndraw.
20A Observe the brilliance of the state. It will be favorable to be
a guest of the king.
20.5 Observe our sacrificial victims: no misfortune for a noble.
20.6 Observe their sacrificial victims: no misfortune for a noble.
21. Shi ke °|t "% ="= 21-0 f AM
Shi ke (*Diad g'ap) (heng:) xiang li yong yu (*ngiuk) treat/favorable/use/sue
21.1 ju jiao (*kog) mie zhT (*tiag) wu jiu (*g'iog)
wear on the feet/stocks/destroy/feet/no/misfortune
21.2 sKi fu (*pliwo) mie bf (*bj3d) wu jiu bite/skin/destroy/nose/no/misfortune
21.3 shi xl (*siak) rou (*niok) yu du (*d'ok) xiao lin wu jiu (*g^iog)
bite/dried meat/meat/encounter/poison/small/distress/no/misfortune
21.4 shi gan zt (*tsi?r) de jih shi (*siar) li jiah
bite/dry/meat with bone in/get/metal/arrow/favorable/hardship/
21.5 shi gan rou (*niok) de huang jih (*kiam) zhen li wu jiu (*gjiog) bite/dry/meat/get/yellow/metal/determination/threatening/no/misfortune
21.6 he jiao (*kog) mie er (*niag) xiong
bear on shoulders/stocks/destroy/ears/ominous
281
21. Shi ke
21.0 Treat.
Favorable for bringing suit.
21.1 He wears stocks on his ankles. He has his feet cut off.
No misfortune.
21.2 He bites into the skin. He has his nose cut off. No misfortune.
21.3 He bites into the dried meat, and encounters poison. Minor distress. No misfortune.
21.4 He bites into meat which has been dried with the bone left in, and gets a metal arrow point.
Favorable in a determination about hardship. Auspicious.
21.5 He bites into the dry meat, and gets yellow bronze metal.
The determination is threatening, but there will be no misfortune.
21.6 He bears a cangue around his neck. He has his ears cut off. Ominous.
282
22. Bi || -
22.0 f I (|)-J^í/^ft^ Bi (*Piár) (heng:) xiang xiaio li you you wang
treat/small/favorable/have/place which/go
22.1 bi qf zhT (*ti*g) she ché (*kio) er tu (*d'o) adorned/DEF/feet/abandon/carriage/and/walk
22.2 bi qi xu (*siu) adorned/DEF/beard
22.3 bi (*piar) ru ru (*niu) ru yong zhén jf adorned/-like/glossy-wet/-like/prolonged/determination/auspicious
22.4 bi (*piar) ru po (*b'war) ru bai ma han (*g'án) ru adorned/-like/white/-like/white/horse/long-haired/-like/
fei kou (*k'u) hun gou (*ku) not be/bandits/wife's kin/match
k 5- ^ f í £ !g o   f $ £ <# f|- >d £ & *
22.5 bi yu qiu yuan (*giwan) shu bo (jiáh-jiah:) can-can (*dz'an-dz'an) fin zhóng ji adorned/go to/hill/garden/bundle/silk/scanty//distress/end/auspicious
-t^ & f £ %
22.6 bai bi wu jiu white/adorned/no/misfortune
22. Bi
Treat.
Somewhat favorable for having somewhere to go.
Adorned are his feet.
He abandons his carriage and walks.
Adorned is his beard.
They are adorned, they are sleek. Auspicious in a long-range determination.
They are adorned, they are fair, the white horses so shaggy. They are not bandits. It is a marriage match.
Adorned they go to the hill garden. The bundled silks are scant. Distress, but ultimately auspicious.
They are adorned in white. No misfortune.
23. Bö %1     — = "■0 $-J % pj % it
Bô* (*Pük) bu íi you yóu wang
not/favorable/have/place which/go
Hni &
23.1 bo (*puk) (chuang:) zang yi zu (*tsiuk) mie zhen xiong flay/ewe/by means of/leg/exorcism/determination/ominous
* -   £1 ^ #) *K f If f I 1*1
23.2 bó (chuang:) záng yí bian mie zhén xiông f lay/ewe/by means of/knee/exorcism/determination/ominous
23.3 bô zhT wu jiu flay/it/no/misfortune
* IS W>jfA uu
23.4 bô (chuang:) zäng yí fu (*pliwo) xiông (^Lung) flay/ewe/by means of/skin/ominous
23.5 guan yu (*ngio) (yi:) shí (*d"i?k) gong ren chong (*t'liung) wu bu ň to str in g/ fish/eat/palace/ person/favor/no/not/favorable
23.6 shuo guo bu shí (*dj9k) jünzY de yu (*z|o) xiao ren bo lu (*lio) large/fruit/not/eat/noble//get/carriage/small/man/strip/hut
285
23. Bo
23.0 Not favorable for having somewhere to go.
23.1 Flay a ewe starting with the legs. Ominous in an exorcism determination.
23.2 Flay a ewe starting with the knees. Ominous in an exorcism determination.
23.3 Flay it. No misfortune.
23.4 Flay a ewe starting with the skin (of the upper body).
23.5 The strung together fish are eaten.
The palace people (harem) will be favored. There is nothing for which this is not favorable.
23.6 The large fruits are not eaten.
A noble gets a carriage. A small man tears down a hut.
__ 286
24. Fu 1^     — ZZ
^ it f < $ > tft A % A £ ii
Fu (*B'jiok) (heng:) xiang chu ru wu ji peng lai wu jiu (*g'iog) fan fu
treat/go out/come in/no/illness/friend/come/no/misfortune/reverse/return/
qi dao (*d'og) qi ri lai fu (*b'iok) h you you wang
DEF/way/seven/days/come/return/favorable/have/place which/go
fy7 7t    f it ft jE tf&«»■]    f» * 5
24.1 bu yuan fu wu [zhT < *ti3r em:] qf (*gieg) hui (*vfmw3g) yuan ji not/far/return/no/harm/trouble/ very/auspicious
/\ A 1JL A t
24.2 xiu (*&og) fu (*b'iok) jf
happy/ return/auspicious
24.3 pin fu (*b jok) li wu jiu (*g'jog) riverbank/return/threatening/no/misfortune
x ©  t w # ft
24.4 zhong hang du fu^b'iok) middle/road/alone/ return
24.5 dun fu (*b'iok) wu hui (*^mwag) captive-taking raid/return/no/trouble
J: * ^ i* ft UM ^ $ t fl f? fl>
24.6 mi fu xiohg you zai sheng yong xmg shT
lose way/return/ominous/there be/disaster/calamity/use/mobilize/army/
zhong you da bai yi qf guo jun xiong
end/there be/great/defeat/with/DEF/state/ruler/ominous
287
I f t ^ * £ 14
zhi yu shf nian bu ke zheng until/to/ten/years/not/can/attack
24. Fu
24.0 Treat.
In going out and coming in there will be no illness.
A friend will come without misfortune.
He will turn around and go back on his way.
He will come and return in seven days.
Favorable for having somewhere to go.
24.1 If he does not return from far away, there will be no harm or trouble. Very auspicious.
24.2 A happy return. Auspicious.
24.3 Return along the brink of a river. Threatening, but there will be no misfortune.
24.4 Return alone in the middle of the road.
24.5 Return from a raid to take captives. No trouble.
24.6 He will get lost on his return. Ominous. There will be a calamity.
If used to mobilize the army, in the end there will be a great defeat, extending to the ruler of the state. Ominous. For ten years they cannot attack.
2SS
25. Wu wang £ ^---
Wu wang (*Miwo mwang) yuan (heng:) xiang li zhen (*tieng) qi iei zheng (-^eng) grand/treat/favorable/determination/DEF/not be/correct/
you sheng (*sieng) bu li you you wang
there be/calamity/not/favorable/have/place which/go
to*, x£ % <1£>tfc f
25.1 wu wang (*miwang) wang (*giwang) ji no/expect/go/auspicious
25.2 bu geng huo bu zT (*tsiag) yu (*dio) ze li you not/plow/harvest/not/break ground/till old field/then/favorable/have/
you wang
place which/go
25.3 wu wang zhT zai (*tsag) huo xi zhT niu (*ngiug) xing ren zhi de (*t2k) no/expect/MOD/disaster/some/tie/it/bovine/travel/person/MOD/gain/
& K 7~ % b
yi ren zhT zai (*ts^g) town/person/MOD/disaster
f 4 % $t
25 A ke zhen wu jiu
3f
can be/determination/no/misfortune
25.5 wu wang zhT j' (*dzi«t) wu yao (*giok) you xT (*^i3g)
no/expect/MOD/illness/don't!/treat with medicine/there be/joy
289
25.6 wu wang (*miwang) xfng (*g'ahg) you sheng (*sieng) wu you li no/expect/travel/there be/calamity/no/that for which/favorable
25. Wu wang
25.0 Grand treat.
A favorable determination.
If it is not correct, there will be a calamity.
Not favorable for having somewhere to go.
25.1 Auspicious for going unexpectedly.
25.2 "They do not plow, yet reap a harvest. They do not break ground, yet have ripe fields to till."
Thus it will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
25.3 An unexpected disaster. Someone had tied up his ox. It was the traveller's gain, the townsman's disaster.
25.4 Can be determined. No misfortune.
25.5 An unexpected illness: don't treat it, and there will be joy.
25.6 In unexpected travel there lies calamity. There is nothing for which this is favorable.
26. Da chu   ýi  ~§ IZZ=:
Da chu (*D'ád tjôk) li zhěn bu jiá shí (*di3k) jí li shie
favorable/determination/not/home/eat/auspicious/favorable/wade across/
da chuän big/river
26.1 you íi lí [jí em:] yí (*zi3g) there be/threat/favorable/stop
26.2 yu (shuô:) tuô fu (*biok) carriage/come off/axle-support
4 5. M i€ a «II s
26.3 liang má zhu (*d^iok) li jíán zhěn yuě fine/horse/pursue/favorable/hardship/determination/VERB PREFIX/
xián yu (*zio) wei (*g|wad) li you you wang
form barrier/chariots/protect/favorable/have/place which/go
26.4 tong niu zh7 gu (*kôk) yuan jí
young/bovine/MOD/horn-protecting thwart/very/auspicious
Iff if b í
26.5 fen sřu zhT ya (*ngá) jí geld/pig/MOD/fang/auspicious
26.6 (he:) he tían zhT (qu < *g'iwo:) híi (*g'o) (héng:) xiang (bear:) receive/Heaven/MOD/blessing/treat
26. Da chu
A favorable determination. Auspicious for not eating at home. Favorable for wading across a big river.
There is a threat. It will be favorable to stop.
A cart loses its axle-support.
Fine horses will pursue.
Favorable in a hardship determination.
Go so far as to draw the chariots into a barrier-enclosure for protection.
It will be favorable to have somewhere to go. A horn-protecting thwart on a calf: very auspicious. Fangs on a gelded pig: auspicious. We receive Heaven's blessing. Treat.
27. YÍ ff -
27.0 $        I if A f £ Í?;ŕ 0 f A
Yi (*Gj»g) zhén ji (*kiét) guáh yí zl qiu kou shi (*ďiet)
determination/auspicious/observe/jaws/self/seek/mouth/substance
$M       $<tí>Ř& 1b Íl K b W
27.1 she er ling gul (*kiw^g) guän wo duo (*twä) yi (*giyg) xiông
abandon/ you/numinous/turtle/observe/we/hang/ jaws/ominous
27.2 (diáh:) tian yi (*gi?g) fu (jlhg:) jing yú qiú" (*k'iug) yi (*gi9g) fill/jaws/scrape/shank/at/hill/jaws/
zheng xiong attack/ominous
27.3 f u yi zhen xiong (*^lung) shi nian wu yong (*diung) scrape/ ja ws/deter m ination/om inous/ten/years/don't! / use/
wu you li
no/that for which/favorable
27.4 (diän:) tian yť jŕ hu stii dán-dán (*t?m-tam) qi yu fill/jaws/auspicious/tiger/look/glaring-staring appearance//DEF/desire/ Cj£j£ em»] &  í&c £ ^
[zhu-zhú < *d'iôk-d jôk em:] yôu-yôu (*diôg-diog) wu jiti (*g'iog) far-reaching//no/misfortune
k í-   & M> Ä # t í f >f A n\
27.5 fu (jlňgs) jing ju zhén jŕ bii ke she da chüän scrape/shank/dwell/determination/auspicious/not/can/wade across/big/river
lil   # <&>fitjl %W>$-K*\
27.6 (you:) chou (*t'iog) yi (*gi3g) ii jf li she da chuan
draw out/jaws/threatening/auspicious/favorable/wade across/big/river
27. Yf
27.0 The determination is auspicious. Observe the jawbones.
Seek something to fill the mouth yourself.
27.1 Abandon your numinous turtles. Observe our jawbones hanging up. Ominous.
27.2 Fill the jaws.
He scrapes his shanks on the "jaws" of the hill: ominous for an attack.
27.3 He scrapes the jaws: the determination is ominous. Don't use this for ten years. There is nothing for which this is favorable.
27.4 Fill the jaws. Auspicious.
The tiger fixes its gaze "tum-tum." Its appetite is far-reaching "diog-diog." There will be no misfortune.
27.5 He scrapes his shanks.
Auspicious in a dwelling determination.
It will not be possible to wade across a big river.
27.6 Scoop out the jaws. Threatening.
Auspicious. Favorable for wading across a big river.
Da guo (*D'ä"d ksvä) döng (*tung) nao (*nog) Ii you yöu wang (hing:) xiang ridgepole/sag/favorable/have/place which/go/treat
28.1 jie yong bai mao (*mog) wu jiu (*g'iog) offering mat/use/white/cogongrass/no/misfortune
28.2 ku yang sheng ti (*d'iar) läo fü" de qi nu q7 (*ts'iar) wu bu Ii (*li?d) withered/poplar/grow/shoots/old/man/get/DEF/maiden/wife/no/not/favorable
if. 5- IXI
28.3 dong (*tung) nao (*nog) xiong (*£iung) r idgepole/sag/om inous
28.4 dong (*tung) long (*gliong) jl you ta (*t a) lin ridgepole/bulge upward/auspicious/there be/disaster/distress
28.5 ku yang sheng hua (*g'wa) lao fu de qi shi fü (*piwo) withered/poplar/grow/flowers/oId/matron/get/DEF/young bachelor/husband/
wu jiu wu yu (*zio) no/m isf ortune/no/honor
28.6 guo she mie dihg xiöng wu jiu
pass/river crossing/immerse/crown of head/ominous/no/misfortune
28. Da guo
A ridgepole sags.
It will be favorable to have somewhere to go. Treat.
As the offering mat use white cogongrass. No misfortune.
The withered poplar grows new shoots. The old man gets his maidenly bride.
There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
A ridgepole sags: ominous.
A ridgepole bulges upward: auspicious. There will be unanticipated harm. Distress.
The withered poplar grows flowers. The old matron gets her young husband.
There will be no misfortune, and no honor.
In crossing the river at the shallows, he gets his crown wet: ominous. No misfortune.
29. EXf] Kán I % 1 )■%. =~=
[XÍ] Kan (*Dzi3p k'^m) you fu wéi xlh (hěng:) xiang (*^iang) there be/capture/COPULA/heart/treat/
xíhg (*g1ng) you (shang:) shang (*siang) travel/have/reward
29.1 xi kan (*k^m) ru yu kan-dan (*k3m-d'3m) xióng doubled/pit/enter/into/pitfall//om inous
%~      *K a /
29.2 kán (*k'?m) you xian (*^li£m) qiu xiao de
pitfall/have/steep dropoff/seek/small/gain
29.3 lái zhT kán-kan (*k'Jm-k?m) xian (*^Iiam) qie (zhen:) chen (*d'i?m) br ing/them/"thud-thud"//steep/and/deep/
A r # #a #
ru yu kán-dán (*k'?m-ď'»m) wu yong enter/into/pitf all//don't! / use
29.4 zun (*tswan) jiu (*tsiog) guT (*kiw3g) er (*ni«r) yong fou (*piog) zun-flask/liquor/gui-tureen/double/use/earthen vessel/
na yué (*«iok) zl you (*ziog) zhohg wu jiu (*g^iog) send in/bind/from/window/end/no/misfortune
29.5 kan bu yfng (*dieng) [zhT < *tijr em:] qi (*g'ieg) ji ping (*b'jeng) wu pit/not/full/Earth Spirit/already/calm/no/misfortune
XL W D
29.6 xi yong huT mo (*m3k) zhl yu cong jf (*kj9k)
tie/use/3-strand braid/2-strand black cord/put/in/thickly-growing/thorns/
sän sui bu de (*t9k) xiong three/years/not/get/ominous
29. [Xi] Kan
29.0 There will be a capture. Let the hearts be what we offer as treat.
Travel will have its reward.
29.1 A doubled pit.
They go into the pitfall. Ominous.
29.2 In the pit there is a sheer drop. Seek a small gain.
29.3 They bring them "thud-thud." It is steep, it is deep. They go into the pitfall.
Don't use this.
23A Wine in the flask, tureens in twos—use earthen vessels.
Bring them bound through the window. In the end there will be no misfortune.
29.5 The pit is not full, and the Earth Spirit is already placated. No misfortune.
29.6 Bind them with a braid of three strands and a black cord of two strands. Put them in a bramble thicket. For three years you will not get it. Ominous.
30. Lf$ft =_=
Li (*Lia) li zhen (hehg:) xiang xu pin niu jf
favorable/determination/treat/raise/female of animals/bovine/auspicious
fail & p $q£L t $
30.1 lu cuo ran jing zhT wu jiu
steps/cross/-wise/respect/them/no/m isf ortune
30.2 huang li (*lia) yuan ji (*kiet)
yellow/ lia-bird/very/auspicious
30.3 ri ze zhT if (*lia) bu gu fou er ge (*ka)
sun/sun aslant in west/MOD/lia-bird/not/drum/earthen vessel/and/sing/
ze da die zhT jie (*tsia) xiong then/big/elder ly/ MOD/"alas! "/om inous
fl ®       jsi £ ^ ^ $ ja    j* la
30.4 tu (*t'w$t) ru q( lai (*l?g) ru fen (*b'iw?n) rif si (*si?r) ru qi (*k'j£d) ru sudden/-like/DEF/come/-like/burn/-like/die/-like/abandcn/-like
30.5 chu tl (*twr) tuo (*d'a) ruo qT (*ts'iok) jie (*tsia) ruo ji produce/ tears/f lowing/-Iike/ grieved/"alas!"/-like/auspicious
30.6 wang yong chu zheng you jia zhe shou (*siog) king/use/go out/attack/there be/celebration/chop off/heads/
H£ ft #8|bJE# b%
huo fei qi chou (*t'jog) wu jiu (*g'iog)
catch/not be/DEF/hate/no/misfortune
299
30. Li
30.0 A favorable determination. Treat.
Auspicious for raising cows.
30.1 The steps are crosswise. Be polite to him. There will be no misfortune.
30.2 A yellow lia-bird: very auspicious.
30.3 A lia-bird at sunset: if you do not drum on an earthen vessel and chant, then greatly will your elders go "Alas!" Ominous.
30.4 Sudden is its coming: like burning, death, abandonment.
30.5 The tears are flowing. They grieve, "Alas!" Auspicious.
30.6 The king used this to go out on an attack. There was a celebration, with the chopping off of heads. The catch was not the enemy.
No misfortune.
31. Xian (Kan) ~ ~
31.0 $       % ft t Xian (*G'*m/*k'3m) (heng:) xiang li zhen qu nu \i
treat/favorable/determination/take as wife/maiden/auspicious
31.1 (xian:) kan qi mu (*m3g) cut/DEF/big toes
31.2 (xian:) kan qi fei (*b'iw«r) xiong ju jf cut/DEF/lower leg/ominous/dwell/auspicious
31.3 (xian:) kan qi gu (*ko) zhf qi (sui:) sui (*swia) wang lin cut/DEF/thigh/hold/DEF/marrow/go/distress
31.4 zhen ji hui wang chong-chong (*t hing-t jung) wang lai (*l3g) determination/auspicious/trouble/go away/unsettled//go/come/
peng cong er sT (*siag) friend/follow/you/think
31.5 (xian:) kan qf mei (*mw?g) wu hui (*#nw?g) cut/DEF/spinal flesh/no/trouble
31.6 (xian:) kan qi fu (*biwo) jia (*kiap) she (*d'iat) cut/DEF/cheeks/ jowls/ tongue
31. Xian (Kan)
Treat.
A favorable determination.
Auspicious for taking a maiden as wife.
Cut off the big toes (of the sacrificial victim).
Cut off the lower legs. Ominous.
Auspicious for dwellings.
Cut off the thighs. Take hold of the bone marrow. To go will be distressing.
The determination is auspicious. Troubles will go away.
You feel unsettled and go back and forth: a friend is following
your thoughts.
Cut off the spinal flesh. No trouble.
Cut off the cheeks, jowls, and tongue.
302
32. He'ng '/£ =T^=
32.0 H       %   (£> ft|   pi % fate
Heng (*G'?ng) (heng:) xiang wu jiu li zhen li you you wang
treat/no/misfortune/favorable/determination/favorable/have/place which/go
32.1 (jun:) xun (*siwan) heng zhen xiong wu you II
Xun Deep/long time/determination/ominous/no/that for which/favorable
32.2 hui wang
trouble/go away
32.3 bu heng qi de' (*t?k) huo cheng zhl xiu (*sniog)
not/constant/DEF/get/some/to present/them/prepared food offering/
zhen lin
deter m ination/distress
32.4 tian wu qin hunt/no/game
k 3L   #. £ |f. c t|) | # A 3 * •? 1^
32.5 heng qi de zhen fu ren ji fu" zi xiong constant/DEF/get/determination/wife/person/auspicious/husband/SUF/ominous
X *    ilk it UU
32.6 zhen (*ti3n) heng xiong quake/long time/ominous
32. Heng
Treat.
There will be no misfortune. A favorable determination. It will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
The Xun Deep: the determination is always ominous. There is nothing for which this is favorable.
Troubles will go away.
They do not have a constant catch: in some cases present an offering of prepared delicacies. The determination is one of distress.
In the hunt there will be no game.
They have a constant catch.
The determination is auspicious for a wife, but ominous for a husband.
Quaking: always ominous.
33. Dun (Tun) = =
33.0 jg£        |   ( | ) ^fcj | Dun (*D'wjn) (heng:) xiang xiao li zhen
treat/small/favorable/determination
33.1 (dun:) tun wei li wu yong you you wang
young pig/tail/threatening/don't!/use/have/place which/go
33.2 zhi zhT yong huang niu zhT ge (*k£k) mo zhT sheng (shuo:) tuo (*t'wat) tether/it/use/brown/bovine/MOD/rawhide/none/it/conquer/take off
33.3 xi (dun:) tun you ji (dzjat) li xu chen
tie up/young pig/have/illness/threatening/keep/male bondservant/
qie ji (*kiet)
female bondservant/auspicious
33.4 hao (dun:) tun junzY jf (*kiet) xiao ren pt (*pftg) fine/young pig/noble//auspicious/small/man/bad
33.5 jia (dun:) tun zhen ]i celebration/young pig/determination/auspicious
33.6 fei (dun:) tun wu bu li fat/young pig/no/not/favorable
305
33. Dun (Tun)
33.0 Treat.
A somewhat favorable determination.
33.1 The tail of a young pig: threatening. Don't use this in having somewhere to go.
33.2 Tether it with the hide of a brown ox. Under no circumstances will it be capable of getting loose.
33.3 A tied up young pig: there will be an illness. Threatening. Auspicious for keeping male or female bondservants.
33.4 A fine young pig: auspicious for a noble, bad for a small man.
33.5 A young pig at a celebration: the determination is auspicious.
33.6 A fat young pig: there is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
306
34. Da zhuang
34.0 * ^'J |
Da zhuang (*D'ad tsiang) li zhen favorable/determination
ton it muc)? & tewtfift)
34.1 (zhuang:) qiang yu zhY zhehg xiong you fu (*p'iug) injure/in/foot/attack/ominous/there be/capture
*3-
34.2 zhen ji
determination/auspicious
34.3 xiao ren yong (zhuang:) qiang (*dz'iang) junzY yong wang (*rniwang) small/man/use/injure/noble//use/be without/
zhen li dT yang (*ziang) chu fan lei qf jiao
determination/threatening/ram/sheep/butt/fence/weaken/DEF/horns 34.4 zhen ji hui wang fan jue bu lei (*lwia)
ti© &a-fat
determination/auspicious/trouble/go away/fence/break through/not/weaken/
Jli<tf> f * 3? 1 ft
(zhuang:) qiang yu da yu zhT fu injure/on/big/carriage/MOD/axle-support
34.5 sang yang (*ziang) yu yi (*dieg) wu hui (*^mw9g) lose/sheep/at/Yi/n o/trouble
III ^t^B'Fftgf B
34.6 dr yang chu fan bu neng tui (*t'w9d) bu neng sui (dziw?d)
ram/sheep/butt/fence/not/able to/withdraw/not/able to/push through/
wu you li (*liad) jian ze ji
no/that for which/favorable/hardship/then/auspicious
34. Da zhuang
A favorable determination.
He is injured in the foot. Ominous for an attack. There will be a capture.
The determination is auspicious.
If a small man uses this, he will be injured. If a noble uses it, he will not be.
The determination is threatening.
A ram butts a fence and damages his horns.
The determination is auspicious. Troubles will go away. The fence breaks open, while he is not damaged. He is injured on the axle-support of a big carriage.
He lost his sheep at Yi. There will be no trouble.
A ram butts a fence. He cannot withdraw, nor can he push through.
There is nothing for which this is favorable. If there is a hardship, it is auspicious.
35. Jin g      = =
Jin (*Tsien) king hou yong (xu) ci ma fan shu zhou ri san jie
Kang/lord/use/bestow/horses/numerous/many/daylight/day/three/connect
35.1 jin (*tsien) ru cuT (*dz'w*r) ru zhen j' [wang em:] huY wang advance/-Iike/sJash/-Jike/determination/auspicious/troubJe/be without/
fu (*p'iug) yu (*giug) wu jiu (*g'iog) capture/abundant/no/ misfortune
35.2 jin (*tsien) ru chou (*dz jog) ru zhen ji shou zT jie advance/-like/grieved/-like/determination/auspicious/receive/this/great/
% f 11 %
fu (*piiuk) yu qi wang mu (*m#g) blessing/at/DEF/king/mother
35.3 zhong yun huf wang multitude/in fact/trouble/go away
35.4 jin (*tsien) ru (*nio) shf (*d'jak) shu (*sio) zhen li advance/-like/vole/rodent/determination/threatening
35.5 hu^ wang shf de (*t3k) wu xui (*siwet) wang jf (*kiet) wu bu li (*Ji9d) trouble/go away/lose/get/don't!/worry/go/auspicious/no/not/favorable
35.6 jin qi jiao (*kuk) wei (*diwsr) yong fa yi (**i3p) li ji advance/DEF/horns/COPUL A/use/attack/town/ threatening/auspicious/
309
wu jiu zhen fin
no/ m isf ortune/determination/distress
35. 3m
35.0 The lord of Kang was herewith presented with horses. They
proliferated and became numerous. He mated them three times in a day.
35.1 They advance, so swashbuckling!
The determination is auspicious. Troubles will disappear. The capture will be abundant. There will be no misfortune.
35.2 They advance, stricken with grief. The determination is auspicious.
He received this great blessing from his king's mother.
35.3 For the corps, as predicted, troubles went away.
35.4 A vole scurrying ahead: the determination is threatening.
35.5 Troubles will go away.
If you lose your catch, don't worry. Auspicious for going.
There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
35.6 He thrusts forward his horns: means use it to attack a town. Threatening.
Auspicious. There will be no misfortune. The determination is one of distress.
36. Ming yf v
36.0 W %        f!J 0 f Ming yf (*Miang di3r) li jian zhen
favorable/hardship/determination
36.1 ming (yi:) zhi (*d'i?r) yu fei (*piw3r) chuf qf yi (*gi?k) junzi yu xing call/pheasant/go/fly/ droop/DEF/wing/ noble//go/travel/
san n bu shi (*d tfk) you you wang zhu ren you yan three/days/not/eat/have/place which/go/host/person/there be/talk
36.2 mfng (yf:) zhi yf yu zuo gu (*ko) yong zheng ma zhuang jf call/pheasant/wound/in/left/thigh/use/geld/horse/healthy/ auspicious
36.3 ming (yf:) zhi [yu em:] yf yu nan shou (*siog) call/pheasant/wound/at/south/hunt/
de qf da shou (*siog) bu ke jf zhen get/DEF/big/head/not/can be/urgent/determination
36.4 ru yu zuo fu (*piok) huo ming (yi:) zhi zhT xTh yu chu men ting (*d'ieng) enter/into/left/belly/catch/call/pheasant/MOD/heart/go/go out/door/court
36.5 jt zi zhT ming (yi:) zhi li zhen Jizi//MOD/call/pheasant/favorable/determination
36.6 bu ming hui chu deng yu tiah hou ru yu' dl not/bright/dark/first/rise/in/sky/Iater/enter/into/earth
36. Ming yi
Favorable in a hardship determination.
The calling pheasant in flight dips its wing: the noble in travel will not eat for three days.
If he has somewhere to go, there will be talk among his hosts.
The calling pheasant was wounded in the left thigh. If used to geld a horse, it will be healthy. Auspicious.
The calling pheasant was wounded at the southern hunt: they got the big chief.
Cannot be hurriedly determined.
It entered the calling pheasant's left belly and hit the heart. He goes out of door and courtyard.
Jizi's calling pheasant. A favorable determination.
It is not light, but dark. It first rises in the sky, and later disappears into the ground.
37. Jiá ren *3< K 37.0  % K       fc| * I Jil ren (*Ka niěn) li nü zhén
favorable/ maiden/determination
37.1 xián you jia huť wáng
barricade/(have:)one's own/home/trouble/go away
37.2 wu yôu sui (*dziw9d) zai zhông kul (*g'iw£d) zhén \i
no/that which/achieve/be at/middle/present food/determination/auspicious
/is   % k "í a% 4fr % t
37.3 jiá ren he-he (*£ak->řlk) huí li jť
family/man/sound of sighing//trouble/threatening/auspicious/
f u zi xľ-xT (*^i?g-^iíg) zhông lín wife/child/sound of giggling//end/distress
fit?      ^ Hr7  -t ■£
/\ Li-'        §   ^   A <Z
37.4 fu jiä da \(
rich/family/greatly/auspicious
37.5 wang jia you jia wu xu ji (*kiet)
king/proceed to/(have:)one's own/home/don't!/worry/auspicious
.tft   % $ <ít-> J& 4* &■ %
37.6 you fú wei ru zhông ji
there be/capture/terrified/-like/end/auspicious
313
37. Jia ren
37.0 A determination favorable for a maiden.
37.1 He barricades his home. Troubles will go away.
37.2 There will be nothing achieved. Make a food offering in the middle. The determination is auspicious.
37.3 The people in the family moan and groan. Trouble. It is threatening.
Auspicious.
The wife and children giggle, "tee-hee." In the end there will be distress.
37.4 Greatly auspicious for a rich family.
37.5 The king proceeds to his home. Don't worry. Auspicious.
37.6 There will be captives cowering in terror. Ultimately auspicious.
38.0 gf      /J. 1 -t
38. Kuf glf
»2
Kuf (*K'iw?r) xiao shl ji
small/service/auspicious
\ , ''1^ ^ * A %
38.1 hui wang sang ma wu zhu (*d'iok) zi fu (*b'iok) trouble/go away/lose/horse/don't!/pursue/self/return/
jian e ren wu jiu (*g log) see/ ugly/person/no/ misfortune
38.2 yu zhu yu xiang (*g'ung) wu jiu (g'iog) meet/master/in/lane/no/misfortune
38.3 jian yu (*zio) ye (*ziad) qi niu (*ngiug) che (*t'iad) qi ren see/cart/drag/DEF/bovine/one horn up, one horn down/DEF/person/
tian qie yi (*ngi£d) wu chu (*ts'io) you zhong
tatoo on forehead/and/cut off nose/no/beginning/there be/end
fi © g? <#> tt\ <m* i5 7t * b * i ift >
38.4 kui (gu:) hu (*g'wo) yu yuan fu (*piwo) jiao (*kog) fu (*p^iug) set sights on/fox/meet/primary/husband/cross/capture/
h wu jiu (*g'k>g) threatening/no/ misfortune
38.5 hui wang jue zong shi fu (*pli>wo) wang he jiu
trouble/go away/their/ancestral hall/bite/skin/go/what?/misfortune
315
AS
38.6 kui (gu:) hu (*g'wo) jian shi fu tu (*d'o) zai gui (*kiw?r) yi che (*kio)
set sights on/fox/see/pig/carry on back/mud/transport/ghosts/one/carriage/
xian zhlng zhT hu (*g'wo) hou (shuo:) tuo zhT hu (*g'wo) fei kou (*k'u) first/draw taut/them/bow/later/loosen/them/bow/not be/bandits
hun gou (*ku) wang yu yu (*giwo) ze ji wife's kin/match/go/meet/rain/then/auspicious
38. Kuf
38.0 Auspicious for small services.
38.1 Troubles will go away.
If you lose a horse, don't pursue it. It will return by itself. See a deformed person: there will be no misfortune.
38.2 He met his master in a village lane. There will be no misfortune.
38.3 He saw a cart. It was dragging, the ox with horns awry,
the person tatooed on the forehead and with his nose cut off. There will be no beginning. There will be an end.
38.4 He set his sights on the fox. She met her primary husband. Captives tied up crosswise: threatening but there will be no misfortune.
38.5 Troubles will go away.
Their ancestor bites into the skin. What misfortune will there be in going?
38.6 He set his sights on the fox. He saw pigs with mud on their backs, and a cart carrying ghosts. He first drew his bow taut at them, then later relaxed the bow.
They are not bandits. It is a marriage match. If in going you meet with rain, it is auspicious.
v tg£--
39. Jian ^
39.0 4        ifcj § #   í *'J jjTdt,   t'J   g, * A
Jian (*Kian) ii xT nan bii li dong bii li jián dá rén
favorable/west/south/not/favorable/east/north/favorable/see/big/man/
Ig <Z zhěn jř
determination/auspicious
to*, tifťf*
39.1 wáng jián (*kian) lai yu (*zio) go/hobble/come/honored
39.2 wang chen jian-jián (*kian-kian) fei gong zhT gu (*ko) king/bondservant/imitative of walking unsteadily//not be/body/MOD/cause
A ^      ft 4  B % li B
39.3 wáng jian (*kian) lái fán(*piwán)
go/hobble/come/reverse (second half of rhyming binom *piwan-kian)
Ä 122 tl.^B
39.4 wang jián (*kian) lai lian (*lian) go/hobble/come/cart
■ní
39.5 da jian (*kian) peng lai (*l?g) big/hobble/friend/come
^ k   it f #   % Pi It k
39.6 wáng jián (*kian) lái shuo (*diák) ji li jián dá ren go/hobble/come/eminent/auspicious/ favorable/see/big/ man
317
39. Jian
39.0 Favorable to the west and south; not favorable to the east and north.
It will be favorable to see a big man. Auspicious.
39.1 He goes hobbling and comes honored.
39.2 Both king and bondservant are hobbling-bobbling. It is not their bodies' fault.
39.3 He goes hobbling and comes wobbling.
39.4 He goes hobbling and comes carted.
39.5 A big stumble: a friend will come.
39.6 He goes hobbling and comes eminent. Auspicious.
It will be favorable to see a big man.
40. Jie ffi =-=.
m m ® h 5t # ft. * *
Jie (*Keg) li xľ nan wu suo wang qí lai f u (*b'iôk) j ŕ
favorable/west/south/no/place which/go/DEF/come/return/auspicious/
M f* ľi ft, £
you you wang su (*siok) ji have/place which/go/early/auspicious
40.1 wu jiu no/misfortune
40.2 tian huo sän hu (*g'wo) dé huáng shľ (*siar) zněn jí hunt/catch/three/foxes/get/yellow-brown/arrow/determination/auspicious
40.3 fu qie cheng zhí kou zhí (*tied) zhén lin
carry on back/and/ride/bring on/bandits/arrive/determination/distress
40.4 jie (*keg) [er em:] qí mu (*m9g) peng zhí sT fu (*p'iug) untie/DEF/thumbs/f riend/arrive/him/capture
40.5 júnzi wei (*djiw3r) you jie (*keg) ji you fu yu xiao ren
noble//tether-rope/there be/untie/auspicious/there be/capture/at/small/ man
40.6 gong yong she sun yu glo yông zhT shang huo zhT wu bu íi duke/use/shoot at/hawk/at/high/wall/MOD/top/catch/it/no/not/favorable
319
40. Jie
40.0 Favorable to the west and south. There is no place to go.
It is auspicious for his coming and return. In having somewhere to go, early morning is auspicious.
40.1 There will be no misfortune.
40.2 In the hunt they caught three foxes, and got a bronze arrow-point. The determination is auspicious.
40.3 Carrying things on the back while riding will bring on the arrival of bandits.
The determination is one of distress.
40.4 He untied his thumbs. A friend arrived and captured him.
40.5 A noble's tether-rope was untied: auspicious. There will be a capture by a small man.
40.6 The duke used this in shooting a hawk on the top of a high wall, and he hit it.
There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
41. Sun
Sun (*Sw9n) you f u yuan j f wu jiu ke zhén
there be/capture/ very/auspicious/no/ m isf ortune/can be/deter m inat ion/
li you you wang he zhi yong er gui
favorable/have/place which/go/what?/it/use/two/gui-tureens/
ke yong xiang can be/use/treat
foa  t e«.] e <*e>f $ ^ t ® 1/ #t
41.1 [yi em:] si shi chuan wang wu jiu zhuo sun zhT sacrifice/service/quickly/go/no/misfortune/libation/decrease/it
41.2 li zhen zheng xiong f u sun yi zhi favorable/determination/attack/ominous/not (it)/decrease/increase/it
*~    =. At iú il ' A-A if
41.3 san ren xing ze sun yi ren yi ren xmg three/persons/travel/then/decrease/one/person/one/person/travel/
ze de qi you then/get/DEF/friend
41.4 sun qi ji (*dzigt) shY chuan you xi (*ft?g) wu jiu (*g^iog) decrease/DEF/illness/to cause/quickly/there be/joy/no/misfortune
^ %%i^m išt*fi tit*
41.5 huo yi zhT shi peng zhT gúT (*kiw g) f u ke wei (*giw3r)
some/increase/h im /ten/cowry set/MOD/turtle/not (it)/can/disobey/
yuan ji
very/auspicious
41.6 fu sun yi zhT wu jiu zhen jf
41.0
41.1
41.2
41.3
41.4
41.5
41.6
(it)/decrease/increase/it/no/misfortune/determination/auspicious/
There will be a capture. Very auspicious. There will be no misfortune.
It can be determined: it will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
What is to be used? Two tureens can be used in the sacrificial treat.
A sacrificial service: go quickly. There will be no misfortune. A libation: decrease it.
A favorable determination.
Ominous for an attack. It will not diminish them, but aggrandize them.
If three people travel, their number will decrease by one. If one person travels, he will gain a friend.
It decreases his illness, and causes a rapid recovery. There will be no misfortune.
Someone enriches him with a turtle worth ten cowry-sets: he cannot oppose it. Very auspicious.
It does not decrease it, but increases it.
There will be no misfortune. The determination is auspicious.
It will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
He will get a bondservant, one who does not have a family.
li you you wang de chen wu jia
favorable/have/place which/go/get/bondservant/no/family
41. Sun
%    p\ % fa ^ pi n\
Yi (**iek) li you you wang li she da chuah
favorable/have/place which/go/favorable/wade across/big/river
42.1 li yong wei da zuo (*tsak) yuan jf wu jiu (*g'iog) favorable/ use/do/big/project/very/auspicious/no/ misfortune
42.2 huo yi zhT shi peng zhF guT (*kiw^g) fu ke wei (*giw*r) some/increase/him/ten/cowry set/MOD/turtle/not (it)/can/disobey/
yong zhen ji wang yong xiang yu Di ji
prolonged/determination/auspicious/king/ use/treat/to/Di/auspicious
42.3 yi zhl yong xiong shi wu jiu (*g'iog) you fu (*p jug) increase/them/use/ominous/serve/no/misfortune/there be/capture/
t u t -a % t
zhong hang gao (*kog) gong yong guT (*kiweg) middle/road/report/duke/use/gui-tablet
-k ©     t IT & £ V£
42.4 zhong hang gao (*kog) gong (*kung) cong (*dz'_iung) middle/road/report/duke/ follow/
li yong wei (yi:) YTh qian guo favorable/ use/ for/Yin/move/state
ft £   ^ t <ff    <* >   ^ JSJ X, %
42.5 you fu hui xin wu wen yuan ji
there be/capture/COPULA/heart/don't!/ask/very/auspicious/
you fu hui wo de
there be/capture/COPULA/we/get
42.6 mo yi (**iek) zhT huo jT (*kiek) zhT li xTn wu heng xiong
none/increase/him/some/strike/him/set up/heart/don't!/iong time/ominous
42. Yi
42.0 It will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
It will be favorable to wade across a big river.
42.1 It will be favorable to use this for a big project. Very auspicious. There will be no misfortune.
42.2 Someone enriches him with a turtle worth ten cowry-sets: he cannot oppose it.
Auspicious in a long-range determination.
The king used this for a sacrificial treat to Di. Auspicious.
42.3 It increases it. Ominous to use.
In service there will be no misfortune. There was a capture.
They reported it in the middle of the journey. The duke used a gui tablet.
42.4 They reported it in the middle of the journey. The duke agreed. Favorable to use to move the state for the Yin people.
42.5 There will be captives. Let it be the hearts. Don't ask! It is very auspicious.
There will be captives. Let it be we who get them.
42.6 No one enriches him. Some strike him. Set up the hearts.
Don't perform the heng perpetuation rite. Ominous.
324
43. Guai (Jue) -7^
Guai (*Kwad) yang yu wang ting fu hao you ii gao zi yi
display/at/king/court/capture/cry out/there be/threat/report/from/town/
* *J    # ft $ # f£
. \    A S        A      V       — V
bu 11 ji rong li you you wang
not/favorabie/approach/vioience/favorabie/have/piace which/go
43.1 (zhuang:) qiang yu qian zhi wang bu sheng (*swng) wei jiu injure/in/front/foot/go/not/overcome/become/ misfortune
43.2 ti hao (mo:) mu ye you rong (*niong) wu xu
wary/cry out/evening/night/there be/violence/don't!/worry
43.3 (zhuang:) qiang yu qiu (*g'iug) you xiohg (*^lung) junzi injure/in/cheekbone/there be/ominous/noble//
(guai-guai:) jue-jue (*kiwat-kiwat) du xing yu yu ruo ru' lickety-split//alone/travel/encounter/rain/if/get wet/
M to- it $
you yun wu jiu (*giog)
there be/displeasure/no/misfortune
43.4 tun wu fu (*pliwo) qi xing (ci qie:) zT-ju (*ts'j9r-ts'io) buttocks/no/skin/DEF/travei/hard-going//
f?BtittBff\ tft......
qian yang (*ziang) hui wang (*miwang) wen yan (*ngian) bu xin (*sien)
lead/sheep/ trouble/go a way/hear/talk/not/reliabl e
325
43.5 [xian em:] huan lu (guai-guai:) jue-jue (*kiwat-kiwat) zhong hang wu jiu mountain goat/jump/lickety-split//middle/road/no/misfortune
43.6 wu hao zhong (*tiong) you xiong (*^lung) no/cry out/end/there be/ominous
43. Guai (Jue)
43.0 Displayed at the court of the king, the captives cry out.
There is a threat. It is reported from a town. Not favorable for taking up arms. Favorable for having somewhere to go.
43.1 He is injured in the toes, and unequal to the task of walking. It becomes misfortune.
43.2 He is wary, and cries out. In the evening and night there is fighting. Don't worry.
43.3 He is injured in the cheekbone: there are ominous signs.
A noble hurries along alone lickety-split and meets with rain. If he gets wet, he becomes disagreeable. There will be no misfortune.
43.4 With no skin on the buttocks his walking is "ts'ier-ts'io" labored. If he leads a sheep, troubles will go away.
He hears the talk, but it is not reliable.
43.5 A mountain goat hopping lickety-split down the middle of the road: there will be no misfortune.
43.6 There is no outcry: ultimately there are ominous signs.
44. Gou __
Gou (*Ku) nü zhuang wu yong qií nü
maiden/healthy/don't!/use/take as wife/maiden
44.1 XI yu jih ni zhen ji you you wang tie/to/metal/spindle/determination/auspicious/have/place which/go/
jián xióng lei shť (*sieg?) fu (*p'iug) zhí-zhu (*ďiek-d'iuk) see/ominous/emaciated/pig/capture/plant feet and balk at moving
44.2 (bab:) páo you yu (*ngio) wu jiu bu h bTn
slaughterhouse/there be/fish/no/misfortune/not/favorable/be guest
44.3 tun wu fü" (*pliwo) qi xmg (ci qie:) zF-jú (*ts'i?r-ts'io) li wu da jiu buttocks/no/skin/DEF/travel/hard-going//threatening/no/big/misfortune
■tie   % y&' £ :l a £S i&
44.4 (bio:) pao wu yu (*ngio) qi xiong slaughterhouse/no/ f ish/r ise/ om inous
44.5 yí qi bio gua (*kwa) han zhihg
by means of/purple willow/wrap/melon/hold in mouth/jade talisman/
% ft á *
you yün zi tian there be/fall/from/sky
44.6 gou (*ku) qi jiao (*kuk) hn wu jiu (*g'iog) inter lock/DEF/horns/distress/no/misfortune
327
44. Gou
44.0 A maiden will be healthy.
Don't use this to take a maiden as wife.
44.1 Tied to a metal spindle: the determination is auspicious. Ominous for going and seeing someone.
An emaciated pig: the captive is balky.
44.2 There are fish in the slaughterhouse: there will be no misfortune. It will not be favorable to be a guest.
44.3 With no skin on the buttocks, his walking is "ts'ier-ts'io" labored. Threatening, but there will be no great misfortune.
44.4 There are no fish in the slaughterhouse: ominous for rising to action.
44.5 Wrap the melon with purple willow leaves. Hold a jade talisman in the mouth. Something fell from the sky.
44.6 They lock their horns: distress. There will be no misfortune.
<0. v-Ul ^j-
45.0 %2        J (
Cui (*Dz'iw?d) (heng:) xiang wang jia you miao li jian da ren
treat/king/proceed to/(have:)one's own/temple/favorable/see/big/man/
(heng:) xiang li zhen yong da shehg ji treat/favorable/determination/use/big/victim/auspicious/
li you you wang favorable/have/place which/go
45.1 you fu bu zhong nai luan
there be/(capture:)weft-thread bobbin/not/tie off/then/mess/
nai cui ruo hao (*g'og) yf-wo (*'iet-*uk) wei xiao (*siog) then/bunch/-like/cry out/cackling sound/become/laugh/
wu xu (*siwet) wang wu jiu (g'iog) don't!/worry/go/no/ misfortune
45.2 yin ji wu jiu (*g log) fu nai li yong yue (*diok)
draw out/auspicious/no/misfortune/capture/then/favorable/use/yue-sacrifice
x =- •*« £   *l % % %
45.3 cui (*dz'jwjd) ru jie (*tsia) ru wu you li wang wu jiu bunch/-Iike/sigh/-like/no/that for which/favorable/go/no/misfortune/
-V A
xiao lin
small/distress
329
7% \g xtfufy
45.4 da ji wu jiu
greatly/auspicious/no/misfortune
45.5 cui (*dz'iw?d) you wei (*giw£.d) wu jiu (*g'jog) fei fu (*p'kig) bunch/have/(high) rank/no/misfortune/not be/capture/
[yuan yong em:] yuan jf yong zhen huf wang very/auspicious/prolonged/determination/trouble/go away
45.6 jf z~ (tsi3r-tsijr) ti (*ti?r) yi (*di?r) wu jiu sigh/sob/tears/nasal mucus/no/misfortune -
45. Cui
45.0 Treat. The king proceeds to his temple.
It will be favorable to see a big man.
Treat. A favorable determination. Auspicious for using
large sacrificial victims.
It will be favorable to have somewhere to go.
45.1 If there is a bobbin, and it is not tied at the end, it will be a mess, and all bunched up.
A wail, with a cackle, becomes a laugh.
Don't worry. In going there will be no misfortune.
45.2 Auspicious for a drawn out period. There will be no misfortune. If there are captives, it will be favorable to use them in
the yue summer sacrifice.
45.3 "Oh-oh," "tsk-tsk." There is nothing for which this is favorable. In going there will be no misfortune.
Minor distress.
45.4 Greatly auspicious. There will be no misfortune.
45.5 Assemble those holding ranks.
There will be no misfortune. It is not a capture, ^ry auspicious. In a long-range determination, troubles will go away.
45.6 Sigh and sob, snivel and snot. There will be no misfortune.
46. Sheng __
Sheng (*Si3ng) yuan (heng:) xiang yong jian da ren wu xu nan zheng j grand/treat/use/see/big/man/don't!/ worry/south/attack/auspicious
46.1 yun sheng da ji
in fact/climb/greatly/auspicious
46.2 fu nai li yong yue (*diok) wu jiu (*g'iog)
capture/ then/f avorable/use/yue-sacr if ice/no/ misfortune
/IS       *■ &
46.3 sheng xu yl climb/hill/town
46.4 wang yong (heng:) xiang yu qf shan jf wu jiu king/use/treat/to/Qi/mountain/auspicious/no/misfortune
46.5 zhen ji (*kiet) sheng jie (*kfcr) determination/auspicious/climb/stairs
46.6 ming sheng h yu bu xT zhT zhen dark/climb/favorable/for/not/rest/MOD/determination
46. Sheng
Grand treat.
Use for seeing a big man. Don't worry.
Auspicious for an attack to the south.
He climbs as predicted. Greatly auspicious.
If captives are taken, it will be favorable to use them the yue summer sacrifice. There will be no misfortune.
Climb to a town on a hill.
The king used this for a sacrificial treat to Mount Qi. Auspicious. There will be no misfortune.
The determination is auspicious. Climb stairs.
Climb in the darkness.
A determination which is favorable for not resting.
332
Kun (*K'w3n) (hěng:) xiang zhěn da ren ji wú jiu you yan (*ngián) bu xin (*sien) treat/determination/big/man/auspicious/no/misfortune/there be/talk/not/reliable
47.1 tun (*d'w9n) kun (*k'w9n) yú zhü mu (*muk) ru yu yöu gu (*kuk) buttocks/bothered/at/tree trunk/tree/enter/into/dark/valley/
sin sui bu dí (*d'iôk) three/years/not/see
47.2 kun yu jiu sní (*d'i?k) zhü fu fang lai (*l9g) bothered/at/liquor/food/vermilion/kneeshields/fang-state/come/
*l   % f & b & ľžj jL & s
Íi yong xiang si (*dzi?g) zhéng xiông wu jiu (*g'iog) favorable/use/treat/sacrifice/attack/ominous/no/misfortune
47.3 kun yu shí (*diäk) jíj yu jí-lŕ (*dz'i?t-li?r) ru yu qi gong (*kióng)
bothered/at/rock/grasp/at/Tribulus terrestris vine//enter/into/DEF/house/
bří jian qŕ qT (*ts'i?r) xiong (*^iung) not/see/DEF/wife/ominous
47.4 lai xú-xu (*dzio-dzio) kun yú jih che (*kio) lin you zhóng (*tiong) come/slowly//bothered/at/metal/carriage/distress/there be/end
1*7.5 yi (*ngi£d) yue (*ngiwát) kun yú chi fú (*piw3t)
cut off nose/cut off feet/bothered/at/red/kneeshields/
nai xu you (shuo:) tuo (*^wat) li yong ji si (*dziag) then/slowly/there be/remove/favorable/use/sacrifice/sacrifice
47.6 kun yu ge lei (*kat-liw3r) yu nie-wu (*ngiat-ngw0t)
bothered/at/Vitis flexuosa Thunb. vine//at/tree stump//
yue dong huY you hui zheng ji (*kiet)
VERB PREFIX/move/trouble/there be/trouble/attack/auspicious
47. Kun
47.0 Treat.
The determination is favorable for a big man. There will be no misfortune. There is talk, but it is not reliable.
47.1 His buttocks are injured by a wooden staff.
He goes into the dark valleys and is not seen for three years.
47.2 They are overwhelmed by food and drink.
Men of the Vermilion Kneeshields border state come: it will be favorable to use them for a sacrificial treat. Ominous for an attack. There will be no misfortune.
47.3 He is bothered by rocks and grabs at the spiny caltrop vine. He goes into his house, but does not see his wife. Ominous.
47.4 They come so slowly, obstructed by a bronze chariot. Distress. There will be an end.
47.5 Nose cut off, feet cut off, bothered by the Red Kneeshields: then there will gradually be an extrication.
Favorable to use for making a sacrificial offering.
47.6 Bothered by wild grape vines, or tripped by a stump, to the point that moving is trouble.
There will be trouble. Auspicious for an attack.
334
48. jľng ft--
jľng (*Tsiéng) gái yí bu gai jíhg wu sang wu de wang lai change/town/not/change/well/no/loss/no/gain/go/come/
jíng-jíng (*tsieng-tsieng) qi {*Kv9t) zhí (*tiet) yi wei yu (*giwfct) imitative of orderliness//up to/reach/also/not yet/(well-rope:)draw water/
jíng (*tsiéng) lei qí píng (*b'ieng) xiông (♦í'iung) well/damage/DEF/earthen jug/ominous
48.1 jíng nl bu shi (*d'iík) jiu jíng wu qín well/muddy/not/drink/old/pitfall/no/game
48.2 jing gu she fu (*b iu) weng bi lou (*lu) well/depth/shoot/silver carp/earthen jar/ruin/leak
48.3 jľng xie (*siat) bu shi (*ďi3k) wéi wo xTn ce (*ts'iak) well/seep/not/drink/become/our/heart/sorrow/
ké yong )\ (*ki3p) wang (míng:) meng bing shou qf fu (*piúk)
can be/use/draw water/king/covenant/together/receive/DEF/blessings
48.4 jíng zhou (*tsiôg) wu jiu (*g'iog)
well/line with brick, stone, or tile/no/misfortune
■Kí. #Mc%&t
48.5 jľng lie (*liat) nan quan shi (*d'iJk) well/clear/cold/spring/drink
335
48.6 jihg shou (*siog) wu mu (*mak) you fu (*p'iug) yuan ji
well/take up and put away/don't!/cover/there be/capture/very/auspicious
48. Jing
48.0 When a town is moved, the well is not moved.
There will be no loss, no gain. They come and go in "tsieng-tsieng" order.
When the well-rope is on the point of reaching (the water), but had not yet drawn water from the well, its jug breaks: ominous.
48.1 The well is muddy. It is not drunk from. An old pitfall contains no game.
48.2 Shoot silver carp in the depths of the well: the jar will be ruined and leak.
48.3 The well suffers seepage and is not drunk from. It is our hearts' sorrow.
It can be used for drawing water.
The king's sacrificial covenant: all will receive its blessings together.
48.4 The well is lined with masonry: there will be no misfortune.
48.5 The well is clear: a cold spring. Drink it.
48.6 When the well is no longer used, don't cover it. There will be a capture. Very auspicious.
49. Ge ^
Ge (*KEk) si ri nai fií yuán (héng:) xiang li zhén
sacrifice/day/then/capture/grand/treat/favorable/determination/
-\-% -t
hui wang trouble/go away
49.1 gong yong huang niu zhľ ge bind/use/yellow-brown/bovine/MOD/rawhide
49.2 si rl nai ge zhľ zhěng jí wu jiu (*g'iog) sacrifice/day/then/change/it/attack/auspicious/no/misfortune
% z. tew££$fc#>
49.3 zhéng xiông zhěn li gé (yán:) jin attack/ominous/determination/threatening/rawhide/harness/
sá"n jiu (*dz'iog) you fu (*p jiug) three/go-round/there be/capture
49.4 huí wang you fu gai milng ji
trouble/go away/there be/capture/change/charge/auspicious
49.5 da ren hu bian (*plian) wei zhan (*tiam) you fu
big/man/tiger/transform/not yet/prognosticate/there be/capture
49.6 júnzí báo biän (*plian) xiáo ren ge mián (*mian) zhéng xiông noble//leopard/transform/smaII/man/rawhide/face/attack/ominous
337
tit
ju zhen ji
dwell/determination/auspicious
49. Ge
49.0 If it is a sacrifice day, take captives.
Grand treat.
A favorable determination. Troubles will go away.
49.1 Bind them with the hide of a brown ox.
49.2 If it is a sacrifice day, then change it.
Auspicious for an attack. There will be no misfortune.
49.3 Ominous for an attack. The determination is threatening. Rawhide harnesses with three girdlings: there will be a capture.
49.4 Troubles will go away. There will be a capture. Auspicious for changing a charge.
49.5 A big man performs a tiger transformation: there will be a capture even before prognosticating.
49.6 A noble performs a leopard transformation. A small man wears a mask of rawhide on his face.
Ominous for an attack.
Auspicious in a dwelling determination.
338
50. Ding ]Jj[
*>-°  jgj   ^ Í   f   ( $ ) Ding (*Tieng) yuan jí (häng:) xiang very/auspicious/treat
50.1 ding dian zhi (*ti3g) li chu pt (*pi«g) de qie cauldron/invert/feet/favorable/expel/evil/get/fern ale slave/
t  * A    jt ^
yT qi zi (*tswg) wu jiu (*g'iog)
with/DEF/child/no/ misfortune
50.2 ding you shf (*diet) wo chou you ji (*dzi»t) bu wo neng ji (*tsiet) cauldron/have/contents/my/mate/have/illness/not/me/can/reach to/
<Z B
ji (*kiet) auspicious
50.3 ding er ge (*k£k) qf xing se (*s?k) zhii gao bu shf (*d'idk) fang yu cauldron/ear/change/DEF/travel/block/pheasant/fat meat/not/eat/just/rain/
kuT (*k'wia) hui (*^mw^g) zhong ji dam age/trouble/end/auspicious
50.4 ding zhe zu (*tsiuk) fu gong su (*suk) cauldron/break off/leg/overturn/duke/stew/
qi xfng (wo [*«uk]:) wu (*«uk) xiong (*Jfiung) DEF/punishment/execution-in-chamber/ominous
339
*í % % % A i it *i i
50.5 ding huang er (*ňi3g) jih xuan (*g'iwen) ň zhén (*tieng) cauldron/yellow-brown/ears/metal/carrying-bar/favorable/determination
50.6 ding yu xuan da ji wu bu li cauldron/jade/carrying-bar/greatly/auspicious/no/not/favorable
50. Dihg
50.0 Very auspicious. Treat.
50.1 A ding cauldron turns upside down: it will be favorable to expel evil.
He gets a slave woman with her child. There will be no misfortune.
50.2 A ding cauldron has food in it.
My mate has an illness; it cannot reach me. Auspicious.
50.3 A ding cauldron's "ear" comes off: his travel is blocked. The fat meat of the pheasant is not eaten.
It is just about to rain. There will be damage. Trouble, but ultimately auspicious.
50.4 A ding cauldron breaks a leg, overturning the duke's stew. His punishment is execution-in-chamber. Ominous.
50.5 A ding cauldron with yellow-brown "ears" and a metal carrying-bar. A favorable determination.
50.6 A ding cauldron with a jade carrying-bar. Greatly auspicious. There is nothing for which this is unfavorable.
340
51. Zhen ^--
Zhen (*Ti?n) (heng:) xiang zhen lai xi-xi (*^iäk-^iäk) xiao yan e-e (**ak-»ak) treat/thunder/come/(sound of thunderclap)//laugh/talk/(sound of laughter)//
zhen jlhg bai li (*li3g) bu sang (*sang) bl chang (»t'jang) thunder/frighten/hundred/li/not/lose/ladle/aromatic spirits
51.1 zhen lai xi-xi (*^iak-^iak) hbu xiao yan
thunder/com e/(sound of thunderclap)//later/laugh/talk/
e-e (**ak--ak) ji
(sound of Iaughter)//auspicious
51.2 zhen lai li (*liad) yi (**iak) sang bei (*pwad) thunder/come/threatening/MODAL PART./lose/cowry shells/
jT yu jiu ling wu zhu (*d'iok) q~ ri de (*t3k)
climb/ up on/nine/ridges/don't!/pursue/seven/days/get
$ if ff C f
51.3 zhen sü-sü (*so-so) zhen xihg (*g'ang) wu sheng (*sieng) thunder/(sound of roll of thunder)//thunder/travel/no/calamity
51.4 zhen sui ni
thunder/then/mire
51-5 zhen wang lai (*l9g) ll (*liad) yi (*"i3g) wu sang you shi (*dz'j9g) thunder/go/come/threatening/MOD A L PAR T./no/loss/have/service
51.6 zhen suo-suo (*sak-sak) shi jue-jue (*kiwak-kiwak)
thunder/(sound of thunderclap)//look/(imitative of glancing about)//
zheng xiong (*^iung) zhen bu yu qf gong (*kiong) yu qf lin attack/ominous/thunder/not/go to/DEF/body/go to/DEF/neighbor/
wu jiu hun gbu you yan no/misfortune/wife's kin/match/there be/talk
51. Zhen
51.0 Treat". When thunder comes "crack-crack," there is laughter and
talking "ho-ho."
Thunder frightens people for a distance of a hundred li. He does not lose the sacrificial ladle and aromatic spirits.
51.1 Thunder comes "crack-crack," and afterwards there is laughter and talking "ho-ho." Auspicious.
51.2 Thunder comes threatening: we will perhaps lose cowry shells. He climbs up on the Nine Ridges. Don't pursue him; you will catch him in seven days.
51.3 It thunders "rumble-rumble."
It thunders: in travel there will be no calamity.
51.4 It thunders, then it is muddy.
51.5 Thunder goes and comes. It is threatening. There will perhaps be no loss (of cowry shells). He will have employment in service.
51.6 When it thunders "clap-clap," people glance about "kiwak-kiwak." Ominous for an attack.
The thunder does not affect his person, but affects his neighbor. There will be no misfortune.
Among his relatives by marriage there will be talk.
52. Gen (Ken) ("<--
(Gen:) Ken (*K'3n) qí bei (*pw?g) bu huo qi shén (*sien) cleave/DEF/back/not/obtain/DEF/womb/
xing qi tmg (*d'ieng) bu jian qí ren (*nien) wu jiu traveJ/DEF/court/not/see/DEF/per son/no/ misf ortune
52.1 (gen:) ken qí zhľ (*ti3g) wu jiu (*giog) li yong zhé"n cleave/DEF/íoot/no/misfortune/favorable/prolonged/determination
52.2 (gen:) ken qí fei (*b'iw9r) bíi zheng qi (suí:) suí (*swia) cleave/DEF/lower leg/not/remove/DEF/marrow/
qí xTn bu kuäi (*k'wad) DEF/heart/not/pleased
r <ij>*ŕ&c£i(f(>* tc/S
52.3 (gen:) ken qi xian (*g'fcn) lie qí yíh (*di3n) h xún xlň (*si?m) cleave/DEF/waist/rend/DEF/spinal meat/threatening/to smoke/heart
52.4 (gen:) ken qí shén (*šien) wú jiu cleave/ DEF/womb/no/ misf ortune
52.5 (gen:) ken qí f u (*b'iwo) yan you xu (*dzio) hui wang cleave/DEF/jaw/talk/have/order/trouble/go away
.t fi %tc ŕ <f >c á
52.6 dún (*tw?n) (gen:) ken (*kVn) jí thick/cleave/auspicious
52. Gen (Ken)
If one cleaves the back (of a sacrificial victim) he will not get hold of the womb; if one goes into the courtyard he will not see the person.
There will be no misfortune.
Cleave the feet.
There will be no misfortune.
Favorable in a long-range determination.
Cleave the lower legs, but don't remove the bone marrow. His heart is not pleased.
Cleave the waist, rend the spinal meat. It is threatening. Smoke the heart.
Cleave the womb.
There will be no misfortune.
Cleave the jaw. Talk will be orderly. Troubles will go away.
Cleave thickly. Auspicious.
53. 3ian z=rr=.
Jian (*Dz'iam) nu guT ji li zhen
maiden/send in marriage/auspicious/favorable/determination
53.1 hong jian yu gan (*kan) xiao zi li you yan (*ngian)
wild goose/advance/to/riverbank/small/child/threatening/there be/talk/
wu J1U
no/misfortune
X -f  ^   >n f %A $K t WW a f
53.2 hong jian yu pan (*b'wan) yTh shf kan-kan (*k'an-k'an) ji
wild goose/advance/to/boulder/drink/eat/honk happily//auspicious
-fcs. 'Amitu^ityitB
53.3 hong jian yu lu (*liok) fu zheng bu fu (*b'iok)
wild goose/advance/to/high ground/husband/attack/not/return/
*f # * I b iii *| HTg ^
fu yun bu yu (*diok) xiong (*^iung) h yu kou (*k'u) wife/pregnant/not/give birth/ominous/favorable/fend off/bandits
53.4 hong jian yu mu (*muk) huo de qi jue (*kuk) wu jiu (*g'iog) wild goose/advance/to/tree/some/get/DEF/rafter/no/misfortune
53.5 hong jian yu ling (*li?ng) fu san sui bu yun (*di3ng)
wild goose/advance/to/ridge/wife/three/years/not/pregnant/
zhong mo zhT sheng (*si?ng) ji end/none/it/overcome/auspicious
345
53.6 hong jian yu lu (*liok) qi yu (*giwo)
wild goose/advance/to/high ground/DEF/plumes/
ke yong wei yi (*ngia) jf
can be/use/serve as/ceremonial dance paraphernalia/auspicious
53. Jian
53.0 Auspicious for a maiden to be sent in marriage.
A favorable determination.
53.1 The wild geese advance to a riverbank. Threatening for a small child.
There will be talk. No misfortune.
53.2 The wild geese advance to a boulder. They eat and drink and go "honk-honk." Auspicious.
53.3 The wild geese advance to high ground. The husband goes on
a military campaign and does not return. The wife is pregnant, but does not give birth. Ominous. Favorable for fending off bandits.
53.4 The wild geese advance to trees. Someone will get his rafters. There will be no misfortune.
53.5 The wild geese advance to a ridge. The wife does not become pregnant for three years. In the end nothing overcomes it.
53.6 The wild geese advance to high ground.
Their plumes can be used as paraphernalia in the ceremonial dance. Auspicious.
346
- -v If =
54. GuT mei j?^7
If      fiE &i % rtM
GuT mei (*Kiw?r mwad) zheng xiong wu you II attack/ominous/no/that for which/favorable
54.1 guT mei yi di (*d'i?r)
send in marriage/daughter/with/younger sister-secondary wife/
ja. &   «i
bo neng lu (*lisr) zheng ji
lame/able to/take steps/attack/auspicious
54.2 miao neng shi (*diar) li you ren zhT zhen
feeble-sighted/able to/see/favorable/(dark:)confined/person/MOD/determ ination
ks.   If &    (*f > £ If ^ *# a
54.3 guT mei yt (xu:) ru (*niu?) fan guT yT di (*d'i?r)
send in marriage/daughter/with/bondmaid/return/go home/with/younger sister
w If ^MBiil?## <?-?>B
54.4 guT mei qiln qT (*g'i?g) chi guT you (shi:) dai (*d'9g)
send in marriage/daughter/exceed/period/late/go to new home/there be/delay
* 5-       £ If #: # f i.    * *°
54.5 Di Yi guT mei qf jun zhT mei bu ru
Di Yi//send in marriage/daughter/DEF/ruler/MOD/sleeves/not/compare with/
qf di zhT mei liang (*liang)
DEF/younger sister-secondary wife/MOD/sleeves/good/
yue1 jT wang (*miwang) j{ moon/almost/full moon/auspicious
347
54.6 nu cheng kuang (*k'iwang) wu shi (*d'iet) shl kui yang (*ziang)
maiden/hold in outstretched hands/basket/no/contents/young man/stab/sneep/
% JJLd % 1't £|
wu xue (^iwet) wu you II no/blood/no/that for which/favorable
54. GuT mei
54.0 Ominous for an attack.
There is nothing for which this is favorable.
54.1 He sent the daughter in marriage, along with her younger sisters as secondary wives.
The lame will be able to walk. Auspicious for an attack.
54.2 The feeble-sighted will be able to see.
A determination favorable for a person in confinement.
54.3 He sent the daughter in marriage, along with her bondmaids. She returned home along with her secondary wives.
54.4 He sent the daughter in marriage, but it exceeded the allotted time. She went late to her new home. There was a delay.
54.5 Di Yi sent his daughter in marriage. The mistress's sleeves were not as fine as the sleeves of the secondary wives. The moon was almost full. Auspicious.
54.6 The maiden holds out a basket, but there is no fruit in it. The young man stabs the sheep, but there is no blood. There is nothing for which this is favorable.
55. Fěng 1^--
Féng (*P'iong) (heng:) xiang wang jia zhí wu yöu yi ri zhông treat/king/proceed to/it/don't!/grieve/suitable/day/middle
55.1 yu qi pei zhu (*tiu) suT xun wu jiu (»glog) meet/DEF/consort/master/though it be/xun-10 day week/no/misfortune/
wang (*giwang) you (shang:) shang (*siang) go/there be/reward
55.2 féng qí bu (*b'?g) ri zhông jian dou (*tu) ample/DEF/(screen:)76-year Callippic cycle/day/middle/see/Dipper/
wang de yi (*ngi3g) jí (*dz'iat) you fu (*p'iug) fa ruo ji go/get/doubt/illness/there be/capture/arouse/-like/auspicious
55.3 féng qi pei (*p'wad) ri zhông jian mei (*mwgd) zhe qí you gong wu jiu ample/DEF/covering/sun/middle/see/dark spots/break/DEF/arm/no/misfortune
55.4 féng qi bu (*b'^g) ri zhông jian dôu (*tu) ample/DEF/(screen:)76-year Callippic cycle/day/middle/see/Dipper/
lít Ä I? í A ^ yu qi yi zhu (*tiu) ji
meet/DEF/ordinary/master/auspicious
55.5 lái zhang (*tiang) you qíng (*kiiáng) yu (*zio) )i come/(block:)19-year Metonic cycle/there be/rejoicing/honor/auspicious
55.6 feng qf wu (**uk) bu (*b3g) qi jia (*ka) kuT qi hu (*g'o) ample/DEF/canopy/screen/DEF/home/peek/DEF/door/
qu (*k'iwek) qf wu ren san sui bu di (*d'iok) xiong desolate/DEF/no/person/three/years/not/see/ominous
55. Feng
Treat. The king proceeds to it. Don't grieve.
Suitable for the equinox (when "the day is medium").
He meets his mistress.
It will be a xun 10-day week that there will be
no misfortune.
Going will have its reward.
Full is the "screen" (76-year cycle). At the equinox we see the Dipper.
If you go, you will get the sickness of doubts.
There will be captives, bristling with anger. Auspicious.
Full is the veiling. Inside the sun we see dark spots. He breaks his right arm: there will be no misfortune.
Full is the "screen" (76-year cycle). At the equinox we see the Dipper.
He meets his ordinary master.
In the coming "block" (19-year cycle), there will be rejoicing, and honor. Auspicious.
Full is the canopy. It screens his home. He peeks through the door. Desolate it is, with no one there. He is not seen for three years. Ominous.
55.0
55.1
55.2
55.3
55.4
55.5
55.6
350
56. LG jffc     — —
56.0 jfo 1$    (t} * Lu (*Glio) xiao (heng:) xiang lu zhen ji
small/treat/traveller/determination/auspicious
56.1 lu (*glio) suo-suo (*swa-swa) sT qf suo (*sio) qu zal (*ts9g) traveller/in tiny pieces//chop/DEF/place/take/disaster
56.2 lu jf ci (*ts'iar) huai qf zT (*tsi3r) traveller/come to/hostel/carry on person/DEF/wealth/
de tong pu [zhen em:] zhen ji
get/serving boy/slave/determination/auspicious
56.3 lu fen qi ci sang qi tong pu
traveller/burn/DEF/hostel/lose/DEF/serving boy/slave/
zhen li
determination/threatening
56.4 lu yu chu (*t io) de qi zT fu (*piwo) wo xlh bu kuai
traveller/at/stop/get/DEF/wealth/axes/my/heart/not/pleased
56.5 she zhl (♦d'W) yF shi (*sijr) wang (*miwang) zhong yT yu ming (*miang) shoot/pheasant/one/arrow/go away/end/thereby/honor/charge
56.6 niao (*tiog) fen qi chao (*dz'og) lu ren xian xiao (*siog) bird/burn/DEF/nest/travel/person/first/laugh/
351
hou hao-tao (*g'og-d'og) sang niu (*ngiug) yu yi xiong later/weep and wail//lose/bovine/at/Yi/ominous
56. Lu
56.0 Small treat.
Auspicious in a determination for a traveller.
56.1 A traveller chops up his place into bits and pieces "swa-swa": will bring disaster.
56.2 A traveller arrives at a hostel. He carries his wealth with him. He gets serving boys and slaves.
The determination is auspicious.
56.3 A traveller burns down his hostel. He loses his serving boys and slaves. The determination is threatening.
56.4 A traveller is sojourning. He gets his money-axes. "My heart is not pleased."
56.5 He shot a pheasant with one arrow. It disappeared. Ultimately it led to honor and a commission.
56.6 The bird burns its nest. The travelling man first laughs, but later weeps and wails.
He lost his cattle at Yi. Ominous.
352
57. Xun (Zhuan) --
?s    I- f <-%>P\% filtii &£k
Xun (Swan) xiao (heng:) xiang li you you wang lx jian da ren
57.0  £ /,
small/treat/favorable/have/place which/go/favorable/see/big/man
n * a * & jt a 11
57.1 jin tui li wu ren zhT zhen advance/withdraw/favorabie/military/man/MOD/determination
57.2 (xun:) zhuan zai chuang xia (*g'a) yong shi" wu (*miwo) lay out offering/at/platform/beneath/use/diviner/sorceror/
fen rub ji wu jiu
numerous/-like/auspicious/ no/ misfortune
57.3 pin (*b'ien) (xun:) zhuan hn (*mli?n) repeatedly/lay out offering/distress
57.4 huT wang tian (*d'ien) hub san pin (*p'liam) trouble/go away/hunt/catch/three/kinds
*l 5.    i ■& -ft t. X. 1 PI t, %R
57.5 zhen ji huf wang wu bu li wu chu
determination/auspicious/trouble/go away/no/not/favorable/no/beginning/
you zhong xiah geng sah ri hou geng sah ri ji
there be/end/before/geng-day/three/days/after/geng-day/three/days/auspicious
57.6 (xun:) zhuan zai chuang xia (*g'a) sang qi zi~fu (*piwo) lay out offering/at/platform/beneath/lose/DEF/wealth/axes/
353
zhen xiohg
determination/ominous
57. Xun (Zhuan)
57.0 Small treat.
It will be favorable to have somewhere to go. It will be favorable to see a big man.
57.1 They advance and retreat.
A determination favorable for a military man.
57.2 Lay out the offering beneath the sacrificial platform. Use diviners and sorcerors. If in plentiful numbers, it will be auspicious. There will be no misfortune.
57.3 Repeatedly lay out the offering: distress.
57.4 Troubles will go away.
In the hunt they will catch three kinds of game.
57.5 The determination is auspicious. Troubles will go away. There is nothing for which is is unfavorable.
There will be no beginning. There will be an end. Auspicious for three days before a geng-stem day and three days after a geng-stem day.
57.6 Lay out the offering beneath the sacrificial platform. He loses his money-axes.
The determination is ominous.
58. Dui (Yue) ^
»-° %        %  ( | ) p\ | Dui (*D'wad) (heng:) xiang li zhen treat/favorable/deter m ination
58.1 he (dui:) yue jf harmony/pleasure/auspicious
58.2 fu (dui:) yue jf hui wang capture/pleasure/auspicious/trouble/go away
kz-
58.3 lai (dui:) yue xiong come/pleasure/ominous
58.4 (shang:) shang (dui:) yue wei nfng jie jf (*dzi?t) you xT (*^i?g) reward/pleasure/not yet/peaceful/great/illness/there be/joy
58.5 fu yu bo (*puk) you li capture/at/flay/there be/threat
58.6 yfn (dui:) yue draw out/pleasure
355
58. Dui (Yue)
58.0 Treat. A favorable determination.
58.1 The pleasure of harmony. Auspicious.
58.2 The pleasure of a capture. Auspicious. Troubles will go away.
58.3 Coming pleasure. Ominous. •
58.4 The pleasure of a reward. They are not yet peaceful.
A great illness: there will be joy.
58.5 Captives at a flaying: there is a threat.
58.6 Drawn out pleasure.
356
59. Huan — —
59.0 % f ($) i fa % Mi
Huan (*^wán) (hing:) xiáng wang jiä you miäo
treat/king/proceed to/(have:) his own/temple/
íi she da chuin li zněn
favorable/wade across/big/river/favorable/determination
Vi K «} íá % it ■&
59.1 yong zheng ma zhuang jf use/geld/horse/healthy/auspicious
^»9.2 huan běn qi ]ľ hui wang
spurt/to rush/DEF/low table/trouble/go away
59.3 huan qi gong wu hui spurt/DEF/body/no/trouble
59.4 huan qi qun yuan ji huan you qiú" (*k'jug) spurt/DEF/crowd/very/auspicious/spurt/(have:) his own/mound/
fei yř suo s" (*si?g)
not be/ordinary/that which/think
59.5 huan (*£wan) [han qí em:] qí gán (*kän) da hao (*g'og) spurt/DEF/liver/great/cry out/
huan wang ju (*kio) wu jiu (*g'iôg) spurt/king/dwell/no/misf ortune
59.6 huan qf xue (*/(iwet) qu (♦k'iab) tf (*t'iek) chu (*t'iw*t) wu jiu spurt/DEF/blood/remove/far/go out/no/misfortune
59. Huan
59.0 Treat. The king proceeds to his temple.
It will be favorable to wade across a big river. A favorable determination.
59.1 If used to geld a horse, it will be healthy. Auspicious.
59.2 It (horse's or victim's blood) spurts and rushes over the low table: troubles will go away.
59.3 It spurts onto their bodies: there will be no trouble.
59.4 It spurts onto the crowd: very auspicious.
It spurts onto their mound: it is not what one would ordinarily think of.
59.5 Spurting is the liver. He howls loudly.
It spurts onto the king's house: there will be no misfortune.
59.6 Spurting is the bloody castration.
If you are going out far, there will be no misfortune.
60. Jie gj? ———-
60.0 |f f   ( ^ > f If T- f I
Jié (*Tsiet) (hěng:) xiáng kú jie bu ke zhén (*tieng)
treat/bitter/joint of plant/not/can be/determination
toft   f £ / & % lh
60.1 bu chú hu ting (*d'ieng) wu jiu not/go out/door/court/no/misfortune
■fxz- íssniň
60.2 bu chu men tfng xiong not/go out/gate/court
* 5-      ^ ff*í U £ &
60.3 bu jie (*tsiet) ruo ze jié (*tsia) ruo wu jiu
not/(joint:) measured/-like/then/sighing sound/-like/no/misfortune
60.4 (an < ♦•an:) han (*g'án) jié (hěng:) xiang (medically) cold/joint/treat
60.5 gán jie (*tsiet) jí (*kiet) wang (*giwang) you (shang:) shang (*siang) sweet/joint/auspicious/go/there be/reward
J: *    f t I * ^ t
60.6 ku jie zhěn xiong huť wang (*miwang)
bitter/joint/determination/ominous/trouble/go away
359
60. Jie
60.0 Treat.
A bitter joint: cannot be determined.
60.1 He does not go out of door and courtyard: there will be no misfortune.
60.2 He does not go out of gate and courtyard: ominous.
60.3 If he is not moderate, then it will be "alas." There will be no misfortune.
60.4 A "cold" joint. Treat.
60.5 A sweet joint: auspicious. Going will have its reward.
60.6 A bitter joint: the determination is ominous. Troubles will go away.
360
61. Zhong fu  ^ '■
Zhong fu (*Tiong p'iug) tun yu ji li she da chuan
young pig/fish/auspicious/favorable/wade across/big/river/
li zhen
favorable/determination
nh %At%it<t>:t%
61.1 yu (*ngiwo) ji you ta (*t'a) bu yan (**ian) burial-sacrifice/auspicious/there be/unanticipated harm/not/calm
a-       a. p|tffrc t
61.2 mmg he (*g'ak) zai yih (*«i3m) qf zT he (*g'wa) zhT call/crane/be at/shady northern slope/DEF/offspring/respond to/it/
wX you hao jue (*tsiok) wu yu er mi (*mia) zhT we/have/fine/ jue-beaker/I/with/you/empty/it
A =-    If ft £ I* £ Ic £    £ ftc
61.3 de di (*d'iek) huo gu (*ko) huo ba (*b'ia?) huo qi (*k'lisp) hub ge (*ka) get/ene my/some/drum/some/rest/some/ weep/some/sing
61.4 yue jTwang (*miwang) ma pf wang (*rniwang) wu jiu moon/almost/full moon/horse/one of pair of horses/go away/no/misfortune
61.5 you fu luan (*bliwan) ru wu jiu
there be/capture/tie together/-like/no/misfortune
£\    ftft?
61.6 han (*g'an) ylh deng yu tian (*t'ien) zheh xiong wing/sound/rise/in/sky/determination/ominous
361
61. Zhong fu
61.0 A young pig, a fish: auspicious.
It will be favorable to wade across a big river. A favorable determination.
61.1 Auspicious for an y_u burial sacrifice.
There will be unanticipated harm. It will not be calm.
61.2 There is a crane calling on the shady northern slope. Its offspring answers it.
We have a fine beaker (of wine). I will empty it together with you.
61.3 They have gotten the enemy. Some beat drums, some rest. Some weep, some sing.
61.4 The moon is almost full and a matched horse runs away: there will be no misfortune.
61.5 There will be captives, all trussed together. There will be no misfortune.
61.6 With the sound of flapping wings it rises in the sky: the determination is ominous.
362
62. Xiao gub       jjj^    ZZI —
62.0 ^    | (£) £j |    | -j:5f ^ I
Xiao guo (*Siog kwa) (heng:) xiang li zhen ke xiao shi bu ke da shi fei niao
treat/favorable/determination/O.K./small/matter/not/O.K./big/ matter/fly/bird/
yi zhi yin bu yi shang yi xia da ji
leave behind/DEF/sound/not/suitable/go up/suitabie/go down/greatly/auspicious
62.1 fei niao (*tiog) yi xiong fly/bird/thereby/ominous
62.2 gub qi zu (*tso) yu qi bi (*pi?r) bu ji qi jun (*kiw?n) pass/DEF/forefather/meet/DEF/foremother/not/reach/DEF/ruler/
yu qf chen (*dien) wu jiu meet/DEF/bondsman-minister/no/ misfortune
62.3 fu guo fang (*biwang) zhT cong huo qlang (*dz'iang) zh"I xiong not (him)/pass/prevent/him/follow/some/injure/him/ominous
il® Lit%, '^ti
62.4 wu jiu fu gub yu (*ngiu) zhT wang li bi jie no/misfortune/not (him)/pass/meet/him/go/threatening/must/cautious/
wu yong yong zhen don't!/use/pro!onged/determination
62.5 mi yun bu yu zi wo xT jiao dense/clouds/not/rain/from/our/west/outskirts/
363
£ X ^ w. f*. ft
gong yi (*digk) qu bf (*pia) zai xue (*g'iwet)
duke/shoot bird with arrow and string attached/take/that one/in/cave
62.6 fu yu guo (*kwa) zhT fei niao li (*iia) zhT xiong
not (him)/meet/pass/him/fly/bird/be netted in/it/ominous/
shi wei zai sheng this/means/disaster/calamity
v \ 62. Xiao guo
62.0 Treat. A favorable determination. Can be applied to small
matters, but not to big matters.
The flying bird leaves behind its sound: it is not fit to go up, but fit to go down. Greatly auspicious.
62.1 A flying bird: it is thereby ominous.
62.2 He passes by (the Corpse impersonator or tablet of) his forefather, and faces (the Corpse impersonator
or tablet of) his foremother.
He does not reach to his ruler, but confronts his minister.
62.3 He does not pass them. They prevent him. Someone following him injures him. Ominous.
62.4 There will be no misfortune.
He does not pass him, but faces him. Threatening for going. One must be cautious. Don't use this for a long-range determination.
62.5 Dense clouds do not rain. They come from our western outskirts. The duke shot a bird with his string-arrow, and retrieved it from a cave.
62.6 He does not face him, but passes him. The flying bird is enmeshed in the net. Ominous. This means disaster.
3i ji (*Kigd tster) (heng:) xiang xiao ň zheh chú" jí zhông luan
treat/small/favorable/determination/beginning/auspicious/end/disorder
ti-k tim&m t ft ä *
63.1 ye qi lun ru qi wei wu jiu
to trail/DEF/spun thread/get wet/DEF/tail/no/misfortune
k=- *t $ t%%'& -t e ff
63.2 fu sang qf fu (*piw?t) wu zhu (*ďiôk) qľ n de (*t?k) matron/lose/DEF/(head ornament:) false hair/don't!/pursue/seven/days/get
63.3 Gä"o Zón g f á" Guí fang sán nian ke zrú" High/Ancestor/attack/Gui/fang-border state/three/years/conquer/it/
,K A * f
xiäo ren wíi yong small/man/don't!/use
63.4 r u (*niu) you yi nu (*nio) zhông n jie jacket/there be/wear/silk floss/end/day/cautious
63.5 dông lin shá" niu (*ngiug) bu ru xľ hn east/neighbor/slaughter/bovine/not/compare with/west/neighbor/MOD/
zhr yue ji shi shou qi f u (*piuk)
y_ue-sacr if ice/sacrif ice/r eally/r eceive/ DEF/blessings
OU íl
get/wet/D EF/h ead/threaten ing
63.6 ru qŕ shou li
365
63. Ji ji
63.0 Treat.
A somewhat favorable determination.
Auspicious for the beginning, but a mess at the end.
63.1 He trails along the spun thread. It wets its tail.
There will be no misfortune.
63.2 A matron loses her wig. Don't search for it. She will get it in seven days.
63.3 The High Ancestor (Shang king Wuding) attacked the Gui border state, and conquered it in three years.
A small man should not use this.
63.4 For a jacket there are those who wear worn out silk floss. Be cautious throughout the day.
63.5 The neighbors to the east slaughter an ox. It does not compare with the yue summer sacrifice of
the neighbors to the west in really receiving their blessings.
63.6 It gets its head wet. Threatening.
366
64. Wei ji ^C;^__
Wei ji (*Miw?d tsier) (heng:) xiang xiao hu qi ji (*tsi r) ru qi wei (*rniwer) treat/small/fox/at point of/cross over stream/get wet/DEF/tail/
£ 1'< Pi
wu you li (*li?d)
no/that for which/favorable
64.1 ru qi wei hn
get wet/DEF/tail/distress
64.2 ye qf lun zhen ji
to trail/DEF/spun thread/determination/auspicious 7\ " ~
% y% fjE i*i f'J # * ;i
64.3 wei ji zheng xiong II she da chuah
not yet/cross over stream/attack/ominous/favorable/wade across/big/river
64.4 zhen ji huf wang (*miwang) zhen yong fa" determination/auspicious/trouble/go away/(thunder:) Zhen/use/attack/
GuT fang (*piwang) san nian you shang (*siang) yu da guo Gui/fang-border state/three/years/there be/reward/at/big/state
a 5-     |      % y\M % f L 7L b
64.5 zhen ji wu huT' junzlf zhT guahg (*kwang) determination/auspicious/no/trouble/noble//MOD/glory/
you fu ji
there be/capture/auspicious
64.6 you fu (*p^iug) yu yin jiu (*tsiog) wu jiu (*g'jog) ru qi shou (*siog) there be/capture/at/drink/liquor/no/misfortune/get wet/DEF/head/
you fu (*plug) shT (shii:) chf (*t'ieg) there be/capture/lose/spoon
64. Wei ji
Treat.
The small fox is on the point of crossing over the stream and wets its tail: there is nothing for which this is favorable.
It wets it tail: distress.
He trails along the spun thread. The determination is auspicious.
It has not yet crossed over the stream.
Ominous for an attack.
Favorable for wading across a big river.
The determination is auspicious. Troubles will go away. Zhen used this to attack the Gui border-state, and in three years was rewarded in the great state (of Shang).
The determination is auspicious. There will be no trouble. It will be glory for the nobles. There will be a capture. Auspicious.
There will be a capture while drinking wine. There will be no misfortune. It gets its head wet. There will be capture. He will lose the spoon.
64.0
64.1
64.2
64.3
64.4
64.5
64.6
PART THREE GLOSSES ON THE YI3ING TEXT (SAMPLE)
369
GLOSSES ON HEXAGRAM 1 QIAN
1.0.0 Hexagram name Qian
The Mawangdui Yijing Manuscript (Wenwu 1974.7 Plate I and 1984.3, 1-8—hereafter referred to as MS.) writes the hexagram name and hexagram text 1.0 as ^ ? [ i? , ^ ] jf>\ ^ . The hexagram name Jian
^"_is repeated in 1.3 in reduplicated form:        s   ( —  is the ditto mark used throughout the Mawangdui MSS.), just as Qian       is reduplicated in the received text.   This correspondence of variants among hexagram names and like words in the text, which appears to be consistent throughout the MS., is one type of evidence, among several, that the hexagram names originated and were conceived of as tags designating a hexagram, by selecting a prominent word in the hexagram or line texts, and writing it at the beginning of the hexagram text, if it did-not already occur in that position.
Li Jingchi (Zhouyi tanyuan—hereafter referred to as Tanyuan—"Preface," p. 15) says Qian and Kun are symbols of Heaven and Earth, but rejects any other symbolic significance.   He does not explain how these symbols work in the original text, in view of the fact that qian       appears only in 1.3 in a reduplicated expression of manner, and kun       not at all in Yi, unless it is the first word of hexagram text 2.0. However, in Zhouyi tongyi (hereafter Tongyi), p. 1, he further states that qian refers to the Northern Dipper, the pivot of Heaven, and symbolizes the body of Heaven ( ^       ) itself. This follows Wen Yiduo (see 1.3.1).
1.0.1   70 f
Both yuan 7^  and heng/xiang ^   are high-frequency lexical items in the
370
Yi text, the usage of which is discussed synoptically in Part One, Chapter 4, "Some Important Lexical Items." The editors of the modern transcription of the Mawangdui MS. in Wenwu 1984.3 have transcribed this first occurrence of heng/xiang as ^ ( ^ ). That is, they have treated the graph redrawn under 1.0.0 above as the Han equivalent of xiang      , while treating that in turn as a "loan" for heng ^ . The approximately 40 subsequent occurrences of similarly appearing graphs in the MS. are transcribed simply as heng "^f . On the other hand, there are five cases of heng or xiang in the MS. where the MS. graph       is transcribed as ft and treated as a loan for xiang (14.3, 17.6, 41.0, 42.2, 47.2). Each of these is preceded by yong: fj^ ^ ( J^. ). (The sixth case of yong heng/xiang in the received text in 46.4 is missing in the MS., and the editors have retained the heng of the received text.)
Yuan sometimes used to be regarded as one of four coordinate expressions in the hexagram texts which describe qualities.   Legge (see below) follows this line of interpretation.   Since it is common in EOC as an intensifier "great, greatly, very,' virtually all modern commentators, however, treat it as subordinate to heng/xiang. This latter word is itself subject to two differing interpretations, as described in Part One. In these Glosses the differing interpretations of the phrase 1.0.1 which result from either different glosses of the individual graphs or different syntactic analyses of the phrase are grouped under the bold Roman letters       B., etc.   The same pattern is followed in all subsequent glosses.
a.    Legge: (Note: when no work is cited, reference is made to an author's translation or edition of the Yijing listed in the Bibliography, and to the same hexagram and line text dealt with in the gloss where the author is cited; in this case, the reference is to Legge's translation I Ching: Book of Changes, p. 57, on which the translation of 1.0.1 appears.   Since all such
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works are arranged in the same traditional serial order of hexagrams, this provides a simple, yet unambiguous, means of citation, which would not be improved by adding page numbers.   Where this system is inadequate, as in the case of Li Jingchi, whose glosses to the Yi, with the exception of his last published work, Zhouyi tongyi, are scattered throughout his writings, a citation is always made to a specific work and page.   In either case full bibliographic information is provided in the Bibliography. Items are alphabetized there by the way they are cited, whether author's name, title, or abbreviated reference.)   Legge's translation runs "Khien (represents) what is great and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and firm." RK: This interpretation, taking yuan as "what is great and originating," and heng as a coordinate construction "penetrating," is justified neither by the usage of these words elsewhere in the Yi nor by any external parallels in EOC.
b.    Gao Heng (Zhouyi dazhuan jinzhu, hereafter abbreviated Dazhuan, and Zhouyi gujing jinzhu, hereafter Gujing—unless otherwise indicated, reference is made to Gao's most recent views on the Yi in Dazhuan): yuan means great 7\ ' 3   is to be read xiang sacrificial offering, and ^ is just another form of the word written       (see Part One discussion). Thus 1.0.1 is "Great Sacrifice." In Gujing this is explained as follows: "when the ancients conducted the sacrifice Da Xiang, they manipulated the stalks and encountered this hexagram, and so noted yuan xiang "Great Sacrifice" (
A # 11 %%L%,tt St it L & 7u
^ ). In Dazhuan Gao refines this, while retaining the same senses of the individual words: "in manipulating the stalks, if you encounter this hexagram, you can conduct the sacrifice Da Xiang" (ij^ l^J J^, ^f- , *j ^>
7^       ). Gao thus makes clearer the temporal relations of divining and sacrifice.   A favorable divination (1.0.2) is a precondition for sacrifice. Wen Yiduo's interpretation in "Zhouyi yizheng leizuan" (hereafter "Leizuan"),
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p. 52, is the same as Gao's: all ^   in Yi are read xiang; yuan xiang is like "big offering" ( ^ ^ ). Similarly Gerhard Schmitt (Spruche der Wandlungen auf ihrem geistesgeschichtlichen Hintergrund—hereafter Spruche—p. 90 on 56.0, p. 108 on 63.0) translates       as "Opfer" xiang "sacrifice, offering': "offerings are made and accepted."   S e Part One and interpretation C. below.
C.    It is possible to interpret heng as a divinatory term, that is, as a prognostication or judgment.   The lost Han commentary called Zi Xia zhuan
, quoted in the Tang dynasty work Zhouyi jijie, edited by Li
Dingzuo, glossed this graph as töng ^jf^ "pass through, penetrate.' (Hereafter all quotations from lost early commentaries which appear in this work will be cited as "ap. Jijie," just as those which appear in the other major source of quotations from such early commentaries, the Jingdian shiwen of Lu Deming, "Zhouyi yinyi" section, will be cited as "ap. Shiwen.") The gloss töng is the only one given (without attribution) by Lu Deming in Shiwen. Many translations and exegeses follow this gloss, while interpreting it with a variety of nuances.   Richard Wilhelm (I Ging, p. 126) is typical in translating as "Gelingen": "Das Schöpferische wirkt erhabenes Gelingen...." The official English translation of Wilhelm's I Ging by Cary Baynes, The I Ching or Book of Changes (hereafter W-B) renders this (p. 4) as "The CREATIVE works sublime success...."   For W-B then, yuan means "great'      , in the more elegant dress "sublime,' while hěng means "success.' Iulian K. Shchutskii (Researches on the I Ching, p. 154; translation of part of Kitaiskaya Klassicheskaia "Kniga Peremen"—subsequent page references are all to Researches) is similar to W-B: "Great accomplishment."   Legge's "penetrating," quoted above, is a literal translation of the gloss töng. Qu Wanli ("Zhouyi gua yao ci cheng yu Zhou Wu Wang shi kao," hereafter "Wu Wang shi," pp. 12-13) says that, hěhg is one of the specialized terms that the
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author of the Yi used in unique senses which cannot be explained in terms of their normal use in ancient literature.   While it normally meant "make an offering' ( ^ htX}' in ^9 cases (excluding 9 cases where       "was originally the word xiang ^ ") its meaning is uniformly tong (" unobstructed'?—Qu doesn't explain). But Qu finally endorsed xiang everywhere (see Part One).
Li Jingchi ("Zhouyi shici kao" in Tanyuan, hereafter "Shici kao," p. 30; "Zhouyi jiaoshi," hereafter "Jiaoshi," #166, i.e., Gloss 166 on pp. 127-128) would read 1.0.1 as something like "greatly auspicious," or "very lucky." Heng "^f is a divinatory term expressing "good'-^ > l^e ji i^f • Tongyi, reflecting Li's final judgment as of the early 1970's, follows the same reading, adding the literal gloss heng means tong, as above.   Li comments, concerning Gao's interpretation, that there are many places in the Yi where heng       is interchangeable with xiang ^ "sacrifice' ( "^J JQ^ ■y^ JsH| % )» although this does not mean that all must be so construed, as Gao has done.   Where heng means "sacrifice,' Li continues, a number of times it follows ji ^ : 11.0, 12.1, 50.0 ^i*7  ^   ( J^- ) "auspicious sacrifice' (?). It is clear that ji and heng are in the same category of divinatory terms.   Where heng occurs by itself (and Li includes 1.0.1 in this category), it means jf heng "lucky, auspicious,' and not "sacrifice.' Edward L. Shaughnessy, in the most thorough study so far of the composition of the hexagram texts ("The Composition of the Zhouyi", pp. 123ff.), translates "Primary receipt."   By this he intends to capture a number of the varied nuances that yuan and heng/xiang had in early texts, while stressing the principal function of the phrase as a prognostication (p. 130). He is in essential agreement with Li Jingchi in this respect.
E. R. Hughes (Chinese Philosophy in Classical Times, p. 8—subsequent references are to this work) translates "Supreme Blessing." (Although Hughes translated only the first two hexagrams and line text 31.4 in this 1942 work,
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his translations are philologically careful, literate, and show the influence of Arthur Waley and the modern school of Yijing scholars.   Hence I reproduce them all in these Glosses.
RK: I follow interpretation B. and translate "Grand treat," understanding this "treat" (xiang) to be the term used for a sacrificial offering which has been accepted by the gods, as explained further in Part One. The Mawangdui MS., along with other textual evidence, provides ample cause for viewing the graphs       and       as variations on the same theme.   Interpretation C.» translating as "very successful," etc., and understanding this to be a specialized prognostication term, indicating success for the undertaking divined, is also plausible, but totally lacking any parallels for this heng elsewhere in early literature, is less attractive.
Both li ^| and zhen j||  are also high-frequency items in the Yi, which are discussed in Part One, Chapter 4.   There is little disagreement about the meaning of jl, although there are differences in the way its syntactic relation to zhen is analyzed.   Most of the proposed translations, "favorable," "profitable," "lucky," "advantageous," "beneficial," "furthering," etc., differ more in the nuance of their English usage than in core meaning.   I have adopted the translation "favorable" as being the most flexible in rendering the 119 cases of li throughout the text of the Yi, including a variety of syntactic and semantic environments.
The graph zhen occurs almost as frequently in the text, with 111 cases, and its interpretation, which is subject to a radical divergence of opinion, is probably the single greatest factor in grasping the meaning of the Yi text overall.   Within the modern school of scholars, however—those with whose interpretations I am primarily concerned in these Glosses, there is nearly
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unanimous agreement that zhen is a divinatory term similar to the graph transcribed as zhen in the oracle bone inscriptions (OBI). Suggested translations include "divination," "to divine," "augury," "prognostication," "the oracle consulted," "divinatory inquiry," etc.   I have discussed the slightly different understandings that each of these translations conveys in Part One, and presented the arguments why I believe the translation "determination," or "determined," understood as the resolution of doubt, best represents the sense of zhen in the Yi as it was understood in the Western Zhou period, and at the same time, in its own semantic development and polysemy, reflects that of zhen, from "resolution of doubt' to "firm resolution.'  The interpretations summarized below reflect for the most part the various modern understandings of zhen as a divinatory term and its relation to the preceding ji, but I have cited translations based on the older traditions, as well as the somewhat idiosyncratic interpretation of Qu Wanli.
a. Legge: "...advantageous, correct and firm."   He again takes the two words as coordinate expressions.  "Correct and firm" translates both the two earliest (Han) glosses on zhen; as zheng       (Zi Xia zhuan, ap. Jijie; also Tuan Commentary passim.); and as gjj |^ or zhen gu ^ j^J   (Zi Xia zhuan ap. Jijie and Wen yan commentary, Zhouyi zhengyi or Zhouyi zhushu, SBBY ed., l/6b). Here as usually in the Yi, Legge faithfully renders Zhu Xi's commentary (cf. Zhouyi benyi;  j^f  j^Q j^j -j^ ) into English.
B. W-B: "Furthering through perseverance.   "This is based on R. Wilhelm's German translation of 1.0.2 "fordernd durch Beharrlichkeit," although elsewhere in the text Wilhelm renders the same phrase as "fordernd ist Beharrlichkeit" (I Ging, p. 94, trans, of 32.0). That is, Wilhelm has no consistent syntactic analysis of the phrase 1.0.2. Shchutskii (p. 154) "steadiness is favorable" resembles the latter Wilhelm translation.
Qu Wanli ("Wu Wang shi," pp. 12-13; "Shuo Yi san gao," hereafter
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"Sangao," pp. 23-26) adopts a similar interpretation of zhen. He says that while it originally meant x make divinatory inquiry' ( |~ j^j^ ), it was deliberately used by the author of the Yi in a different sense from this in 104 out of the 109 (sic) places in which it appears.   It usually in the Yi has the special meaning x adhere to normal past practice and not change' ( 'rP 7\  f-i   $p r        "Sangao," p. 24).   In only 3 or so cases is it used
like Y ^ » ar|d m 2 cases, like ^       " fortunate.' The syntax of 1.0.2 for Qu, then, is a predicate, li, followed by a complement, zheh. He interprets it as a prognostication saying "favorable to adhere to what is normal and not change" ("Sangao," pp. 25-26).
C    Gao Heng: zhen is nominal, meaning * divination, divining' ( ^ f<fj); li is adjectival, modifying zhen; 1.0.2 means "it is an advantageous divination" (     ^ -^j £ v^ )• 1° Gujing he clarifies the divinatory
function of this phrase: "When they manipulated the stalks and encountered this hexagram, it would be advantageous to undertake some activity, thus it says Nadvantageous divination'."   E. R. Hughes (p. 8) expresses the same interpretation in different language: "an augury of advantage." His punctuation of the entire line 1.0 also provides a mechanism for relating the phrases 1.0.1 and 1.0.2. He writes, "Supreme blessing: an augury of advantage."   This use of the colon to suggest that the second part is in some sense an explanation of the first part makes better sense in those line texts which follow the common pattern "omen: interpretation," as in 1.1, etc.   below (q.v.). Nathan Sivin (Review of Blofeld, pp. 297-298) also makes use of a colon, but in a different way.   He tentatively translates zhen as "prognosticate" and rearranges the order of the words, using the colon to highlight the fact that it is the expression which modifies zhen which bears the important oracular judgment.   Yet his interpretation is essentially the same as Gao's. Thus he writes the phrase 1.0.2 as "Prognostication (?):
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advantageous."
Edward Shaughnessy ("The Composition of the Zhouyi," hereafter "Composition," p. 130ff.)   rejects interpretation C. of Gao Heng et al. as linguistically untenable.   The relation of li to zhen cannot be adjective modifying noun, Shaughnessy says, and this is what he believes this interpretation amounts to.   RK: Extensive analysis of the linguistic evidence here is best confined to Part One. Note, however, that an alternative syntactic analysis of 1.0.2 is adverb-verb: "favorably determined."   While this appears to bear no great difference in understanding of the text from "an advantageous divination," "a favorable determination," etc., it does have certain advantages in dealing with the related phrase (bu) ke zhen k^) °\
, which is best understood as "can(not) be determined," i.e., encountering this line in manipulating the stalks will not produce an answer to the divinatory inquiry.   See D. below for Shaughnessy's own view.
James M. Menzies ("Baigen shi...," kaoshi, pp. 2-3) relates 1.0.2 to an unusual interpretation of 1.0.1. He paraphrases 1.0 as follows: "If one has from the beginning a constant heart/mind, the divination will then be favorable" ( ^        % 'f| ^J- [jg f ] | jSJ £f ^ p\ >-
Li Jingchi ("Shici kao," pp. 30-31) stresses the active, verbal nature of zhen, but by this he means to reject its interpretation as a kind of quality like "correct' or "firm,' and interpret it instead as representing an action. I do not believe he is in disagreement with Gao Heng et al.   on this point. Although none of the Chinese scholars has talked in terms of syntactic classes like nouns or verbs, and I have made explicit a syntactical analysis which is only implicit in their modern Chinese paraphrases, nevertheless it appears that for both Li and Gao zhen is fundamentally a verb, which serves a nominal function in context in the Yi, something like the English gerund "divining." Both Gao and Li recognize the similarity to the OBI usage of
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zhen, which is also fundamentally verbal.   Whether the OBI formula "Diviner-X zhen" should be analyzed as "Diviner X divined [determined, stabilized, tested the proposition, etc.]"   or "Diviner-X's divination" has not, to my knowledge, been considered, but there is agreement that zhen is there essentially verbal.   (For the notion of indistinguishability between nouns and verbs in EOC, see Pan Yunzhong, Hanyu yufashi gaiyao, pp. 28-29, and Wang Li, Gudai Hanyu, pp. 313-319.)   Li Jingchi does not discuss the meaning of li, nor the syntactic relation of li and zhen, but he groups this formula along with zhen ji ^ and ke zhen ^        in a category of prognostications
which he labels "having divined, it is auspicious" ( ^ ^zj )• From this it is clear that his interpretation of 1.0.2 in "Shici kao" is similar to Gao Heng's. In Tongyi, however, he paraphrases 1.0.2 as li y_u zhenwen j£x\ ^~       |«J —"favorable in divining" (?) "favorable to divine" (?)—which syntactically, at least, is closer to the reading of interpretation D. below. But Li says only that this means "auspicious/
D.    Edward Shaughnessy ("Composition," pp. 123-133, 149-151; "Shi "you fu' jjfj^ "/^j      ," p. 7; etc.)   interprets li as above, translating as "beneficial," and also zhen in the same way, translating as "to divine, perform a divination."   But his point of departure for understanding the phrase Jj zhen is the analogy provided by the general case of what I call predicate-complement expressions made up of li, which he calls a modal auxiliary, followed by a verb: "it will be beneficial to Verb" ("Composition," p. 128).   He treats li zhen as strictly parallel with the scores of expressions such as 1.2.2 ^'j ^ ~K A    "beneficial to see the great man"; or 3.0 $-f I ?C "beneficial to establish a lord."   Thus he translates 1.0.2 as "(it is/will be) beneficial to divine."   The same is true for the some 22 other cases of the phrase li zhen in the Yi. The implications of this interpretation are far-reaching.   Shaughnessy argues in favor of a multi-stage process of
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Yijing divination, in which the hexagram text represents the outcome of a preliminary stage of general prognostication.   The phrase "it will be beneficial to divine" signals that it will be auspicious to proceed to the next stage, represented by the line texts.   Shaughnessy further attempts to distinguish between the most general statement ft zhen "beneficial to divine," the majority of cases of which fall in the hexagram texts, and the numerous more specific statements in which a qualifier inserted between ft and zhen limits the scope of the prognostication, the majority of which fall in the line texts ("Composition,"" pp. 150-151).   The latter include such statements as "beneficial to perform a residential divination" (3.1, 17.3 $f'\      1^ )> "beneficial for a warrior's divination" (57.1 ^T'J        A Z. ^   )» etc* Since he has categorically stated that such statements precede and sanction divinations, rather than represent generalizations of divinatory experience, the aide-memoire of the diviner, as in the Gao Heng/Li Jingchi view, Shaughnessy is led to postulate, beyond the first two stages which have resulted in the hexagram and line text records, an "even further specified divination" as the final stage of the process, a stage which tradition has left no record of.
Schmitt also, in his translation of 63.0 /] n p\      (Spruche, p. 108), seems to adopt a similar interpretation.   He translates, "It is on a small scale [or to a small extent?]   advantageous to consult the oracle" ("Es nutzt in kleinem Maße, das Orakel zu befragen").   Schmitt might mean, however, simply that the result of the divination is that it is advantageous to do something else, namely, that which was the topic of the divinatory inquiry.   This would not differ significantly from interpretation C. above.
RK: Interpretation D., involving a multi-stage divinatory process, is extremely interesting, and needs to be considered more thoroughly in the context of what is now known about OBI pyromancy and its likely connection
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with Yijing achillomancy; in the context of the emerging knowledge of the "hexagram number signs" (/V ^"(n ■({ and witn respect to its
explanatory power for the Yi text itself.   Does it solve more problems than it creates?   The statistical distribution of various phrases is by no means compelling, and in any case allows other conclusions than those drawn by Shaughnessy. One would expect, whatever one's view of the distinction between hexagram and line texts, that the former, resembling as they do chapter headings, would contain statements of greater generality than the line texts.   A li zhen in a hexagram text might subsume a variety of specific li X zhen statements, as well as [X] zhen ji statements in its line texts.   More important, we have no assurance that more than a fraction of the prognostications associated with any given hexagram and line have been transmitted by the tradition.   Although interpretation D. is well worth pursuing, at present I find the reading of the Chinese scholars in interpretation C. more convincing, and translate 1.0.2 as "A favorable determination" to reflect the understanding of the phrase as a generalization based on past prognosticatory experience.
Ill &** M 1.1.1 ^
There is general agreement on the connotative meaning of these words, but not about their denotative meaning, what they refer to, either symbolic or otherwise.   The Mawangdui MS. writes 1.1 as >/ijF| (r*§nt na^ obscure) ^| jf\ fft . In Wenwu 1984.3 this is transcribed as y^> (y&^) j^jj ^ . Hellmut Wilhelm ("I-Ching Oracles in the Tso-chuan and Kuo-yu," pp. 275-276,279) has reconstructed the "original texts" for the line texts 1.1-6, omitting all of what he regards as later accretions.   These read as follows: 1.1 ;fj II, 1.2 £ H & |S , 1.3 j& lA H Vk-
£ :M> U5 % %&^K> U6fl % •Phrases like M-2 *J # 'l'2-2
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%X\ ^L^K^' etc* he refers to as "commentary" (p. 275). See 1.3.1 for further details.
a. Gao Heng (Gujing): "Hidden dragon," follows the Shuowen definition of qian as cang^jfo, as well as the gloss of Cui Jing /j^f 'Yf^ aP* J*J*e fy"1
In Dazhuan he expands this to "hidden in the water," the common meaning of qian in EOC (cf. GSR 660n *dz'iem "to lie at the bottom of the water' in Shi). This is also my translation: "Submerged dragon."  Gao takes this to be a metaphor for a person withdrawn into seclusion and not taking any action (1.1.2). Gao's discussion of long "dragons' throughout the line texts of Hexagram 1 makes it clear that, while he sees the long as a metaphor, he views the long itself as an ordinary amphibious animal, not an imaginary, mythical dragon.   The lively scholarly discussion of the color of a long dragon's blood in 2.6, in which both Gao and Wen Yiduo participate, shows that the interest in dragons as a zoological phenomenon is not confined to ancient China. Dragons have been sighted throughout Chinese history, and belief in their existence continued until modern times. According to one survey at the beginning of the twentieth century (cited in Nagel's Encyclopedia-Guide: China, pp. 170-171, entry "Long"), when a hundred people were asked whether they believed that dragons exist, 82 replied that they did.   (Nagel's Guide contains an excellent summary of what it refers to as the "popular zoology" of dragons.)   This point is worth making because the sighting of dragons, as referred to in this hexagram, made excellent omens, which needed interpretation.   It is natural that when someone spotted a dragon, he would consult the oracle to fathom its significance.   The omens recorded in the line texts here, with their prognostications, represent the distillation of centuries of diviners' experience with such omens and their aftermaths.   No further explanation of their meaning or symbolism is required to justify their appearance in the Yi. Yet
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other symbolic meanings have been proposed, as cited, for example, in B. below.
Some scholars consider the long to have been crocodiles or snakes, or transmogrified, mythologized versions of crocodiles or snakes.   For example, Michael Sullivan (A Short History of Chinese Art, p. 42), referring to some peoples of the ancient south, says they "worshipped the forces of the rain and rivers in serpents and crocodiles ("dragons')- Similarly, Zhang Mengwen ("Si ling kao," pp. 525-528) argues that the long was a totem, a clan emblem portraying a fearsome creature held to be the clan's progenitor and protector, and that the most likely real-life model for the mythologized long totem was a snake, specifically the long-noded pit viper, wubushe ;3z. ffi^ Agkistrodon acutus (Guenther).
The line 1.1 is quoted verbatim in Zuozhuan, Zhao 29, on the occasion of a sighting of a long dragon in the outskirts of the city of Jiang i*^., which in turn leads to a discussion in the narrative of the lost art of long-breeding between Wei Xianzi and Cai Mo      ^ .
B.    A prominent modern interpretation of long in the first hexagram identifies it as an asterism, and line texts 1.1, 1.2, etc.   are then star omens.   This was first noticed by Leopold de Saussure in 1911 (Les origines de l'astronomie chinoise, p. 378; Shaughnessy, "Composition," p. 345, n. 137). Then it was argued by Wen Yiduo and endorsed by Li Jingchi in the 1940's, and recently proposed again in a more refined form by Gao Wence in 1961 and Edward Shaughnessy in 1981.
Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 46): The six references to long "dragon' in the Qian hexagram line texts, in 1.1, 1.2, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, and the implicit one in 1.4 all concern the Dragon constellation, the Green ("Glaucous" in the translation of Edward Schäfer) Dragon cang long y^. ^£ of the Eastern Palace ^ ^J^7 (or Eastern Quadrant) of the heavens.   This asterism, also
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calJed qThg long ^ ^£ , includes the three stars of the lunar lodge Heart
t
xTh        ^ )> which rises after dusk in the southeast in spring-summer and sets after dusk in the southwest in autumn-winter.   In 1.1 the phrase "hidden dragon," like 1.4 "or it leaps into the deep," refers to the Dragon at the autumnal equinox, as stated in the Shuowen definition of long (1 IB/14a) "the Dragon...ascends to the heavens at the vernal equinox and is submerged in the deep at the autumnal equinox (j|| ... ^ ^ j^j ^     » j^K ft 1^7 /^l$mce ^en Yiduo has identified the hexagram name Qian ^£ as properly iffi, another name for the Northern Dipper (see 1.3), he argues
("Leizuan," p. 48) based on Han and later works that the Dipper stands for a chariot (of Di vjp ) and the Dragons are the heavenly team of horses which draw it (7^^j^)> the line texts thus serving to "elaborate the meaning" (^^ 2?F:) of the hexagram image.   The statement in the Tuan Commentary, rjL.
l^'f^P ^ ' wh*cn ne would understand as "harness six dragons so as to drive Heaven as a chariot" (cf. W-B, p. 371: "...he mounts on [the six stages of growth] toward heaven as though on six dragons") indicates to Wen that the author of the Tuan Commentary was aware also of the astrological significance of the line texts of Hexagram 1.
Li Jingchi ("Jiaoshi," #4; Tongyi) supports Wen's astrological interpretation of all the texts referred to above except 1.4 (q.v.). He explains that these are cases where the yarrow stalk diviners have drawn on the results of astrology in order to reinforce the strength and increase the accuracy of their prognostication (^      ^ ^ £ jfi      ^ ^ ^ p/j %j |v(
^ ^ft %■ ^£ >Lj^- *&    In his article "Gudai de wuzhan" (Ancient
omen interpretation) in Zhouyi tanyuan (p. 388—hereafter "Wuzhan") he reiterates the astral interpretation of long in 1.1, etc., citing parallels in Zuozhuan, but interprets 2.6 (q.v.) differently.   In "Zhouyi de bianzuan he bianzhe de sixiang" (Tanyuan, pp. 197-198—hereafter "Bianzuan"), which was
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one of Li's Jast published writings on the Yi, he says that editing has produced an intentional symmetry in the astrological symbolism of the four lines 1.1, 1.2 and 1.5, 1.6. Line 1.1 balances 1.6, as 1.2 balances 1.5, making for an extremely orderly text.   Lines 1.3 and 1.4, on the other hand, form a pair with non-astrological, human topics.
Gao Wence ("Shi lun Yi de chengshu niandai yu fayuan diyu") and Edward Shaughnessy ("Composition," pp. 266-287; "The Dragons of Qian"; "Zhouyi Qian gua liu long jie") have also dealt with the long of Hexagram 1 as concrete symbols, referring to the Dragon asterism's position in the sky in successive months of the year.   While Wen Yiduo's interpretation at times seems more a mythical or cultural one, rather than astronomical, especially when he refers to the empirically impossible different shapes the Dragon can take, Gao Wence and Shaughnessy take care to base their arguments on astronomical observation.   Their view of this hexagram as a kind of farmer's almanac is different from Wen's both in general approach and in the reading of specific words.   Gao Wence relates lines 1.1,2,3,5,6,7 to lines 2.1,2,3,4,5,6 of the following hexagram Kun. According to Gao, each of these twelve lines contains a reference to a natural phenomenon characteristic of one of the months of the year.   The two hexagrams Qian and Kun thus form a special unit within the Yi. Qian's phenomena are celestial and refer to October-February, while Kun's are terrestial—the growth cycle of broomcorn millet shu ^ from March to August—with a link to the celestial phenomena of Qian in line 2.6. Line 44.5 and 44.6 (q.v.) contain other references to the ripening of the millet and its "meeting the Horn" of the Dragon (44.6 gou qf jiao jcfo      ^ ), which is just beginning to be visible in the pre-dawn hours above the eastern horizon in late August to early September. It is this appearance of the Dragon's uppermost part, the asterism called the Horn , and apparently its brightest star Spica (<£ Virginis; Horn #1), which is
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referred to in both 2.6.1 ^        "dragons battle in the open
country" and here in 1.1.1. By mid-September Spica has risen to over 10 degrees above the horizon, but the body of the Dragon is still hidden below it, "submerged in the depths," as line 1.1 says.   As the year progresses, the Dragon rises in the east higher each month (1.2;1.4;1.5), then begins to sink lower in the western sky (1.6; 1.7). RK: An interesting bit of supporting evidence which Gao could have cited is that the star name Spica (a Western term which he does not use) means "ear or spike of grain' (cf. Zhao Yuanren [Y. R. Chao], "Zhong Xi xing ming kao").   A sheaf or ear of grain, or other similar agricultural symbol, has been part of the Western lore connected with the part of the skies the Chinese called the Dragon since the time of the Babylonians (Allen, Star Names, pp. 460-466).   This also implies East-West cultural contact at an early date.   Gao's interpretation has certain attractive points, but in his effort to support it, he is forced to make many emendations or far-fetched readings of individual graphs.   Worse yet, when part of a line does not fit his thesis, he simply ignores it, even when it appears to be syntactically part of the same phrase as the passage he is interpreting.
Shaughnessy differs from Gao in placing the astronomical symbolism of each line in Hexagram 1 more than a whole season later than Gao, with line 1.1 at about the winter solstice.   He also rejects Gao's connection of Hexagram 1 Qian with the following Hexagram 2 Kun in one large almanac, although he acknowledges a similarity in calendrical interest.   His seasonal realignment of the Dragon's position in the heavens, which departs from Chinese tradition (e.g., the Shuowen passage quoted above), relies on an unfortunately vague distinction he draws between an archaic "observational astronomy" and its successor after about the 7th century B.C., "computational astronomy" ('The Dragons of Qian," pp. 6-7).   This meant,
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Shaughnessy maintains, that the Dragon's position was no longer related to that of the moon, but rather to the sun, entailing "a 180 degree shift in the seasonal associations of the constellations."   Yet the seasonal discrepancy between Gao Wence's analysis, on the one hand, and Shaughnessy's, on the other, arises because Gao is referring to a pre-dawn observation while Shaughnessy, like de Saussure before him, refers to sightings at dusk.   It is a pity that Shaughnessy has not explored the question of the timing of astronomical observations in the early Zhou dynasty.   Is there a basis for Gao Wence's pre-dawn observations?   If not, how is one to explain the Shuowen remark?   Shaughnessy quotes Shuowen, but does not discuss it. Nor does his terse comment that "Gao was unaware of the sidero-lunar nature of pre-Chunqiu astronomy" ("Composition," p. 345, n. 137) address this point.
None of the advocates of interpretation B. is concerned with proving the age of the astronomical ideas and nomenclature he employs.   Wen, for example, cites evidence which is predominantly from the Warring States period, Han, or even post-Han.   Specifically, we must ask how old is the idea of a heavenly configuration, involving several separately named asterisms, called the Dragon? While these scholars do not raise the question, I know of no textual mention of any astral long before several possible references in the Zuozhuan. There a children's ditty is quoted, in Xi 5,
hid in the conjunction of the sun and moon" (James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 5 "The Ch'un Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen," hereafter cited as
"Tianwen" -fc X.  "Astronomy" section).   That whole ditty is filled with astral imagery, so there is little doubt that it is a heavenly Dragon which is mentioned.   Also in Zuozhuan, Xiang 28, there is the line       ^      , J?j§
it
Wei [the tail] of the Dragon lies
Tso, p. 146; also quoted by Gu Yanwu
"the Snake mounts the Dragon, which is the asterism of
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the Song and Zheng states" (cf. Tso, p. 540).   Here long is glossed as the "year star,' i.e., Jupiter. In Huan 5 is the line       ^ ffQ "at the
appearance of the Dragon they performed the drought sacrifice," (cf. Tso, p. 46), in which long is glossed as the seven lodges comprising the Green Dragon of the Eastern Quadrant. In addition, there is now a firm date for the first known artistic depiction of the heavenly Dragon, as a result of a recent archaeological discovery in Suixian county, Hubei. In 433 B.C. a lacquer box bearing on its cover the picture of the Dragon and the other astral symbols for the four Quadrants was entombed at the funeral of Marquis Yi of the state of Zeng. Thus the Dragon was certainly well-known at that time (Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianwenxue shi, Vol. 2, p. 328, n. 1). See gloss 1.6.1 below for more on this discovery.
But rather than make the claim that the dragons of Hexagram 1 were from their first conception astronomical allusions, I would prefer to say that they became so during the late stages of development of the text. As explained in A. above, the dragons make good sense as ordinary omen topics.   As further developed in C. below, they were probably also parts of oral formulas the diviners wove into their divinatory chants.   They were part of the diviners' fund of divinatory precedents, which were drawn upon selectively in the course of prognostication.   Either gradually or at the hands of one or more late scribe-editors of the text, these omen-formulas involving dragons were topically concentrated in this one hexagram chapter.   (On this systematizing process, see Part One, Chapter 2, "The Structure of the Text: the Yijing and Primitive Systematic Thought," and Chapter 3, "The Yijing and Oral-Formulaic Literature.") Perhaps already by this time, say, the late Western Zhou or Spring and Autumn Period, a concept of a heavenly Dragon had emerged, consolidating several preexisting asterisms and filling in a few more to make a plausible dragon (even incorporating those groupings in that
region of the sky which didn't make sense, such as DT       and Fang ^ ). Suppose that there was then a conscious effort on the part of some redactors of the text to arrange at least some of the omens in the form of an almanac based on the Dragon asterism's appearance at varying times of the year.   Still later a moral interpretation, with the dragon as metaphor for the superior man, would be superimposed on the text.   The text as we know it today is then the result of this process.   Some of the dragon images lend themselves nicely to an astronomical interpretation, while others definitely do not.   The advantage of this approach is that those which do not fit need not be forced into an astronomical mold or passed over in embarrassed silence.
C    RK: The lines describing dragons in Hexagram 1 can be thought of as not only independent, random omens, but also symbols participating in an oral-formulaic tradition, as that concept is described in Part One, Chapter 3, "The Yijing and Oral-Formulaic Literature." Lines 1.1 and 1.4, in particular, fit into one of the "formulaic systems" perceived in the Shijing by C. H. Wang in his study of the oral-formulaic elements in that work, The Bell and the Drum. As examples he cites Shi 20M7y^zf '^t ^ yff^ (p. 54), "[Nor am I a sturgeon, a snout-fish,] That can plunge to hide in the deep." And
again Shi 239/3 ||  5|       ^ > J? ^ j ^>Jtff <idem->> "The falcon soars up to heaven;/ The fish plunges in the deep."   This system is generally of the form "X-animal / verb / -J"        , or       / place."   Another song, Shi 184/1,2, provides an interesting example, because it shows how the formula can vary, and because its rhymes are identical with 1.2, 1.4, 1.5, and 1.6. There we have in the first stanza the couplet \^ fg£ ^ j>/^ , ^ -j^. ^ , Odes (i.e., translation of Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes), p. 127 "the fish plunges in the deep, or it lies by the islet"; and in the second stanza, the predicates are reversed: \^       ^ , fy.       , Odes
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p. 127 "the fish lies by the islet, or it plunges into the deep."   As we would expect in oral composition in stanzas with incremental repetition, this accomplishes a necessary variation in rhyme, as *»iwen       rhymes with the increment *t'ien ^   in the previous line, while *tie^^ had rhymed with a previous *dia        In Yi Hexagram 1 we find the same rhyme scheme,^j^j in IA rhyming with both *d'ien       in 1.2 and       in 1.5, and used in the same formulaic system.   And 1.1 ^[ ^ , although a truncated reference, recalls the phrasing of the formula as well, and could be said to key to an original formulaic line like //f^f (which is, however, unattested).
1.1-2 fi\
A.    RK: Wu S/j] (GSR 503a *miwgt "don't' in Shi) is the common negative imperative form in EOC, and it appears 26 times in the Yi, always in this usage.   In 11 of those cases it is followed by yong      , which is as problematic as it is frequent in the Yi. Yong is discussed above in Part One, Chapter 4. In the separate word-for-word translation I have always written "don't!" for wu, adding an exclamation point not to indicate special stress, but to remind the reader that it is the negative imperative form, rather than the usual indicative form "don't" or "do not" which is meant by the English translation.   This precaution is the more necessary because, despite the fact there is no such ambiguity, graphic or phonetic, in Chinese, exegetes and translators of the Yijing have often interpreted various phrases with wu as if they were written with some other negative, such as *miwo > wu Tp /^S- "not have, there be no.'  These have almost always been ad hoc, implicit interpretations, with no attempt at justification.   A few of them are cited, and rejected, in these Glosses. As for the meaning of 1.1.2 "Don't usen or "Do not use," it is by no means certain, but I believe it is preferable, for reasons presented in Part One, to remain as close as possible
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to the normal meaning of yong "use, apply.'   I understand the text to mean here "Don't put to use the result of the divinatory determination just made—i.e, the line in which this admonition appears, which was encountered by manipulating the yarrow stalks—to follow some course of action, presumably the subject concerning which the client sought the diviner's advice.   Notice that in functional terms this interpretation produces the same practical effect, non-action, as the interpretation in B. below.
Shaughnessy ("Composition," p. 266) also translates 1.1.2 as "do not use," without comment.
B. Gao Heng: Following Wang Yinzhi, yong means "to act' fife, (Gujing) or "make a move'^^Jj (Dazhuan). This is based on the Shuowen definition of yong (3B/20a) "can be put into action' (^| JJQ ^ -jt^ ). Throughout the Yi wu yong has the meaning "Don't undertake any activities" (e.g., 27.3, 29.3, 63.3), and if the phrase is followed by a specific activity, then it means "Don't do X-activity" (e.g., 8.0 %J      ^ ^ 1j£   "Don't go anywhere").   W-B follows the same gloss: "Do not act."   Cf. Legge: "It is not the time for active doing."
C. E. R. Hughes (p. 8): "A dragon lies hid: there should be no expenditure [?]." The use of the colon here suggests that Hughes views the hidden dragon as an omen, the prognostication of which follows; or an image or symbol, which expresses metaphorically the course of "no expenditure" which is recommended; or perhaps a sign combining both functions, as in the literary or cultural symbols which serve as "motivation" (xing f&SzL ) in the Shi songs.   Hughes does not explain what he means by "expenditure."
D. Li Jingchi ("Bianzuan," p. 211; Tongyi) says 1.1.2 means "unfavorable' ( ^ /jCij -{ft ), without further explanation.
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The MS. writes line 1.2 exactly as in the received text. The line 1.2.1 is quoted in Zuozhuan, Zhao 29.
a. Gao Heng: ^ should be read xian C^)> following Lu Deming in Shiwen (cf. GSR 2*la *kian > jian "to see' in Shi; *g'ian > xian "to appear' in Shi). Xian "appear' is in contrast with qian "hide' in 1.1. Phrase 1.2.1 means "A dragon appears (appeared?) in the field(s)" ( "pjl^ ^
^). Thus for Gao xian long is an inverted equivalent of long xian.   E. R. Hughes (p. 8) is similar, but prefers to retain the syntactic anomaly in his translation, rather than resort to declaring an inversion: "Discloses a dragon in a field:..."
B. Akatsuka Kiyoshi (Ekikyo) follows the Shiwen reading xian "appear,' but interprets the syntax in a regular way: "An appearing dragon is in the field" (arawaretaru tatsu ta ni ari); &  in 1.7 below is dealt with the same way.   Cf. W-B: Dragon appearing in the field."   (Function of zai unclear.)
C    RK: It is the simplest and most straightforward interpretation to ignore the Shiwen reading and treat       in its most common sense, both in Yi and in EOC in general, jian "see.' When ^ is read xian and serves as a protograph for^j^ "appear,' it invariably follows its noun subject in Shi and elsewhere.   And when jj^ serves as a transitive verb "see,' it is always read jian (Wang Li, Gudai Hanyu, p. 199).   Among the 21 cases of       in Yi, there is not a single case where it follows a subject noun, and in fact it is almost always followed by an explicit object noun, "see X," as indeed is the case in the second occurrence of ^ in the same line 1.2. The same is true of the use of ^ in Shi. It routinely means "see (someone or something)." Thus 1.2.1 is a stock omen formula, "see a dragon in a field".   The "field" here, which seems most often to have been understood as a cultivated field, is in fact more likely to mean the open field where the hunt takes place, since in all four of the other occurrences of tian in Yi, the hunting of game
is involved and there is no mention of cultivation: 7.5 $       ^ , 32.4 1^7
^ , 40.2 tf? ^| 51 ^ , 57.4 ffl       5^ r?n- There is only one clear reference to cultivation in the whole Yi text, 25.2 xj? ^ , as Guo Moruo noted (Zhongguo gudai shehui yanjiu, hereafter Gudai shehui, pp. 31-32).
D.    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 46): tian refers to the "field of Heaven," as in the work Han jiu yi ■yfc ^ jj^' , quoted in the Zhengyi » commentary to Shiji "Fengshanshu"       f'J^ ^ : "The left horn of the Dragon asterism is the field of Heaven" ( ^ ^ ^ ~j\ $ )> and
also in the Suoyin commentary to Shiji "Tianguanshu"     ^ |j| ,
quoting Mr. Shi ^ f^,   [RK: i.e., Shi Shen ^ ^ , 4th century B.C. astronomer from Wei^jj* ] (      ^ ). Wen does not discuss the
meaning of 1.2.1 further, other than to imply that since the Dragon is appearing rather than disappearing here, it is associated with the fall-winter period.   Li Jingchi (Tongyi), who follows Wen, explains: if the Dragon asterism appears in the field of Heaven star (sic), it will be favorable for the nobility.
Gao Wence ("Shilun Yi..."): in October the asterisms the Horn       and the Neck       are now visible above the eastern horizon before dawn; Spica (Horn #1) rises to a declination of 32 degrees.   Shaughnessy ("Composition," p. 271): the horns of the Dragon, poking up over the horizon after dusk in early March, appear to be coming out of the fields themselves.   So 1.2.1 reads "see the dragon in the fields."
1^2 p\ %, ~k A
This pattern, with li ^fjj "favorable' followed by a complement specifying what activity it will be favorable to undertake, or what are the spatial or temporal bounds of favorability, is one of the two common patterns in which
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the word ft appears in the Yi. The other is A (X) zhen, as in 1.1. Jian da ren is, in turn, one of the more common phrases to occur in the pattern, along with she da chuan        ^ Jf J   "wade across a big river," you you wang      Y'X^        "have somewhere to go," etc.  The phrase da ren could be translated variously as "great man," "big man," "great person," "great people," "great folk," etc.   Which translation we follow depends on our understanding of what the phrase refers to.   Virtually all commentators of the modern school see it as a reference to a social class in ancient Chinese society, the nobility, which is contrasted in the Yi with the common people, called naturally the xiao ren /J^ X    "little man," "small man," "small people," "small folk," etc.   Since the nobility is referred to in the Yi, as in other EOC texts, also by the common term junzi ^ --p , there is disagreement among analysts as to whether da ren and junzi refer to an identical set of people, or, on the other hand, along with xiao ren, represent a threefold division of society underlying the nomenclature of the Yi. This question is explored in more detail in Part One, Chapter 1, "The Social and Intellectual World of the Yijing." Here it must suffice to note some of the glosses and translations which have been proposed for the specific phrase 1.2.2.
a.    E. R. Hughes (p. S) translates "advantageous to have audience of the great man."   Hughes thus interprets jian not as a general "see' but in the common narrower sense of "pay a visit to.'  Similar is Arthur Waley (Review of Hellmut Wilhelm, Eight Lectures on the I Ching, The Listener, March 30, 1961, p. 579): "lucky for interviewing an important person" (Waley does not specify the context 1.2 for his translation of ji jian da ren). Shchutskii (p. 226) translates phrases with li like this as if they had an inverted word order, with preposed predicate: "Auspicious is the meeting with the great man."   He comments that this indicates "the possibility of help from a
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powerful person."
B.    Gao Heng says of da ren that it refers in the Yijing to the nobility (^^)> including the king, feudal lords, and lesser nobles (H^      , 7\. ^ ). He explains that a dragon's appearance in the fields is a metaphor ( ti(j *or tne activities of the da ren among the people; it is lucky if a
person sees him (them) (A ^ X- >^'J      P\ ^ tnus *f tn*s *ine *s encountered in divination, "it is lucky to see a great man."   For Gao, then jian has its general meaning of "see.' So also for W-B: "It furthers one to see the great man."   RK: Supporting the general interpretation of "see' is the fact that jian da ren in the Yi seems to be the counterpart to the common Shi phrase, jian junzi.  In the Shi the phrase "haven't yet seen the lord" (     ^ 7t|        ) occurs 11 times and the phrase "have seen the lord" % ) occurs 22 times.   In the contexts in which these lines are sung, the sightings are accompanied by much prior anxiety and subsequent satisfaction (some of it is the concern of a wife for her husband, referred to as junzi " milord0, and it would thus seem to be a natural topic for divination.   I have followed this interpretation, and translated ren as "big man."   The phrase i.2.2 then reads "it will be favorable to see a big man." A plural reference to "big men" is also possible.   Here, as is often the case with nouns and verbs in Chinese texts, ren is unmarked for number, and singular and plural forms in English are equally acceptable translations.
"Big man" (or "big men") is not only a straightforward, literal translation of da ren, but also coincides with the English term used by anthropologists to describe a type of influential man in the community in other societies of the Pacific basin, notably in the South Pacific, but sometimes also in Mesoamerica or the Pacific Northwest. I do not intend by this to argue that the role of the da ren of early Western Zhou is directly analogous with that of the "big man" among the Trobriand Islanders, although there are
similarities.   It may not be fortuitous that societies at similar stages of social and economic development, with an expanding agrarian base supporting the emergence of warring tribal states with powerful aristocracies, have used similar terms to designate the leaders in social change.   In any case, "big man" is also less likely than the more common "great man" to lead to a mistaken confusion with the later Confucian concepts of "great man" and its counterpart "small man," which referred to moral stature and the quantity of one's accumulated virtue, rather than wealth and power.
C The phrase da ren (also read tai ren) appears twice in the Shi, both times in the line ^ A £2 (189/7, 190/4), and because of the
context, occurring with zhah "prognosticate,' it has been understood to be a diviner's title here.   Cf. Odes p. 131 "The Great Man (chief diviner) divines them."   Could da ren in the Yi also refer to a diviner?   Certain internal evidence appears to argue against this possibility.   First, the phrases h jian da ren (7 cases) and ybng jian da ren ^ ^ ^ (1 case in 46.0) seem
to state the result of a determination arrived at after consulting a diviner, rather than prior to it.   Notice, however, that if, with Shaughnessy, the phrase 1.0.1 li zhen is interpreted to mean "it is beneficial to perform a divination," then this argument would not hold, since li jian da ren would become a similar injunction, "it is beneficial to (see:) consult the big man (sc. diviner).   Four out of the seven occurrences of this phrase are in hexagram texts, with only three in line texts (two of them in Hexagram 1)—a non-random distribution which would also fit into Shaughnessy's hypothesis about the hexagram text as the result of a preliminary round of divination ("Composition," pp. 133,151).   Second, if a phrase like 47.0        A is understood as "auspicious in a
determination for a big man," then the "big man" is the subject or client ("patient") of a divination, rather than the agent.   David N. Keightley
(personal communication, October 17, 1981), however, suggests an alternative which could encompass the agentive role of the diviner too: "Divine! The great man will be auspicious."
Li Jingchi in Tongyi simply says da ren is a person of status, referring to the nobility.   But earlier, in discussing the da ren of the Shi (Wuzhan, p. 379), Li, following Zheng Xuan, saw in the da ren a reference to any wise, learned man (^     ), as also in the similar term gu lao "^7^ xveteran' of Shi 192/5. One consulted an old, wise man for prognostication of dreams, omens, etc.   He did not relate this interpretation of the Shi to the da ren of the Yi.
The question of the construction of the phrase "it will be favorable to see a big man" certainly bears further consideration.   It may be significant that both times the "big man" appears in the Shi it is in conjunction with prognostication, with the explicit use of the word zhan q , while, furthermore, the "big man" also appears in the Yi in the same line text as the sole case of zhan: 49.5 ~j\ A fa ^ * %       ^ ^-   "Tne bi§ man performed a tiger-transformation; without prognosticating there was a capture."   So there is evidence in the Yi too to support identification of the "big man" with the diviner himself.   Nevertheless this identification would affect the understanding of another line, 12.2 /Jn A        , ~A A ^ , which appears to be a straightforward antithetical prognostication, "auspicious for a small man, bad for a big man," which is, in turn, perfectly parallel with 33.4 7% "auspicious for a noble, bad for a small
man."   How then do we analyze the triangular relation da ren-xiao ren-junzi?   Both of the lines 12.2 and 33.4 are more in keeping with the social class analysis of interpretation B. above.   So the question cannot yet be convincingly resolved.
i.3.i | f ^ g %t ft fr 'V% %
The MS. writes line 1.3^ ^  ?        ) 0 Jf^ = $ }JL ) % }% %j %t> i-e-» withl4.l8f. for the ^ ^ of the received text. (Rao Zongyi, "Lue lun Mawangdui Yijing xieben," p. 232, transcribes instead °^^^*) I* ^s Just tn*s expression qian-qian (*g'ian-g jian) which .has caused the most disagreement in interpreting the line.   In the various commentaries and translations below it is glossed as "vigorous,' "traumatic,' "anxious,' "cautious,' "hard-working,' and this list is probably not exhaustive. The use of an obvious loan graph in the MS. (^f[_GSR 249i *g'ian > jian "bolt of a lock' in Zhouli; "linch-pin' in Shi) adds strength to the already substantial argument that *g'ian-g'ian is simply an imitative binom which had an ill-defined meaning to begin with.   There is such a pronounced tendency in both the Shi and the Yi to describe junzf with one or another reduplicated expression that we may define the pattern "junzi X-X" or "X-X junzi" as a literary device, a kind of an epithet for the nobility.   When such devices occur in the Yi, I will call them by the literary term "trope." Examples of this trope in Shi are 19/1,2,3 Jfifc        jJz %~ , Odes p. 11 "Oh my majestic lord" tSfc l^^'-come back come back"); 67/1 /S I f% f?|> Odes
p. 45 "My lord is elated"; 67/2 %.      f^j j^J "My lord is merry."   In Yi, in addition to 1.3.1, we have 43.3 %.       ^ ^ ^ 5 ^
^2       (*rom which, as in Hexagram 1, the hexagram name for Hexagram 15 *k'liam > qian is taken, and which, again like Hexagram 1, is written with a different graph in the MS.,       instead of        see 15.0.0 and 15.1.1 glosses).
Despite the fact that the graph       may have had no special significance in the original Yi, serving only as one way to write the sound *g'ian-g'ten, its premier position in the text as the name of the first hexagram, both in the order of the received text and in that of the MS. (see Appendix E),
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resulted in its becoming as early as Warring States times a symbol for "Heaven,' and a culturally rich concept in its own right.   Since it is a famous Yijing term, it will be useful to summarize some of the scholarship concerning the origin of the graph and its meaning.
Concerning the form of the graph, Todo Akiyasu (Kanji gogenjiten, p. 587) says first that the graph       (#160-15) depicts the just-risen sun (following Shuowen "sunrise'; cf.   GSR 140a       140b       ). This implies "dried out,' from which is derived the word gan "dry.' The graph       (#160-16), with Shuowen and Zhu Junsheng, means "something that rises' (cf. Shuowen 14B/9a
^ "fe )>  a^r that rises high UP>' with phonetic^4-, and 2/ > the form of the gas curling upward.   Hellmut Wilhelm (Heaven, Earth, and Man in the Book of Changes, p. 36) gives an "etymology," which he says is adhered to by Erwin Reifler as well, which derives the graph       from "radical 62 t \ ] signifying a "flagstaff'," anciently "a planted halberd with a yak's tail fluttering from it," plus "sun' and "water.' Shinjigen (p. 28) gives both of these explanations plus a third one: that       is a compound ideograph made up of a phonetic/signific element jJ2^ meaning "strong' (j^) plus a distorted form of J\ . Thus there are at least three quite different explanations of the graph itself.
Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," pp. 45-46; "Putang zashi," p. 583) treats the hexagram names, including qian, as an integral part of the Yi text, and deals with qian in 1.0 independently of 1.3. For qian as a hexagram name he argues that       is the same word asjjjjp, which meant "turn around' and was in turn an old word for the Northern Dipper       ^ (RK: i.e., the "seven stars" of the Big Dipper in Ursa Major). Since the ancients conceived of the Dipper as a pivot around which the heavens revolved ( X        ^j"      > ^T7 IaAs, y^C ^f" ^ /fj^i |jjL), it was a suitable symbol for Heaven in
the first hexagram of the Yi. RK: On the graph       cf.   GSR 1401 *kwan >
guan "wheel-axle cap' in Chuci; later applied to a word *»uat > wo "turn round' in Han time text.
E. G. Pulleyblank ("Chinese and Indo-Europeans," pp. 34-35) speculates on a possible etymology of qian as follows: gien < gryan (or gran) < ?Tocharian ("yueh-chih"), related to "ch'i-lien" "heaven.'
As for the other words in 1.3.1, there is substantial agreement on
_ y
interpretation.   Junzi is used in the Yi as it appears commonly in EOC, as a reference to members of the aristocracy, the "nobles." It is sometimes opposed in the Yi to the xiao ren, as also in the Shu and Shi, e.g., Shi 223/6
% ? % ^X&1(> 'jn A >h » odes P- 177 "if the noble men have fine plans (principles), the small men will cling to them."   Junzjf is probably
the most well-known of the EOC words which underwent a moral
reinterpretation at the hands of the Confucians, and in the Yijing too, what
originally signified "noble by birth' came to be understood in the Confucian
exegesis of the Yi as "noble in character.'  (Another well-known example of
a reinterpretation is the word *t^k > de ^^>"mana, virtue,' which, as we
will see below, is interchangeable in the Yi with its cognate *t?k > de <^
"get.O R. Wilhelm, conscious of this reinterpretation, chose his German
equivalents of some of these words with care to capture in his translation
the semantic ambiguity of the original.   Thus his translation of junzi' as "der
Edle," (e.g., I Ging, p. 4) can mean "a person of noble or high birth' as well
as "a high-minded man (or woman).'  Unfortunately, Wilhelm's translator into
English, Cary Baynes, was not sensitive to Wilhelm's care in word selection
and chose to emphasize the Confucian, moral interpretation of the Yi at the
expense of its primitive meaning.   For me Baynes's "superior man" (W-B,
p. 8) does not convey the fundamental meaning of junzi in the Yi with
sufficient force.   My English translation "noble," the equivalent of Wilhelm's
"der Edle," will, I hope, adequately render that fundamental meaning, and,
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unlike other possible English translations like "lord," "aristocrat," "ruling class," "knight," (see Hughes below), "noblemen" (but cf.   Karlgren s "noble men"), etc., remind us also of its derived sense.   Hence I hope that iunzi zhen ^ ^ ^    (12.0, 13.0) "noble determination" (with stress on "noble") will convey to the reader, as it does to me by force of habit, a primary sense of "a divinatory decision by, for, or regarding the nobility,' and a secondary, derived, sense, a "Nebenbedeutung," of "the perseverance of the noble-minded.'
The structure of the word juhzf is touched upon briefly in the discussion of suffixation in the Yi in Part One, Chapter 4, "A Grammatical Sketch of the Yijing." Whether it is conceived of as a compound of "ruler' + "child,' or "ruler' + suffix *tsi9g > zi, or a synthesis of the two in a diminutive suffix, as in the translation "lordling" once suggested by Peter Boodberg, it appears to have become a lexical item on its own already in EOC. In both the word-for-word and free translations I have written just "noble," leaving the separate morphemes jun and zi untranslated.
Zhong n "end' > "to the end' > "whole, entire'+ "day,' meaning "throughout the day," occurs several times in the Yi (cf. 63.4       Q jj^ ; 16.2 i\   -^f        T .f?^" /H ^ mav also be related), and is also
common in the OBI and in the Shi. Zhong has the same meaning in the parallel expression zhong zhlo ^^(Yi 6.6; cf.   Shi 226/1 ^ , Odes p. 179 "the whole morning I have gathered the lu plant [>> royal
fodder »]").
Ti ruo is the first example in the text of a very common construction in the Yi combining a verbal word denoting either an action or a quality with ruo (<*niak) or, even more frequently, ru jtfl (<*nio), in an expression describing manner or appearance.   Both ruo and ru fundamentally mean "like,' and here serve as suffixed elements, not unlike the English suffixes
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"-like," e.g., "ladylike"; My," e.g., "sisterly" (the two of which, however, are used with nouns); or "-wise," e.g., "crosswise," "clockwise" (with either nouns or adjectives).   I have translated both ruo and ru' in the word-for-word translation uniformly as "-like," even though this rarely produces an acceptable English word, and have made no effort in the free translation to translate the suffixed descriptive expression in Chinese by an English counterpart.   Thus here ti (GSR 850i *t'iek > ti "grieved' in Shi; "fear, respect' in Shu) + ruo is in my word-for-word translation "wary/-like" and in my free translation "wary." Each of the 28 -ru expressions and 9 (?) -ruo expressions in the Yi is, however, dealt with individually.   See Part One, Chapter 4, "A Grammatical Sketch," for further analysis.   In the expectation that at least some of the words suffixed by -ru and -ruo might involve rhyme, onomatopoeia, or sound symbolism of some sort, I have generally included the OC form of these words in the phonetic transcription. Even though this expectation has not been confirmed by analysis so far, except for obvious rhymes, this information may prove useful in more sophisticated analyses in the future.
A.    Above I have said that *g'ian-g'ian > qian-qian can be understood as an imitative binom like those in the Shi, an expression the sound of which was perhaps more important than any meaning.   The Shuogua Commentary and Guangya both gloss qian as "vigorous' (f$^) and this was also the gloss followed by Kong Yingda (Zhouyi zhengyi).   Whether or not this was the sense the expression had in Western Zhou is difficult to say, but the gloss has the force of tradition, and no other seems better.   Incorporating this with the individual translations above, 1.3.1 reads "Nobles throughout the day are x glan-g'ian' vigorous, but at night they are wary."  Gao Heng also follows the traditional gloss of qian, interpreting as "diligent' (l|^f^[)« He treats 1.3.1 and 1.3.2 as a single connected thought: "The nobility, being
diligent during the day, and cautious at night, although in danger, will not come to harm (there will be no disaster)."   (See 1.3.2 below.)   E. R. Hughes (p. 8) is similar: "A knight goes vigorously throughout the day (but) at night is more or less cautious: danger, (but) not of misfortune."   The use of the colon once again implies a relation, undefined, between 1.3.1 and 1.3.2.
Karlgren (Loan Characters in Pre-Han Texts, hereafter Loan, #560, i.e., paragraph number 560 in serial order) observes that although Lu Deming (Shiwen) does not comment on the reading of the phrase qian-qian, since it is under the Qian hexagram "Heaven, active (as opp.   to Earth, inactive)," the traditional commentators should be followed, and thus he translates the first part "The noble man is the whole day active."  Karlgren reveals by his logic that he adheres to a pre-modern conception of the formation of the Yijing text, as the attaching of texts to preordained concepts, which is fundamentally opposed to that of most of the scholars whose work is the basis of these Glosses, notably Li Jingchi and Gao Heng. For these latter scholars, in contrast, the text evolved first, as a mass of divinatory sayings, and only later was an orderly system of concepts wrought out of the mass. As we shall continue to see, Karlgren's traditional view of the Yi was in constant conflict with his normal philological rigor, leading to frustration and irritation with what he called the "rigmarole" of the text: "But, after all, the rigmarole of the Yi is rarely intelligible" (Loan, #1080). Karlgren also considered and rejected the interpretation of Wen Yiduo below.
B.    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 58): <j^T, the meaning of which is basically "dry,' is a variant form of       juan "small stream.'  They are really the same word.   Thus       can and does serve as a loan here for       **iwan > yuan "sad' (in appearance): "The noble all day looks morose, and at night is grieved (?)." Cf. Karlgren tr.   of Wen Yiduo paraphrase (Loan, #560) ""The noble man is the whole day (grieved:) anxious' (and in the evening
403
apprehensive).11
C      Li Jingchi (Tanyuan "Preface," p. 7) uses this line to illustrate how the Yi text was gradually transformed from a collection of separate incidents to generalizations about life itself—what I characterize as the transformation of "dids" into "shoulds." Here, according to Li's analysis, someone serving as an official was in a tense situation, extremely cautious and timid (paraphrasing qian-qian as frfa $jb) throughout the day,
line texts, however, the recapitulation of this incident takes the form of a
alert at night, then everything will work out smoothly in the end." Extended still further, this implies that people should always deal with any difficult situations by being respectful and cautious.   But Li Jingchi was an interpretation mill, often glossing the same word or phrase in several different ways in different studies published within a short time of each other, while justifying his plurality of views by the indeterminacy inherent in the Yijing itself.   In an article published in 1961 ("Guanyu Zhouyi de xingzhi he tade zhexue sixiang," Tanyuan edition, hereafter "Xingzhi," p. 158), which was two years before the "Preface" cited above, Li glossed qian-qian as in interpretation A. above as       -JQ , but gave it a slightly different interpretation N hard-working' (|£ ^£ ^ ^f^, jl^ ~F\ ^-'fp' )• Then in his last work Zhouyi tongyi, he follows Wen Yiduo in B. above: "The nobility is sad and fearful all day, and should be cautious at night."
D.    Hellmut Wilhelm ("I-ching Oracles in the Tso-chuan and Kuo-yu," p. 275) tries to relate a reconstructed original version of 1.3 to the modern version and its derived interpretation.   According to Wilhelm, junzY should be omitted from the original version, as it is a Confucian concept "alien to
and at night even more wary. I and the signs (^ ) he obtained
general statement: "If a junzY can be respectful and cautious by day and
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early Chou times" and it "spoils the pristine logic and rhythm" of the text here and elsewhere in the Yi. Xi ti rub is an interpolated "commentary paraphrase."   xl "in tne evening" elucidates zhong n "at the end of the day," while ti ruo "as if prostrate" elucidates qian-qian. In 1.3.2 li wu jiu are diviners' formulae which Wilhelm omits without explaining at what point in history he views these as having been added to the text (but he refers, with approbation, to Conrady and Waley here).   Thus we are left with a text reading zhong n qian-qian, which fits into the theme of Hexagram 1, showing the progress of the dragon from its wet habitat to dry land. Qian was originally gin "dry': "At the end of the day: oh dry!   oh dry!"   (RK: gin vja^does occur twice elsewhere in the Yi, in 21.4 and 21.5 0^1
» b°tn referring to dried meat).   From this "original meaning" of qian comes a derived meaning of "frightening experience leading to creative action, or more precisely the germinating point of a creative resolve." RK: This novel interpretation ignores all the EOC evidence which supports the traditional interpretation of the line.   As we have seen, only the word qian-qian is of doubtful meaning, yet even here Wilhelm's reading of "dry' has no stronger argument in its favor than the other ones above.
1.3.2 ]%   % Q
a.    All three of these important Yijing words are discussed in Part One, Chapter 4.   O is with virtual unanimity glossed as "danger, dangerous' (e.g., Lu Deming, Gao Heng:      ^ ). Since it is not a general word for "danger,' and since in many of its early uses it has a sinister connotation—of evil, disease, cruelty, demons, and the like—it is similar to those English words meaning "danger' but conveying a sinister portent, like "threat" or "menace." I have chosen "threat" and "threatening" to translate li.
Wu is the negative of the verb of existence in the Yi, equivalent to
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English "there is no," "there are no," "not have," etc.   The word-for-word translation shortens the general form of these, "there be no," to simply "no." Cf. the affirmative verb of existence you ^jj , rendered in the general form "there be."   Despite the fact that wu, the highest frequency lexical item in the Yi with 159 occurrences (see Appendix B, "Frequency Count of Graphs in the Text"), accounts for a full four per cent of the text by itself, it causes few problems of interpretation.   One must only be on guard against the distorted interpretations of those traditional commentators who were driven by a preconceived notion of what the text ought to say or ought not to say, or who were unmindful of grammar (such is the reputation of Yijing scholars), and as a result read wu as if it could be bu       "not,' which negates following verbal words (while wu precedes nominals), or any other negative which would suit their hermeneutic purpose.   Wu has thus sometimes suffered the same fate as wu ^7 » referred to in 1.1.
3iu is by far the most common "disaster word" in the Yi, equivalent to English words like "misfortune," "harm," "calamity," "trouble," etc. Gao Heng glosses it as zai ^ "disaster/ All but 7 of the 100 times it occurs in the Yi it is preceded by wu. The phrase wu jiu, then, forms a set formula with a mildly benign meaning, in the way that "not bad" does.   It is translated here as "there will be no misfortune," or just "no misfortune," which should also be understood to be an oracular determination about the future.   The phrase 1.3.2 then reads "Threatening, but there will be no misfortune."
B.    One traditional parsing of 1.3 was to divide after li, reading ^ /f? Jy^l as a phrase.   E.g., Wang Bi ^ ^jfjfij   (Zhouyi zhu), after cataloguing the hazards which face the superior man in the middle position of line 1.3, says "when it comes to evening, he is wary as if in danger" (       ^ P '\^%} ^jjtj        J^j "(ij )• A number of scholars, including Gu Jiegang, Wen
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Yiduo, and Li Jingchi, have explicitly refuted such a reading, while no scholar of the modern school retains it.   Edward Shaughnessy, however, has followed this interpretation in translating line 1.3 as "The lordling throughout the day is vigorous, in the evening he is fearful as if there is danger; no harm" ("Composition," p. 266).   Although he notes the alternative, "in the evening frightened-like: danger" (p. 342, n. 129), he doesn't explain why he favors the one he does.   Taking ruo the way Wang Bi does is probably impossible in EOC, and would be anomalous in any stage of Literary Chinese. It certainly has no parallels anywhere else in the text, while as Wen observes ("Leizuan," p. 58), ti ruo and la, wu jiu are units with numerous parallels elsewhere in the Yi. The traditional parsing unnaturally ignores this.   Ruo occurs 10 times, with 9 of them being suffixes, and the tenth being a conditional "if.' Li and wy jiu^ appear together in the same phrase altogether 7 times in the text.   Nowhere else is li preceded by ruo.
Gu Jiegang ("Lun Yijing de bijiao yanjiu," pp. 135-136; also in Li Jingchi, Tanyuan, pp. 400-401), after discussing the paradigms in which li occurs throughout the Yi, concludes that it has a "bad" meaning, perhaps serving as a form interchangeable with the phonetically similar hn Jpj (RK: h < *liad;
"disaster word" to a specific "danger, dangerous' is noteworthy. His resolution of the contradiction between the unfavorable determination h and the favorable determination wu jiu is a generally accepted one.   See Gao
Heng's version above under gloss 1.3.1. Hughes's "danger, (but) not of misfortune" appears to be a slight variation.
Contradictions among the prognostications appearing in a single line are frequent in the Yi, and once we accept the composite nature of the text (Li Jingchi, Tanyuan, "Preface," p. 3 is a good statement of this hypothesis), there is no need to resolve them by devices like adding "althoughs" and "buts" to the text.   1.3.2 is a lesser version of a composite judgment such as in 35.6, which concludes ^ ^ ^ ^ , in which the sequence
of good and bad is "bad-good-good-bad." If in the case of 1.3.2 it is acceptable to translate, as I have, as "threatening, but there will be no misfortune," it would surely be strained to try the same technique for resolving the contradictions of 35.6. By this line of reasoning, it is sufficient in lines with contradictions like those of 1.3 to note that one diviner, or diviners' tradition, had concluded that encountering this line in divination was bad (li), while another diviner, or diviners' tradition, had, on the other hand, concluded it was good (wu jiu).   While this is an acceptable alternative interpretation, the existence of lines like 6.3, quoted above, in which a time dimension relates the differing prognostications, as well as the lack of any explicit adversative particles (like "but") in the Yi text in general, encourages us to take the view that some sentences do indeed have an inherent but unmarked adversative sense.
Shuowen quotes part of the line 1.3 under the entry for yjn (7A/10b),
writing it as P^ *0'• Duan Yucai (Shuowen jiezi zhu, 7A/18a) restores the line to read as in the received text of the Yi. He argues that previous scholars had emended the Shuowen text to y_in ^ in the erroneous belief that Xu Shen had intended to give an illustration of the use of yih here.   Instead Duan demonstrates that this is one of several places in Shuowen where Xu intended only to give support to his graphic interpretation
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by quoting Yi. The MS. reading of li supports Ouan here.
1*1 a it & m
Line 1.4 in the Mawangdui MS. is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as ^ ^It^ &/llilfl' %i       ' Differences in understanding this line derive from different identifications of the understood subject.   Sentences which consist of predicate alone abound in the Yijing. Sometimes it is impossible to determine with any confidence to whom or what the predicate refers. In other cases, such as 1.4.1, parallels with other lines in the Yi or externally can help in assigning a subject.   Yet even in this case there is not total agreement.   Hub jgj^ always has the general meaning "in some cases' in OC and this is true of the Yi as well.   But whether it has the more specific meaning of "some one(s)' or "some time(s)' depends on our interpretation of individual contexts.   Cf. Lincoln's "you can please some of the people all of the time, or all of the people some of the time...," both of which situations
mi:
ght be expressed in the diction of the Yijing as ^ js^ ) X, • In
each of the 16 cases of hub in Yi we must decide whether to translate it as "someone," "sometimes," "some," "perhaps," "or," or one of the other adverbial words in English which express the distributive sense "in some cases.'  See the separate glosses, as well as the analysis of distributives in Yi in Part One, Chapter 4, "A Grammatical Sketch."
Both yue and yuan occur commonly in EOC (examples from Shi in gloss 1.1.1). The use of zai rather than y_u q   consistently throughout line texts 1.2, 1.4, and 1.5 may be one indicator of a distinct dialect origin for this portion of the Yi.
a.    Gao Heng gives no paraphrase, and notes only that 1) the understood subject of 1.4.1 is long "dragon'; 2) the deep is its proper and secure home; 3) zai is equivalent to y_u jq* ; 4) the whole phrase is a metaphor for a man
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finding his proper place, thus no harm befalling him.   Gao would presumably interpret, then as "A "dragon' sometimes (or some "dragon[s]'?) leaps into the deep."
B.    Hughes (p. 8) retains an indefinite subject and treats yuan not as the destination but the locus of the "leap": "Something leaping up in an abyss: no misfortune."
C    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 46): This is an implicit reference to the Dragon asterism at the autumnal equinox (see 1.1). Wen sees this as roughly the same situation as described in 1.1. The dragon jumps into the water and disappears.   This is a straightforward rendering, but it will not do for Gao Wence and Shaughnessy, since they argue that the Dragon is increasingly visible with each new line of Hexagram 1. As with Hughes (B. above), for them the "deep" must not be the dragon's destination, but his point of departure.   Gao ("Shi lun Yi...") further modifies Wen: 3y is an error for  
declination of 40 degrees; the Dragon is more than half visible in the pre-dawn hours, appearing as if leaping up in the water. Shaughnessy ("Composition," p. 271) perceives the same image, the Dragon "and now jumping in the depths," but his different theory places this not in fall, as with Wen and Gao, but in late April to mid-May, when all but the tail of the Dragon is visible in the early evening hours.   RK: Note that these commentators do not attempt to reconcile huo, "in some cases,' with the invariable laws of astronomy.   Shaughnessy says only that huo is "a copula grammatically linking this Topic with those of lines 1/1 and 1/2," and signifies "and now, and then."
D.    Li Jingchi ("Bianzuan," p. 198; Tongyi): 1.4 forms a pair of lines with 1.3, the concern of which is human affairs, instead of the astrological symbolism of the pair above, 1.1 and 1.2, and below, 1.5 and 1.6. Huo in
long      , due to similarity of graph:
is; now in November, Spica rises to a
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1.4.1, contrary to the traditional view, and that of Wen Yiduo, does not refer to a dragon, but means instead "some" people        J\ ), like you ren ^ ^ , specifically referring here to the nobility.   This is true of huo elsewhere in the Yi too (Tongyi). Huo here balances junzi in 1.3, as does the repeated prognostication wu jiu.   "Leaps in the deep" refers to committing suicide by jumping in the river.   Wif jiu, "nothing bad" (>j( ^ ^ /[^ "^C ■ffi) explains that the suicide victim was guiltless and forced into the act.
RK: Li is right in observing the regular use of huo throughout the Yi in a pattern similar to that of the following Shi line, 291/3: $^ /j^ %^ (yjr), Odes p. 251 "there are those who come to see you."   But otherwise Li's argument is not convincing.   As analyzed in gloss 1.1.1, the clear employment of an oral formula here with close parallels in the Shi, not to mention the rhyme scheme, is sufficient evidence to link 1.4 with 1.1, 1.2, and 1.5, rather than 1.3, as Li would have it.   Huo refers to "some (dragon)' seen as an omen, and expressed in the form of an oral formula.   Thus the translation, "Or it leaps in the deep: no misfortune."
H %l ti- 7<
Line 1.5 in the Mawangdui MS. is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as
* it^/fl -fj 7\ ' /f'l y\, i\ A - The Pnrase 1-5-1 is quoted in Zuozhuan, Zhao 29. It is reminiscent of the fish and bird tropes from Shi, quoted under 1.1.1, although the form here is more like a straightforward omen reference than a poetic line: "A dragon flying in the sky."
A. E. R. Hughes (p. 8): "A dragon flying in the heavens: advantageous to have an audience of the great man." Gao Heng says this is a metaphor for a man in high position, to meet whom would be advantageous.
B. Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 46): 1.5.1 refers to the Dragon asterism at the vernal equinox, as in the Shuowen remark quoted in 1.1.1 above, as well
4ii
as in several post-Han sources. Gao Wence ("Shi lun Yi..."): now in late December, Spica is at a declination of 21 degrees, the Winnowing Basket
the seventh and last of the constellations forming the Dragon, begins to appear above the eastern horizon before dawn, and the Dragon is completely visible in the southern heavens.   Shaughnessy ("Composition," p. 272): "flying dragon in the skies" portrays the Dragon fully visible across the southern sky after dusk around the summer solstice, in late June.
\ J<-fc
1-6-1 a It
Line 1.6 in the Mawangdui MS. is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as \'f[J (      )       ^ '\'%' Tn*s line is quoted verbatim in Zuozhuan, Zhao 29. The graph       is of very uncertain interpretation.   Lu Deming says it should be read kang ( ^7      Jy^ ) ar>d quotes two glosses, "extreme' (jffi.) (Zi Xia zhuan) and "high' ( ^ ) (Guangya). Wang Su ^ j^j , ap. Jijie, says "extremely high' (j|jF ^ —Gao Heng, Dazhuan, misquotes as       ^ ). Karlgren (GSR 698a) gives a gloss of "overbearing,' read *k'ang > kang, which translates some Song or later gloss, or else is Karlgren's gloss of kang in the Yi zhuan commentary (the "wings"), rather than this single case in the Yijing hexagram and line texts (Karlgren's GSR glosses do not discriminate between the Western Zhou jlhg and the Warring States and Han period zhuan). Shuowen (10B/6a-b) defines       as "person's neck' (A.5^ )> in which meaning the graph is read gang (Gu Hanyu changyongzi zidian, hereafter Gu Hanyu, p. 140; GSR 698a *kang > gang "neck, throat' in Han texts).
A.    E. R. Hughes (p. 8): "An overbearing dragon:..."   Karlgren (Loan, #888): "the overbearing (stuck-up) dragon."   W-B: "Arrogant dragon will have cause to repent."
b-    Gao Heng: Jj^ should be read hang*^, meaning "pond' (^{^ ) or "marsh' C^/^^' tne same word is also written      >;t/£>$/^ (Gujing); the
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graph       here is a protograph for;/£ , etc., lacking any disambiguating determinative element.   Thus 1.6.1 is "pond dragon," or "a dragon in a pond," which stands for a dragon in difficulties—"up a creek," as we might say—because of the shallowness and muddiness of the water, hence the prognostication 1.6.2      '/^> "there will be trouble."
C    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," pp. 46-47): long is the Dragon asterism as in 1.1, etc.; ^ has the meaning "straight' (J[ ) and 1.6.1 means "straight Dragon," which being a distortion of the dragon's usual curled posture (see 1.7), leads to the ominous conclusion of 1.6.2. Wen gives no further exegesis of kang     . Since the stars of a constellation are fixed in one position, at least for the life of a human observer, when Wen interprets 1.6.1 as "straight Dragon" and 1.7.1 (q.v.) as "curled Dragon," he cannot have any observed astral omen in mind.   Yet if these are just literary images, what is the purpose, then, of identifying the long of Hexagram 1 as the Dragon
asterism to begin with?
E.    RK: Another astronomical possibility presents itself here.   One of the 28 lunar lodges (xiu ^ ) is named Kang (or Gang)     , which has sometimes been explained as meaning "the Throat," or "the Neck," here referring to the throat of the Dragon asterism mentioned in 1.1 etc., i.e., the Green Dragon of the Eastern Quadrant, since it is the second of the lodges which constitute that meandering mental construct (see Wang Li, Gudai Hanyu, p. 784; Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianwenxue shi, Vol. 2, p. 339). Could 1.1.1 also refer to the lunar lodge Kang? This must be the interpretation of Gao Wence ("Shi lun Yi..."), since he says of this line that it refers to mid-January, when Spica has settled to a little higher than 9 degrees declination, the Winnowing Basket is in the central southern sky at 18 degrees maximum, and the Dragon lowers its Neck (=      ). But Gao says nothing about how 1.6.1 kang long should be understood. Shaughnessy
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("Composition," p. 272) translates as "necked dragon."   He believes this is a reference to the position of the Dragon in the mid-August sky, with the cluster of stars called the "Neck" itself poised on the western horizon at dusk, ready to sink out of sight.   This is the same position depicted in the following line 1.7.
There are several problems which arise in pursuing this interpretation. First, as noted in the discussion of the Dragon in gloss 1.1.1 above, we must not impose anachronistic interpretations on the text, involving concepts which the Chinese of the Shang and early Zhou period were not familiar with. The oldest sure textual mention of Kang as an astronomical entity is not until the Han (Liji, "Yueling"; Erya, Huainanzi, Shiji). It is, however, represented pictorially in the complete set of lunar lodges, Northern Dipper, Dragon, and Tiger painted on a lacquer box lid discovered at the tomb of Marquis Yi of the state of Zeng in modern Suixian county, Hubei, in 1978 (Hubeisheng Bowuguan, ed., Suixian Zeng Hou Yi mu, Plate 29; Chen Zungui, Zhongguo tianwenxue shi, Vol. 2, pp. 327-331).   This tomb was sealed in 433 B.C., or shortly thereafter, since a date indicated on the box corresponds to 433 B.C. The fact that the complete set of 28 lodges is depicted leads scholars like Chen Zungui (p. 331) to conclude that the lodges were already evolving into a complete system during the preceding centuries.   He argues that the Suixian box lid supports the theory that the four symbols (C^ ^ ) of Dragon, Tiger, Turtle, and Bird evolved before the finer divisions into 28 lodges (p. 330). Nevertheless, since there is no contemporary Western Zhou evidence of the existence of the Dragon, the Throat, or even the system of lunar lodges, their projection backward to that era must remain a hypothesis, and "the interpretation of f]^ here as the lodge Kang is, in turn, a speculation.
Nothing should deter us from speculation in attempting to reach a better
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understanding of difficult passages like 1.6.1, but a second problem we encounter is the difficulty of making any sense out of "Kang (Throat, Neck) + Dragon." "Throat and Dragon"?; "the Dragon of the Throat"?; "a throated Dragon" (cf. Shaughnessy's "necked dragon")?   Despite Shaughnessy's explanatory effort, I can reach no acceptable understanding of the phrase when so construed, yet the appearance of these two graphs, both undeniably asterism names, together here seems unlikely to be coincidental. Moreover, there is further evidence that 1.6.1 involves a pun on "throat," at least a biological throat, if not a heavenly Throat.
I find Gao Heng's argument (sans allegory) in favor of interpretation B. persuasive, but I prefer to identify       as the protograph for       (GSR 698h ♦k'ahg > keng "pit' in Chuci) rather than the more obscure word (GSR 698f *g'ang > hang, as iri//^ ^jj^ hangxie "moisture of the dew' in Chuci). There is a sizable family of cognate words all written with the phonetic, and etymonic, element /-^ . The family includes not only the words cited by Gao, written with the graphs yj^ , j^, j5^ ,      , all meaning "pit,' "trench,' "pool,' "pond,' "gully,' etc.; it also includes words meaning "cross a body of water,' "cross by boat' (^£ GSR 698e *g'ang > hang "go by boat' in Shi [Hangzhou Jfy jfj is literally "Fort Ferry"]; and J^fj)i and it includes words referring to the throat (      gang—see above;        if^j^ "gullet';       GSR 698g *g'ang > hang "stretch the neck' in Shi). We are justified not only on graphic and phonetic grounds in arguing that the words for "body of water' and for "throat' stem from the same parent word, but also because of the semantic plausibility of deriving the name of the biological channel, the "alimentary canal," from the natural, hydrological one, or vice versa.   One might suppose the natural object to provide the metaphor for the human one, as in the case of canal just mentioned, but there is comparative counter-evidence from Indo-European. The English word gullet, meaning both "throat' and "water
415
channel' or "ravine' (alternate form gully), derives through French goulet, from Latin gula "throat.' Cf. the pair gorge and engorge. The graph itself may have been a pictogram ( ^ ) with the root meaning of " neck, throat' (Shinjigen, p. 36; GSR). So it is by no means clear which sense of y-T^ is primary and which is derived.   But it is clear that, because of the virtual identity of the two words "throat' and "gully' in ancient China, both meanings are alive in the Yi phrase 1.6.1.
I believe it is significant that on the Suixian lacquer box lid, the lodge Kang is written 1^ ( f^L )• Tne addition of the elements p   and       to the phonetic/etymonic ^   encourages us to conclude that, at least at the time of that artifact, the lodge Kang was understood to mean a gullet in the earth rather than in the body.   Perhaps it was just then in the process of being incorporated in the body of the Green Dragon of the Eastern Quadrant, naturally becoming the Dragon's gullet.   I have translated y-^ (^.^ ) king as "gully" in order to convey what appears to be the older meaning, but remind us also that the sense of "throat,' including the lunar lodge Throat, was involved sooner or later at the very least as a pun, if not in some more fundamental way that can be revealed by a more refined analysis.   1.6.1 is translated as "A dragon in a gully."   Yet "Gorged dragon" might suggest the pun better.
Once we perceive the root identity of the words in the phonetic series based on       described above, other interpretations seem less far-fetched. Could       stand fory^, already attested in Shi in the meaning "stretch the neck'?   In this case 1.6.1 could mean "A dragon with a stretched neck"—a plausible omen.   No single specific interpretation can be embraced without further evidence.
Still another word might be related here.   A synonym of gang in the meaning of "throat' is hou C^, and the similarity of the later Chinese
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Disyllabic compound houiong       ,?j||to 1.6.1 is striking.   Houlong is
identical in meaning to hou, but it is of uncertain origin. Erya says of y-j : ^bird's throat' (j|j (17,78 ti*6** pia" 17, paragraph 78],
p. 35—paragraph and page numbers are to the Harvard-Yenching Index to Erh Ya edition).   And the gloss of Guo Pu (Zhushu, SBBY ed., 10/6a)
adds "long refers to houlong («Z/f| |/f <3^x%). Perhaps this information will ultimately help to elucidate the phrase 1.6.1 itself.
1.6-2
% ft-
Both of these words are discussed with other important lexical items in Part One, Chapter 4.   You has its usual meaning in OC texts.   It is given in the word-for-word translation in the English infinitive form "there be" or "have," which is closest to the Chinese tenseless original.   But in order to avoid awkwardness in the free translation, I have translated it in the future tense if it seemed to be used in a prognostication, as here in 1.6.2; in the past tense if it seemed more likely to be part of a reference to an anecdote in the text (like English "curiosity killed the cat"); and in the "present" tense if the line in which it appears is used with timeless reference as is so often the case with a line from a song or saying.   This procedure applies to all verbs in the translations.
Huí is a mild "disaster word" in the Yi. As explained in Part One, Chapter 4, it appears in early sources such as OBI, Yi, and Shi as an external, objective difficulty or trouble, a "minor misfortune" (<E£ A n ^
*^ ) in the words of Gao Heng (Dazhuan). But already in some occurrences in the Shi, its usage reflects a process of internalizing or subjectivizing future difficulties, being "troubled," as it were. Karlgren translates such occurrences, e.g., 245/8, 256/12, as "cause for regret." And by the time of certain Guo feng songs, e.g., 22/1, 88/1, huť has become a
417
fully subjectivized verb "to regret.'  In the Yi, however, it is always used as a noun, which I translate as "trouble," because of its similar range of meaning, which refers to both external and internal "troubles." It appears in several repeated patterns.   You hui "there will be trouble" appears again, modified, in 16.3 <j/jF ^ ^ "if slow there will be trouble," and 18.3 y\ ^
"i"^ "there will be a small amount of trouble."   The opposite, wu huf 7^, ix$f "there will be no trouble" appears six times, while the most common pattern, the unusual huf wang       *£2 > which is perhaps similar to the English expression "your troubles will be over," appears 19 times.   The first appearance of this pattern, however, is not until 31.4, in the latter "half" of the Yi, the so-called xia jihg ~f jg-r^. This uneven distribution may reflect dialect influence.
™ £ $ fi £ f
Each of the first two hexagrams has an extra line text, called yong jiu M "ft/   (Qian 1.7) or yong liu ^ (Kun 2.7) in the received text. The
yong jiu line 1.7 is quoted verbatim in Zuozhuan, Zhao 29, and there it is referred to as gf Kun j=t $tf "its Kun" (i.e., Qian zhT Kun ^ "the Kun of Qian"). In the Mawangdui MS. the text reads      fjj , and the editors in Wenwu 1984.3 treat jf^f as loan for yong ff^ , transcribing yfij (jf^j ) -f]/ , fe^, |g , ^ . The graph       is not in GSR, and thus apparently
does not occur in any pre-Han received text, but it belongs in the series 1176 *d'ung? > tong?. Shuowen (2B/5b) defines it as "repeated' (?) ([£ "fc ). Gao Heng (whose text Dazhuan has an unfortunate misprint J_j^7-for here) glosses it as       ("throughout'?); )^ (*diung) should be read as j}^ (*d'ung?); and       (ji^l )       means "nines throughout."   It is this line, Gao explains, which is consulted when all the lines one obtains in manipulating the stalks are "nines." Although the MS. editors probably mean no
418
interpretation in indicating the loan as they do, it is clearly preferable to treat the ybng of the received text as the "loan" graph, as Gao does, since tong jiu "nines throughout," or "repeated nines" as in Shuowen,
makes good sense here.   Cf. 2.7.1 tong liu jjsj       "sixes throughout."
a. Gao Heng: ^ "is also read as xian      ." "A group of dragons appears in the sky, their heads covered up by clouds.   This is a metaphor for the masses all achieving their aspirations and flying high, thus naturally auspicious."
Akatsuka Kiyoshi: "If the appearing group of dragons have no heads, it is auspicious."   Akatsuka, like Gao, is consistent with his reading of ^  in 1.2.
Karlgren (Loan, #888): "the common and seemingly natural interpretation is "There appears a flock of dragons without heads.'"   But cf.   Karlgren's comment on interpretation D. of Wen Yiduo below.
B. RK: Interpretation A. makes good sense, except that, as in 1.2.1,
$ should have its usual reading and meaning, jian "see.' An omen is taken Aj
from an unusual sighting of dragons: "See a group of dragons without heads."   Gao Heng's concern above with explaining how dragons could appear to lack heads is ingenious, but scholastic and unnecessary.   If there can be dragons, then there can be headless dragons.
C    The Xiang Commentary, according to Gao Heng, interprets shou as "head (of group), leader,' hence the line would mean "A group of dragons appears without a leader (the dragon king)."
D.    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," pp. 46-47):       should be read as juan "curled.' The "curled Dragon" (asterism) is in its natural posture, as indicated in the Shang OBI form of the graph and the phrase juan long itself,
which also occurs in Shuowen and commentaries to Shijing, Zhouli, etc. Since the tail curls around to meet the head, it appears as if the Drag "without a head" (y^ ^ ). Karlgren (Loan, #888) finds Wen's loan
419
*§'Aw3n *or ^  *g'iwan, and the interpretation "There appears a curled dragon without head" attractive.   He says it "seems convincing" because it brings 1.7 into line with a supposed series of qualifying attributes of dragons: "j^V       "the flying dragon," "the overbearing (stuck-up) dragon."
E.    Gao Wence ("Shi lun Yi..."): 1.7.1 refers to the headless appearance of the Dragon asterism in February, since the head portion is below the western horizon just before dawn.   Gao simply ignores the graph qun ^ , writing the line  %L ^(s ^ii      • (See 2.1 for the continuation of Gao's almanac into March.)
Shaughnessy ("Composition," p. 272, 344 n. 136), translating "see the flock of dragons without heads," places this in the same mid-August season as line 1.6. Now only the body and tail of the Dragon are visible in the dusk sky, while the horns and head have sunk below the horizon.   He suspects that the "flock" may refer to an astro-mythological series of dragons rising and setting in rotation on each successive night, just as the ten suns and twelve moons follow each other in succession across the sky.   The later tradition that there were six dragons may in fact go back to an ancient astronomical myth.
E. R. Hughes (p. 8) omits this line. 1.7.2
Ziy the second most common graph in the Yi with 147 occurrences, is the standard "good" prognostication in the Yi, as in the OBI and countless other divinatory traditions throughout Chinese history.   It is equivalent to English "auspicious," "lucky," "good fortune," and the like, but as with "auspicious," it refers to events which have not yet transpired, and derives from the interpretation of signs.   See Part One, Chapter 4.
Notice that 1.7.2, a good prognostication "auspicious," does not obviously
420
follow from the meaning of 1.7.1. It is a commonly held belief that the various components of a line text should complement and semiotically reinforce each other.   Many commentators, including even Gao Heng, Li Jingchi, and Wen Yiduo, will sometimes reject a straightforward reading of a line or word because it jars with a divinatory judgment like "auspicious" or "ominous" elsewhere in the same line.   This practice is not, in my opinion, justified by our present knowledge of the composition of the Yijing text. This translation follows whatever interpretation is the best supported on standard philological grounds, no matter what the divinatory consequences might prove to be.
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GLOSSES ON HEXAGRAM 50 DING
50.0.1   % ~% If
All commentators treat these three frequently appearing words normally here.   Yuan "great, greatly, very' is the most common intensifier for ji* "auspicious,' with 14 cases in the Yi. Thus 50.0 reads "Very auspicious. Treat." But what is unusual in 50.0 is the way the Tuan Commentary refers to the text of the classic.   It first puns on the etymological connection among "«f   heng « *^ang), jf  xiang « *^iang), and If  peng « *p'ang), then seems to quote the text as if it read yuan heng rather than yuan jf. The relevant part of the Tuan Commentary says "to take wood and put into fire is to cook lA/^ /J^ |l ^  £   ( jj^) ^        • The sage cooks (or heng's?) in order to make offering (xiang) to Di on high ^ J\   ^ (?)
, and cooks in a big way to nourish sages and wise men fjfl 7\ If  ^ \ ^ I^A. ^ ^       • • .hence there is supreme success fi/^ J\j ^ " (i° the last phrase following the interpretation of Wilhelm-Baynes, to be faithful to the Han dynasty sense of the Tuan). It is traditional to view the graph       here as "loan" for   f    (Karlgren, Loan #1309). The fact that the Tuan Commentary concludes by resuming the classic with yuan heng leads Gao Heng (Dazhuan, p. 414) to argue that this is a copyist's error in the Tuan Commentary, which should really be read yuan ji heng, like the text of the classic.   There is a lacuna in the Mawangdui MS. at this point, so it is unfortunately of no help in resolving the textual discrepancy. The implications of the Tuan Commentary's remarks for the general interpretation of heng/xiang are considered in Chapter 4 of Part One,
422
in the section, "Some Important Lexical Items."
*u-1 ik It &
This phrase in the Mawangdui MS. is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 ^| ^Jj. (|»f|) jjr_ (j£.jfc-)» with the editors treating       and jj^ as loans (actually, a simple protograph in the case of j}l), for the graphs       andj^£. The graph ;£& occurs elsewhere as loan for dm (DKJ, p. 2508).
The word ding pjjt , which refers to the well-known bronze sacrificial vessel type, with three or four legs, occurs in just the six line texts of this hexagram, neatly beginning each line text.   It is the function of the ding, or "cauldron," in sacrifice which forms the background for its occurrence in the Yi text—with the differing ways in which it was used, differing styles, and extraordinary events involving the cauldron all affecting the effectiveness of the sacrificial ritual.   But it was also undoubtedly felt to be closely linked with divination as well.   This link was established not only by the association of divination and sacrifice in general, but also by a linguistic connection between ding and the most common EOC word for divination, zhen ^ , rendered here in its 111 occurrences in the Yi as "determination." For a discussion of this connection, as well as the specialized ritual uses of the word ding in OBI, see Keightley, "Shih Cheng," pp. 41, 45-47; Keightley, Sources, p. 29, esp.   n. 7; and Takashima, "Some Philological Notes," p. 55, n. 19.   In brief, the issue is whether ding (< *tieng) is cognate with, or just a pure loan for, > ^   zhen (< *tieng), and its presumed cognates Jf_
zheng (< *tieng) and       ding (< *d'ieng). If cognate, then        "to cauldron' might have derived from an unproven use of the cauldron in a divination ritual, or alternatively, was connected'to j^J/, in a sense like dian
of providing stability (like a vessel on a support ), thus "to rectify, to
make stable, to make firm, like the putting down of a tripod" ("Shih Cheng,
p. 46).   In this sense, a divinatory determination was the "settling" of a question.   The linguistic connection of ding to zhen, whether cognate or loan, may be an overtone present in this hexagram-chapter.   It then lent authority to the various inferences made on the basis of cauldron characteristics and incidents, which are recorded in the line texts as prognostication precedents.
As for the sense of 50.0.1 "A ding cauldron turns upside down," Gao Heng (Dazhuan) says "a ding cauldron inverts its feet," with feet up and mouth facing downwards.   This will empty out the waste inside, a symbol for expelling evil men from court (referred to in 50.1.2). Gao Heng in Gujing follows Mao Qiling: the inverting of the cauldron refers to pouring out the contents in order to clean it.   Li Jingchi (Tongyi) explains the sentence differently: a cauldron's leg breaks and it tips over (an omen).   The cauldron was probably of earthenware rather than bronze, hence the broken leg.
50.1.2   P\  ^ g
Different interpretations of this sentence turn on the understanding of the difficult word      , which occurs 8 times in the Yi: 7.1 (= ^ ), 12.0,2,5,6
(twice) and 33.4 (all probably pí "baď), as well as here in 50.1. See 7.1 gloss for discussion of the possible reading of ^ as negative fou here and elsewhere.   The MS. has       for ^  here: pj [ ^ 3 (1 graph lacuna) . In each of the earlier occurrences of ^ in the received text, the MS. has either ^ (7.1;12.2,6;33.4) or^ (12.0,5,6). The editors of the Wenwu transcription treat both as loans (j^j? fu < *b'iug and ^  bli/fou < *piug for ^ pY < *pi?g). The etymology of bu       is, however, complex (GSR 999a-f; Shinjigen, pp. 15-16).
A.    Gao Heng: chu [ft means "refute and expel' (Gujing: 41 should be read as ^Jjj, which Shuowen defines as "refute and reject'       "^C ); ^,
read pi, means "evil' (      ). Thus: "favorable for expelling evil."   Chu is in this reading a transitive verb, with p? as object.   Karlgren (Glosses. . .Odes #1021, Glosses. . .Documents #1243) is similar, but proposes that ^ *piug or *b'i3g is here a loan for^p *PJkg "vulgar, inferior, bad': "It is advantageous to eliminate [in Glosses. . .Odes, "get rid of"] what is bad" (this follows from Shiwen reading for ^ of *pi3g).
B.    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," pp. 7-8):       should be read as (GSR 999b' *b'wgg > pei, i.e., same GSR series as ^ , 999c). Pei       and ^ were originally the same word.   Pei refers to a "back-up" or companion (^'J
|jy cauldron.   When the main cauldron snapped a leg, it was favorable to "bring out the companion."   This was a symbol for what follows in 50.1.3 (q.v.). Chu is here also transitive, with (pi:) pei as object.   Li Jingchi (Jiaoshi #186) considers Wen's reading a possible alternative to his own below, and suggests that ^ should be considered a loan for       or ^-jj, both earthenware vessels.   RK: these are clearly proliferation graphs for the same word Wen refers to.
C    Li Jingchi ("Wuzhan," Tanyuan, p. 387; "Jiaoshi," #186; Tongyi): is read fou, and turns 50.1.2 into a question: "Is it favorable to go out or not?"   The leg of the cauldron breaking in the preceding phrase is an omen with symbolic connections to walking, so one divines whether it is all right to go out or not.   This reading construes chu as an intransitive verb, "go out."
All three of the above interpretations have strengths and none can be ruled out.   When we understand better what semantic distinctions, if any, governed the choice of two different "loan" graphs for ^   in the Mawangdui MS., as referred to above, the interpretation as a disjunctive question, as in C, may turn out to be correct.   But for now I follow A.: "it will be favorable to expel evil."
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50.1.3    If   %   »k   % £
The MS. is identical to the received text here.
Wang Yinzhi (Jingzhuan shici, p. 20): yY lAA. is like yu ffji. "and, with'
(c.f. 9.5, etc., where he perceives a slight but obscure distinction, glossing yY there as ji      ). Gao Heng and Li Jingchi also understand yY as "and, with.' This meaning is common in EOC and appears elsewhere in the Yi too. Gao says "one will get a gje [unexplained—a female slave?   a concubine?] and her child."   He suggests (Gujing) that this was an ancient story about taking a concubine (^jr      ). Li Jingchi (Tongyi) explains, "He got (someone else's) wife and child as his household slave."   Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," pp. 7-8): one's main wife has no progeny ( 1^ ^jS- lH ), so one gets a concubine and has a child (       ^ ^7 ^ ^- ). This is symbolized by the preceding phrase, "bring out the companion."   RK: interpreting gje as "concubine' rather than as "female slave,' "bondmaid,' or "female servant' may be anachronistic for Western Zhou. In its single other occurrence in the Yi, in 33.3, it is in a context, together with chen |^ , which clearly calls for the latter interpretation.   The sense of "concubine' must, however, derive from that of "female slave,' and had developed by Warring States times.   E.g., Zhanguoce, "Qice," 1: (J, % % , (J %_ ^ H ^ "My wife dotes on me,
my concubine fears me" (quoted, Gu Hanyu, p. 199).
If**
50-2-1
The MS. is identical to the received text here.
Both Gao Heng and" Li Jingchi (Tongyi) interpret shf       to mean "contents,' referring to the food in the dung cauldron.   Shi occurs in 27.0 in a similar sense ( ^ ,5k C2 g^7 ). Gao and Li understand the vessel here not as a sacrificial vessel but as the eating utensil of the nobility.   Thus: "There
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is food in the cauldron," or "A ding cauldron has food in it."   See below for how they relate this to 50.2.2.
«« # it %     % % %l ft
The remainder of line 50.2 in the MS. is transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3 as
cf.   1066k fcfc qiu < *g'iog, used in sense of "mate' in Shi) as loan for chou (literary reading qiu) < *g'iog, and ^7 jie < *tsiet as loan for j£["p jf < *tsiet (or sometimes *tsi«k).
A. Qu Wanli ("Shuo Yi san gao," p. 30): chou jf^ is "enemy,' ii-i/^P is "illness': "My enemy has an illness and cannot come and get near (to plot against) me" (      jfjt ^ ft -fc). Gao Heng (Dazhuan) is similar: chou is "enemy'           , ji       is "reach'        bu wo neng is inversion of bu neng ji wo "cannot reach me (my house)."   The full line 50.2 then reads, "There is food in the cauldron, my enemy has an illness, and cannot reach my house to disturb me (thus I can eat in peace), this is auspicious."
B. Gao Heng (Dazhuan, p. 419, n. 1) offers an alternate interpretation, still based on chou as "enemy':       ji < *tsiet should be read as ^ij ze < *tsak, here understood as       zei "to harm' [cf. GSR 907a *dz'gk murderer, bandit, villain (Shu); injure (Shi); and GSR 906a j^'J *ts3k, which is, ap. GSR, loan for^^ in Shu]. Gao argues that ji and ze are interchangeable on the basis of quotes from several early texts where ze has replaced j£ and vice versa.   Ze and zei are in turn the "same graph" (j^j      ), the former being the ancient form.   RK: Although Gao does not refer to OC phonology, note that the problem for the proposed loan raised by the differing -t and -k finals is not severe, since the graph       was sometimes used to write a synonymous word *tsiak > ]((GSR 923a; cf.   GSR 399a). However, the
rhyme, or near-rhyme, in 50.2 with       shi < *die't and       jf < dz'igt clearly invites the reading *tsiet here.   Furthermore, for the phrase bu wo neng ji there is a variant in the received text bu neng wo    (Yinde variant 5/18b), but no other variants.   In this interpretation, 50.2.2 would read, "My enemy has an illness, he cannot harm me."
C    Gao Heng (Gujing) gives a different interpretation based on the Shiwen gloss of chou as "mate'        ). The definition of chou in Erya "Shigu" is the same.   Wo chou in 50.2 is like saying "my wife"        zjjt-); for ji Shuowen says "go to eat' (^ "fc^ This *s probably a reference to an ancient story: (a person sets out a cauldron), "in the cauldron there is food," (he is about to eat, but) "my wife is ill and cannot eat with me," (but it turns out in the end to be) "auspicious." Li Jingchi (Tongyi) follows the same interpretation, but places the entire line 50.2, except for the final prognostication ji "^jf, in quotes as the remark of a noble.   Li adds, the situation of the ill wife being unable to eat is depressing, so one divined about it, and received an auspicious sign: she will recover from the illness, "it is auspicious."
D.    RK: The interpretation of chou as "mate, wife' is attested for Western Zhou (Shi), it follows an early (Han) gloss, and fits well in the sense of 50.2. Hence I follow that reading.   But it is attractive here to take as the subject of jf "approach, reach' not chou but j± "illness.' Although it is not common for there to be an implicit shift of subject in a connected text, the composite, shorthand, text of the Yi frequently contains sentences which lack any subject, and there are analogous cases to this line elsewhere in the work (4.3, 8.1, 20.3, 33.2, 35.0, 38.3(7), 38.6, 40.3, 41.6, 50.2, 54.6, 56.5, 59.1). Thus I prefer to understand 50.2.2 as follows: "My mate has an illness; it cannot reach me."  This makes a very plausible proposition to be divined.
5        & % % t ff f U f * &.
The Mawangdui MS. differs only in having for ^ . This conforms with the writing of jjt/^ instead of ijC throughout the seven instances of in the text.   See B. below for discussion of the variant in this context.
A.    H. Wilhelm (Heaven, p. 86): "The handle of the caldron has been changed."  (Cf. W-B, "altered.") I.e., it is changed so that it no longer fulfills its original function.   Gao Heng: "the ear of the cauldron comes off"; ge <ji originally meant, as in the Shuowen definition, "process an animal's hide by removing the hair and thus alter it (Shuowen 3B/la: ^~ ^ to remove hair' is here extended to the removing
or coming off of the cauldron's ear (Gujing). Yu Fan, ap.   Jijie, says, "a cauldron goes (is carried) by means of its ears; if the ear changes, going is blocked" (       (A^lj'ff, if if )- Gao says of gao       that it
means "meat' (Dazhuan) or "fat meat' (Gujing), the same gloss given for the only other occurrence of gao, in 3.0. Zheng Xuan, ap.   Shiwen, says that zhi gao is "the best part to eat" (of the pheasant).   Li Jingchi ("Wuzhan," Tanyuan, p. 387; "Jiaoshi," #187) understands the phrase ding er ge "a cauldron loses its ear" as an omen, from which the prognostication "his going out will be blocked" was made (xing means chu" xing ^   ^ ). Li elaborates on this in Tongyi (see below).
The three phrases comprising 50.3.1 are each linked by rhyme, which encourages us to view them as a semantic unit.   There are no such phonological reasons for linking up the remainder of the line with 50.3.1 as well.   However, both Gao Heng and Li Jingchi have constructed scenarios which might explain the contents of the entire line 50.3. Gao (Dazhuan): apparently an ancient story: probably someone used a cauldron to cook pheasant meat, and on the way from the kitchen to the dining room, "the "ear' of the cauldron came off, and his walking stopped.   With the pheasant
meat not yet eaten, it just then rained.   (The rainwater entered the vessel and the delicacies) were ruined, (which could be said to be) trouble, (but the pheasant meat can be cooked again, so) in the end it is auspicious." Li (Tongyi): gf means jiang       (RK: i.e., Li takes of as a modal particle, rather than as a determiner, or "definite modifier" (DEF), as- labeled herein); xing means "go hunting'; se, "obstructed'; qi xing se is a direct question; zhi gab is "fat pheasant meat."  Li's scenario, quite different from Gao's, then runs as follows: "The cauldron's ear is broken.   Does this mean that there will be no obstacle to going out on the hunt?   (One cannot go hunting, so) one should not eat up the fat pheasant meat, (saving it because) it is about to rain.   This is a pity (^^ 'fif )• (But the rainy days are passed successfully, so) it is ultimately auspicious."
B.    Guo Moruo (Gudai, p. 33) appears to take ge here as "rawhide,' as in 33.2, 49.1, etc., by putting the phrase ding er g£ under the category of "rawhide utensils" (^      ). Whether or not this was Guo's intent, it is true that the word ge means "rawhide' in EOC much more often than it means "change.' A cauldron's ear might well have had rawhide attached to it. Dihg er g£ might then mean "A cauldron's ear is (rawhided =) tied with rawhide." Or again, "A cauldron with ear rawhide," which would be grammatically parallel with 50.5 and 50.6. Several lines in the related Hexagram 49 Ge 2p (the mirror image of Hexagram 50 Ding       ), might refer to the same or a related practice: 49.1 jj^       ^ "bind it with the rawhide of
a brown ox"; 49.2 ^  (^) $ /5 ^ "tie lt witn rawhide when it
a sacrifice day" (one interpretation); 49.3 ^ ^  ^- ^   ^\%^ "if
it is girded with rawhide three times around, there will be a capture" (one interpretation).   See the respective line glosses for discussion.
The Mawangdui MS. variant of       le for xj^ ge would seem to lend significant support to this interpretation.   The MS. graph $£JJ first begins to
is
appear in late Warring States or Han dynasty texts (Yili, Liji, Hanshu, etc.) in the meaning "bridle, reins,' (on a horse).   Cf. GSR 928f *^ *lak > le reins (Yili); loan for id. engrave (Liji) [phonetic series fi      ]; and GSR 931a ^ *k£k > ge hide, skin (Shi). . .; loan for 928f vj^J . . .reins (Shi [phonetic series ge       ]. Shuowen (3B/3b) defines le thus: "at the horse s head, that which suspends the bit" ( J^j Jj| £&.[ \% ]        Q). By at least the Early Middle Chinese of the Han-Tang period, le had been metaphorically extended, like its English equivalents "bridle" and "rein," to mean "rein in,' > "restrain, bind, forcibly control' (Gu Hanyu, p. 150).   Note that in EOC (Shijing) the word "bridle' was written with ge as a "loan," as Karlgren would have it, for le. Furthermore, le never seems to have been used, as ge was, in the meaning of "change/ From all of this, it would be a reasonable assumption that a meaning of "bridle, restraining rawhide thong,' was involved in 50.3, as in 49.1, 49.2, etc.   above; that the word was first written in Yi as in Shi with just the graph <^ ; and since the word was understood that way also by the Han scribe of the Mawangdui MS., he used the graph which was common in his time for the word, namely       . The alternative, that le < *l3k was a pure loan for ge < *kfck throughout the Mawangdui MS., is certainly tenable, and this is the way the graph is dealt with by the MS. editors in Wenwu 1984.3, but since the words belong to different phonetic series (cf. Shuowen:        . . JJ^ «j£ j\        )» and were not especially close phonetically at the time of the MS., it is not as likely to be the case. Note also that, as is so often the case, the Han gloss of Yu Fan quoted under A. above, which appeared to make good sense with ge meaning "change' > "come off,' makes as good or better sense in this interpretation of the line: "a cauldron goes by means of its ears; if the ear is tethered with a rawhide "bridle/ the going is blocked."
C    Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 7): ge  <j£ should be read as [not in
431
GSR], which Shuowen (3B/4a) defines as ji       "urgent' (?),"fast' (?), and indirectly, as "not smooth, rough'        ); xing is read as^^ heng, "the timber passing through the "ears" of the cauldron.'  Hence 50.3.1 says, "The "ears' of the cauldron are rough (l^jfo), its carrying timber (feff) is jammed (      )," so that even with "fat pheasant meat" (^fg^) inside, "it cannot be eaten" (^ ^ ). Or, alternatively, xing means "pathway'        ), and qi xing se means "its (the carrying-bar's) pathway is blocked" (i.e., it cannot be inserted).   RK: Wen's latter interpretation seems to require reading xing as both "pathway' and "carrying-bar' simultaneously.   In any case, while ingenious,- interpretation C. relies on a forced reading of ge (one which the MS. reading does not suggest), and furthermore, both 50.5 and 50.6 refer to carrying-bars using a different word.
Despite the considerable attractions of interpretation B., enhanced by the Mawangdui MS., my translation conservatively follows the traditional reading of A., without endorsing either of the specific scenarios proposed by Gao Keng and Li Jingchi: "A ding cauldron's 'ear* comes off: his travel is blocked.  The fat meat of the pheasant is not eaten."  It would also be possible to say "its (the cauldron's) travel is blocked."  Lacking further clues to the referent of the definite modifier q(, if there is one, and the details of the episode alluded to, it is not possible to do more than speculate on the specific meaning of the line.   With better understanding of the MS., we may have to discard A. in favor of B., or still another interpretation of the line.
A clue to the meaning of 50.3 may lie buried in a series of references to a Shang dynasty story in some other old texts.   It appears that there was in ancient lore about the Shang a connection between a pheasant auspice and the ears of a ding cauldron, which it is difficult to believe is not somehow related to line 50.3 of the Yi. First, in the Shu, "Gaozong rong ri" pf} ^
432
f|J g , there appears the line ^ ^ g ^ ^ ^£^£,
Documents, p. 26, "On the day of Kao Tsung's second-day sacrifice, there was a singing pheasant (sc. a bad omen)."   This refers to a sacrifice to Gaozong (Qu Wanii, Shangshu shiyi, p. 53), the most glorious Shang king Wuding, who is referred to elsewhere in the Yi too.   So far there is a pheasant, but no ding cauldron.   But several Han texts elaborate on this information by recording a variation on the tradition that "a flying pheasant climbed (perched?) on the ear of a ding and called out" (^ ^ one version Q ) jj^j. ^ fffl (or in other versions'jr^e). This version of
the story is found in Shiji, "Yin benji"; Hanshu, "Jiaosizhi" and "Yiwenzhi/Shushulue"; Shangshu "Gaozong rong ri" xu; and perhaps elsewhere—see Ruan Yuan, Jingji zuangu, j. 85, p. 856).   Can this episode lie at the bottom of the reference in Yi 50.3? Then could <jf refer to the pheasant, which is tethered to the cauldron ear?   Perhaps "a ding cauldron's ear is "bridled,' and its (the perching pheasant's) travel is blocked," as it sings its forlorn portent.   Even if 50.3 is not a reference to the same event recounted in "Gaozong rong ri" and the Han texts, perhaps the juxtaposition of "fat pheasant meat" and ding ears in 50.3 is due to the diviners' awareness of this famous bad omen, or of the ominous significance of pheasants in general.   On pheasants as auspices throughout Chinese history, see Schafer, "Auspices," pp. 205-206; cf.   Yi 56.5 and all the line texts of Hexagram 36 "Ming yi," where pheasant auspices are also likely to be involved.
»« * ^ fa '\-% t
433
forever, you will not be injured, not break down."   Gao's interpretation of 50.3.2 is then, "It is just about to rain.   There will be damage.  Trouble, but ultimately auspicious."  This is the interpretation I have followed. See 50.3.1 above for the particular situation Gao believes this to describe. It may perhaps more naturally be seen as an ordinary divination topic, including prognostication.   It need not be related to 50.3.1.
B.    Li Jingchi (Tongyi) treats kuT htu       '|«-^- as a unit, paraphrasing as daomei 'fe'j       "what a pity!," "bad luck!," "too bad!"   (see 50.3.1).
C    A traditional gloss of kuT huT reads it as if it were the same as hm k\A~l with kuT meaning "decrease, diminish.'  E.g., Legge: "But the (genial) rain will come, and the grounds for repentance will disappear"; or Akatsuka Kiyoshi (Ekikyo): "Rain begins to fall just then, and troubles go away" (chodo ame ga furidashi, [ware to waga kokoro o kurushimeru koto] ga nakunatte. . .).   This interpretation, which is probably motivated by a desire not to contradict the following zhong ji "in the end auspicious," is not permitted by the syntax of the line (unless one were to argue—and no one has—that an inversion was induced by a desire to have hui < *^mw9g be a near-rhyme with each of the three preceding phrases).   Actually, Akatsuka's kundoku rendering (kui o kaku, "lack cause for remorse") faithfully follows the syntax of the original.
In the Mawangdui MS., after a lacuna obscuring the first three graphs, 50.4.1 reads in the Wenwu 1984.3 transcription: . . •'f^(^ ) "T^7
%. ^ (^ > Jf (>jt}D (final graph alS° illeSible)'   Aside from the unknown graph       for^^r , the use of protographs ^ ^ » tf'J » ar|d
Jfy are exactly what we would expect in an early manuscript.   In the
process of the text's subsequent transmission, scribes used disambiguated
"proliferation graphs" to write words like       and ^ , with different scribes choosing differently elucidated graphs in some cases.   This evolution of the text accounts for the fundamental difference caused by textual variants in interpretations A. and B. below.
A. Karlgren: su ^njj? is a "stew of meat and vegetables' (GSR 1222k); xing "shape' here refers to the body, a common use of xihg (Loan, #1335); wo ^fe means "wet' (GSR 1204g; cf.  "moisten, smear' in Shi). Karlgren then translates the entire line 50.4 as "The Ting tripod breaks a leg, the prince's stew is overturned, his (shape:) body becomes (wet:) soiled; it is inauspicious."   (Loan, #1335). Gao Heng's primary interpretation, both in Gujing and in Dazhuan, is similar, except that he takes xong to refer not to the person of the gong       , but to the appearance of a liquid having gotten the floor all wet, as in the modern Chinese expression shui wangwing
yf       "water in puddles': "The cauldron's leg breaks, (the cauldron's body tips over and) the duke's stew spills onto the floor, its appearance like a puddle. . .this is ominous."   Su is either a soup with vegetables or a thin rice-gruel.   Some early glosses say the former, some say the latter (Gujing). Li Jingchi ("Jiaoshi," #188) also discusses the early commentators on su. He adopts "congee' (^0).
B. There is a variant form for the ^        of our base Shisanjing zhushu text, namely ffij ^{J xihg wu (Yinde, variant 5/18b), which appears in a number of text traditions.   It is this reading which most modern Chinese scholars have adopted.   Cf. GSR 1204b J^'J  **uk > wu "execute, kill' (in Yi); xihg fj^jj is common in pre-Han texts in both the sense of "punish(ment)' and that of "form, shape,' the latter now written       (cf. the alternation
Jf'j %j I ■tffy jfo). Zheng Xuan's text, ap.   Shiwen, read this way, and Zheng added the comment, "if the three dukes upset the good way of the king, they will be punished inside the room" ( ^ ^1 "1\  jfc|| ^Jl. ^
^ ' i^. ^ ^f'-l ^L^' Tne Jiiie text nas tne same.   Yinxun quotes Mr.
435
0
Chao ^fjc that the texts of the Han scholars Jing Fang, Xun Shuang, and Yu Fan all read      j|j. Li Jingchi ("Jiaoshi," #188), Gao Heng (Gujing; Dazhuan, pp. 419-420, n. 2), and Honda Wataru (Eki, p. 378) ail cite this and • other evidence that early texts mostly read Jf'}        (or ^f'J ^ , like the Mawangdui MS.). Several early commentators take wu    |J as a huiyi *^ ^v compound ideograph: execution-in-chamber, rather than in the marketplace, a privileged form of punishment used for fellow clansmen of the king and the nobility.   Gao Heng notes that^jj is perhaps a differentiated graph invented in order to write this extended meaning of an original wu (Dazhuan). The MS. bears Gao's hypothesis out precisely.   Adopting this reading and interpretation (Gao Heng's alternate interpretation), 50.4.1 says "A ding cauldron breaks a leg, overturning the dukes stew.   His (referring to an attendant or unfortunate guest blamed for the mishap?)   punishment is execution-in-chamber."
Wen Yiduo ("Leizuan," p. 37) also adopts the -ff[] J^l\ variant, but interprets wu differently from the above.   He follows an explanation put forward by Yan Shigu "^: wu refers to a "heavy' or "severe'
punishment, rather than "private, in chamber,' on the strength of a text parallel in Zhanguoce, "Qice." For Wen, then, qf xing wu means "his punishment is severe."   The same interpretation is adopted also by Li Jingchi ("Jiaoshi," #188; Tongyi), who paraphrases: "he is severely punished, hovering between life and death" ( ^ J  ~K        ,        %        ^); and by Akatsuka Kiyoshi (EkikyS). Yu Xingwu (Yijing xinzheng, 3/17b-18a) and Guo Moruo (Gudai, p. 42) both also favor the xing wu if'} }^\ variant, but don't indicate a preference for the sense of wu.
§;   t   ^ 4 ^
*A1 fn t A -5-
436
The MS. offers no differences from the received text in this and the following line.
Gao Heng in Dazhuan explains huang er ^ 7^  as "ears decorated in yellow [huang, i.e., yellow to brown] color," and in Gujing as yellow because they are made of metal.   Li Jingchi (Tongyi) explains it as the latter, "bronze ears," and Akatsuka Kiyoshi (Ekikyo) as ears decorated with gold
(kogane ^ ^ ). Since the expressions huang jlh       ^ "yellow metal" (21.5) and huang shii "tff ^ "yellow arrow" (40.2)—presumably a bronze arrow point—both occur as well, it seems likely that "yellow ears" here too refers to metal, that is, bronze, ears.   On the other hand, this raises the question why a contrast is made between huang, used to describe the ears, and jln "metal,' used to describe the carrying-bar.   Moreover, it implies that other ears were not made of metal, which is very rare among archaeological finds.   Akatsuka's interpretation might be a solution, but he goes on to understand the jln xuan as made of gold too.   K. C. Chang (Shang Civilization, p. 157) notes that very little gold whatever has been found in Shang sites, only fragments of thin sheets, possibly used in covering chariot fittings and the like.   Since gold sources were available, Chang concludes that it wasn't especially valued by the Shang. Efforts to account for the occurrence of yellow (metal) ears here are not very convincing, such as Gao Heng's observation that yellow is a lucky color (Gujing), or Li Jingchi's, that ceramic ears could break easily, while metal was much stronger, leading to a favorable determination.
Xuan        is defined in Shuowen (14A/4a) as "lift a ding cauldron' ( ^ -IQ ), and Shuowen adds "the Yi calls it xuan      , while the Li call it
"( % %% ^ M    *f W*-Since the term    is clearIy
nominal, referring to an object, various editors of Xu Shen's text have emended his definition correspondingly.   For example, Duan Yucai added a
437
suo yT ^j- ^  at the beginning: "that with which one lifts a cauldron' (Shuowen jiezi zhu, 14A/2b, p. 732), while the Jiguge yj^ edition, which Gao Heng quotes (Gujing), adds a ju       at the end: "tool for lifting a cauldron' (also discussed by Duan, loc. cit.).   Actually, the latter term mi in the modern texts of both the Yili and Liji is used in the perhaps related sense "cauldron lid,' rather than "lift a cauldron' or "tool for lifting a cauldron.'  Li Jingchi (Tongyi) describes the xuan as a "transverse bar to close the lid of a cauldron" ( ^ ^       ^       ^£)> nere made of bronze.
See 50.6.1 below for analysis of the syntax of these two lines.
50-6.1
Li Jingchi (Tongyi) and Gao Heng (Gujing): yu xuan is a carrying-bar made of jade.   In Gao Heng's Dazhuan, he revises this to mean a carrying-bar inlaid with jade.   It would be interesting to know whether such objects have been excavated.
Note that lines 50.5 and 50.6 appear to be examples of the type of line text which begins with a noun or noun phrase (50.5.1 and 50.6.1), which is followed by a prognosticatory determination, with no explicit verb.   Cases of this type are frequent: e.g., 2.5 ^ '^."a ye^ow skirt"; 10.1 ^ "plain shoes"; 16.1 "a trumpeting elephant"; 18.1 ^ ^ " a stem
father's pestilence"; 25.3       ^- ) Z_^K    "an unexpected disaster";
33.1        (jffOyJ^ "a young pig's tail"; 60.5 "a sweet joint." If
phrases 50.5.1 and 50.6.1 are analyzed as strictly parallel to these other phrases, then they in fact say literally "a cauldron's yellow-brown ears and metal carrying-bar" and "a cauldron's jade carrying-bar."   But this is less satisfactory than to explain them in terms of their prosodic parallelism with 50.1-4, each of which is composed of a single-syllable noun subject, ding,
438
followed by a two-syllable verb phrase.   In the latter analysis, in 50.5.1 and 50.6.1 ding is also subject/topic and huang er jiň xuán and      xuán are turned into predicate/comments: e.g., 50.5.1 "a cauldron is yellow brown-eared and metal carrying-barred"; or 50.6.1 "a cauldron: there is (it has) a jade carrying-bar."   Or more freely, "a ding cauldron with yellow-brown "ears' and a metal carrying-bar" and "a ding cauldron with a jade carrying-bar."
PART FOUR APPENDICES
440
APPENDIX A
LIST OF PROPOSED EMENDATIONS IN THE TEXT1 Hex.Iine   Original reading       Proposed emendation      Mawangdui MS. Reading
3.3        jfe -   t #
Note: This list of emendations does not include the scores of cases in the Yi text of protographs or loan graphs used for words commonly written now with a different graph.   Such graphic variations are the norm in pre-Han texts, and identifying the word represented by a particular graph does not constitute an emendation, which is a fundamental alteration of the base text (here the Shisanjing zhushu text), proposing the replacement of one word by another, or the addition or deletion of a word or words.   Only the latter cases are listed here.   However, a few borderline cases of interest (3.3 |fi£ ,7.1 ^ ) are also included.
2
As transcribed in Wenwu 1984.3. RK interpretation sometimes differs.
APPENDIX B
FREQUENCY COUNT OF GRAPHS IN THE TEXT: A TYPE-TOKEN ANALYSIS
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANCXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES			CSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
x:	153	71	3	135«	153
	147	33	3	333«	335
	123	74	L	3350	425
	113	13	5	513«	545
	lit	154	2	334G	S5S
	113	12	5	352FI.	755
	133	33		!853fi	355
	37	i	3	333«	353
	73	4	3	3S2R	1841
f	77	7	1	37fi	1118
121	53	17	2	1133«!	1175
A	55	9	8	333«	123!
7\	55	37	3	317«	1235
	56	131	3	1135«	1341
ft	53	53	5	739K	133!
	47	3	5	71SB	1433
*	42	33	4	12331	1433
	34	33	3	233«	1514
IS	34	51	7	347$	1543
	32	55	3	1377«	15S3
	32	42	3	1143«	1512
40	3!	33	3	340	1543
	23	123	5	!332E	1572
	27	53	3	3350	1533
	27	27	!3	340«	!725
	27	13	2	257«	1753
®	25	23	->	533«	1773
	25	33	4	453«	1335
35	25	3	5	344R	1333
n	2—	3	1	742«	1354
	23	3	3	3755	1377
	23	1	c	549«	1388
A	2!	147	4	241R	1321
	23	144	3	749R	1341
	23	33	4	475T	1351
ft	13	53	5	3330	1338
E	13	72	3	434«	1333
	13	35	3	733«	2313
	17	53	3	13340	2335
*	15	52	4	323«	235!
	!4	C	3	1037«	23S5
ft	13	52	3	2«	2373
H	13	22	3	573C	283!
#	13	95	7	534«	2134
	12	132	3	1237«	2115
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANCXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES			CSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
s	12	143	3	25!«	2129
	12	152	3	!24H	2143
t.	12	134	3	321«	2152
	12	173	7	455C	2154
■=r	12	38	2	1«	2175
jii	12	47	3	452«	2155
#	12	7	2	313«	2233
	12	17	3	435«	2212
?	11	5	/	371«	2223
	1J	58	/	553«	2234
	11	44	12	552R	2245
	11	38	3	785«	2255
m	11	157	3	43«	2257
	18	143	5	777«	2277
®	13	74	4	335«	2237
	13	77	14	573R	2237
	18	58	5	113«	2337
-k	13	33	3	34«	23!7
	13	43	7	32«	2327
	18	37	1	131«	2337
	13	32	3	343!	2347
	18	13	5	333«	2357
a	3	11	3	535«	2355
75	3	4	;	34'j«	2375
*	3	37	3	55!«	2334
ft	3	33	3	727N	2313
#	3	57	C	533«	2432
I'j	3	13	7	335«	24! i
	3	72	4	753«	2423
	3	134	5	434«	2423
m	3	147	15	1531	2433
g	3	!S3	8	593«	24*7
n	3	153	!3	33J	2455
s	3	157	13	143F	2453
»	9	148	13	1151«	247!
	3	13!	5	353C	2473
*	3	231	3	737«	2437
	3	133	3	413«	2435
	9	35	3	1575	2533
	3	33	8	339«	25!'
	3	37	3	27«	25!3
	9	S5	i	754«	2527
	3	33	5	57!fi	2535
	9	33	4	3331	2543
	9	37	1	351«	255!
442
GRAPH   NO. OF KANGXI RADI- GSR
TYPE	TOKENS CAL/STROKES			NO.
	3	32	4	5240
	9	3!	4	423fi
	3	*Z	3	lllfi
#	3	39	3	laeifi
	3	51	5	3S1D
	3	51	3	S53R
	7	33	5	752R
	7	•3	3	I223R
-a	7	23	3	1113«
	7	44	4	533«
	7	31	3	5550
	7	35	14	134F
	7	34	14	7340
	7	95	1 1	S13F
	7	133	3	41SR
is	7	13!	11	S59t
IS	7	133	5	9S5R
*	7	117	7	1133C
s	7	133	5	S43R
	7	73	5	77R
	7	235	3	334R
	7	177	3	331R
a*	7	143	13	S27F
	7	145	3	534R
	7	141	/	18410
	7	152	3	1SE
	7	154	5	437S
3c	7	13	A	479R
	5	13	5	324R
	5	12	O t	1173R
	5	152	7	1322R
St	S	157		3S1G
%	S	153	12	337!
	5	152	11	423D
	5	143	a	413R
§	S	142	17	52R
*	5	143	'.4	331
	5	143	7	324R
	5	155	3	1182R
If	S	173	5	134R
	5	173	a	133R
	5	157	a	S52R
ft	S	212	a	1193«;
	5	135	5	11720-
	S	73	a	743R
IKULATIVE	GRAPH
TOTAL	TYPE
2553	*
2557	ft-
2575	m
2SS3	tin
253!	
2533	M
2S85	
2513	ft
2528	a
2527	
2534	-Mil
2541	«
2549	to
2555	p&
2552	EI
2559	3%
2575	
	
2533	
2538	7$
2S37	4&
2784	
2711	in
27 IS	m
2725	+
2732	
2733	
2745	an
2753	
2753	
2755	tt
277!	'A
2777	
2733	
2733	
2735	±
2981	
2387	m
2313	m
2313	
2925	
233!	E
2337	m
2343	
2343	m
2955	ft
NO. OF KANGXI RAD I- GSR CUMULATIVE TOKENS CAL/STROKES     NO. TOTAL
s	183	5	S12I	2951
5	IIS	3	3331	2357
5	139	11	438C	2973
5	125	8	332R	2373
5	85	2	1955S	2955
5	44	5	43C'	233!
5	42	5	725«	2937
S	68	3	37!fi	2383
5	33	4	1833«;	2333
S	24	2	937R	2315
5	51	5	413f.	2321
5	54	18	435«;	2327
5	39	5	531K	2333
5	38	13	335C	2333
5	3!	3	3230	2345
5	37	j	3!2fi	235!
5	37	2	482fi	2355
5	33	3	7420	2351
5	39	18	1831	2355
5	33	3	457H	237!
5	58	12	313K	2375
5	2S	7	323«!	2391
5	24	7	559«;	2395
5	24	8	535S	2331
5	38	3	1175R	2335
5	23	5	131S	33a 1
5	15	5	37fi	3335
5	53	7	935H	3311
5	5!	3	354«;	3315
5	33	4	727R	3321
5	95	3	348R	3825
5	123	8	732«;	333!
5	133	11	530	3835
5	!1S	4	11S3R	3341
5	188	a	S12R	3345
S	182	e	352R	335!
S	7!	5	515C	3355
5	77	3	345R	3351
5	75	2	555R	3855
5	75	i	53!fi	387!
5	72	S	373R	3375
5	172	11	23F	335!
5	!78	13	no	3355
5	133	a	5S3R	333!
5	147	£	5531	3335
443
GRAPH NO. OF KAN CXI RAD I- GSR CUMULATIVE TYPE     TOKENS CAL/STROKES     NO. TOTAL
	5	!41		S75	3'.31
*	5	152	3	33E	3185
	b	15!	11	1814«	3111
-r	S	3	4	123«	3! IS
R	5	i	4	45fi	3121
*	5	5	13	14BC	3125
	5	4	3	335R-	313!
	5	3	5	!F	3135
	5	3	7	37SC	3141
*	5	3	7	113«	3146
—	5	1	8	334R	3151
	4	S	3	33C	3155
at	4	3	4	337R	3!S3
R	4	3	4	1155R	3! S3
S5	4	153	5	1166N	3157
	4	154	3	1935*	317!
	a	153	3	74fi	3175
	4	153	3	133SF	3!73
it	4	152	3	1343R	3!33
«a	4	143	4	11386	3137
	4	141	12	7370	3! 3!
	4	143	3	433(1	3!3S
*	4	143	7	332«	3133
	4	13b	3	73R	3233
Si	4	153	3	1123«	3237
n	4	153	3	441R	3211
	4	135	3	327«	3215
	4	135	3	SIR	3213
fx	4	74	8	385R	3223
eg	4	132	5	1813«	3227
*	4	114	3	S51J	3231
	4	113	3	3330	3235
!r	4	123	13	14C	3233
B	4	13!	8	377R	3243
	4	123	9	5750	3247-
	4	33	3	132R	325!
	4	35	14	5330	3255
	4	35	13	2345	3253
	4	52	3	547«	3253
	4	5!	IB	XXXX	3257
	4	43	11	333R	327!
ee	4	43	3	433«	3275
	4	23	1 <.	252«	3273
¥	4	33	3	355«	3233
	4	33	3	S8UF	3297
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES			GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
	4	33	13	5M	323!
	4	51	3	723E-	323b
	4	S4	4	335C	3233
Mr	4	53	4	3!«	3333
s	4	48	3	3335	3337
It	4	48	5	21«	33! 1
	3	43	3	145«	33! 4
	3	48	5	1833«	33!7
m	3	39	5	532«	3323
»	3	33	7	53!0	3323
ft	3	32	3	S35R	3325
	3	54	4	237R	3323
&	3	54	5	5351	3332
w>	3	54	S	533H	3335
p	3	53	3	53«	3333
	3	55	3	935«	334!
	3	52	3	338R	3344
*	3	52	2	XXXX	3347
	3	52	2	313R	3353
m	3	33	11	150	3353
m	3	!3	13	333c	3355
	3	23	5	1335«	3353
	3	53	5	377R	3352
	3	43	2	b«	3355
m	3	41	/	337«	3353
	3	45	t	427«	337!
t£|	3	52	5	11 ISC	3374
	'5	54	S	243«	3377
&	3	58	7	32F	3333
	3	35	3	125H	3333
n	3	93	!3	353«	3335
	3	35	3	474R	3353
	3	95	5	5530	3332
	3	35	5	133«	333b
	3	123	13	3540	3333
	3	121	3	1137«	3431
	3	!33	13	423C	3434
	3	!35	2	43«	3427
	3	124	5	533«	3418
¥	3	!23	3	351«	3413
	3	113	17	3531	3415
5^	3	111	8	558«	3413
	3	!15	3	433«	3422
¥	3	!17	5	723«	3425
	3	!83	3	535!	3423
444
GRAPH   HO. OF KAN CXI RADI-   GSR      CUMULATIVE GRAPH   NO. OF KANGXI RADI-   GSR CUMULATIVE
TYPE	TOKENS CAL/STROKES			NO.	TOTAL	TYPE	TOKENS CAL/STROKES			NO.	TOTAL
	3	'.as	3	732R	343!	*	t	1SS	3	335R	3543
M	3		7	742M	3434	s.	2	157	3	1213R	3551
S	3	73	2	333R	3437		2	157	5	25n	3553
«	3	75	S	:i.75F	3443	m	2	152	5	533c	3S55
	3	65	c	1h<f	3443		2	152	3	5710	3557
	3	75	4	11750	3446		2	152	3	373R	3553
n	3	213	e	3350	3443		2	153	3	1334C	3551
	3	157	3	353N	3452	Ä	2	143	11	3'.lfi	3553
	3	!73	3	333C	34S5	m	2	148	IS	57C	3555
m	3	!34	3	SS3R	3453		2	141	7	S3h	3557
	3	'.73	o	I832F	3451	£		141	5	35R	3553
u	3	!31	13	375n	34S4	m	2	143	13	1224C	357!
	3	!43	5	1133C	3457	ft	2	147	15	1B23E	3573
ä?	3	143	5	351R	3473		2	143	15	XXXX	3575
	3	143	3	122SR	3473		2	143	5	43U	3577
^	3	143	15	!35C	3475	55	2	143	5	34R	3573
	3	143	11	3330-	3473	«	2	145	7	1282H	3531
iS	3	:S2	5	512R	3432	m	2	144	3	!33c	3553
IK	3	153	5	343t;'	3435		2	146	5	3120	35S5
	3	!S2	3	5250	3436	m	2	1S1	/	333R	3537
	3	•52	a	1233F	343!	#	2	133	8	553R	3533
	3	'.54	5	555H	3434		2	131	3	!33R	353!
	3	3	2	327R	3437	m	2	173	13	613F	3533
	3	3	s	715fi	3533	m	2	172	5	SS3f.	3535
	3	1	4	334R	3533		2	173	4	4635	3537
	3	'.3	4	735R	3536	ft	2	134	4	554R	3533
l_	3	1	1	483R	3533		2	157	5	355t.	353!
	3	!	c	722R	3512	m	<*» C	155	4	33L	3533
T	3	I	£	35R	3515		2	153	11	S750	353:;
±	2	1	2	72SP	3517	AS	2	153	4	132R	3637
IS	2	14	3	341R	3519		2	287	3	53R	3533
Z.	2	b	a	535R	3521	«	C	75	S	115SI	3511
SI	2	5	12	133C	3523		2	75	5	43T	3513
	2	3	4	1373R	3525	4	2	53	3	HSR	3615
ft	2	3	12	12116	3527		2	55	S	313R	3617
fa	2	3	7	334R	3523	n	C	53	3	3S3R	3513
Ä		13	2	453R	3531		2	53	4	182H	3621
£	2	154	7	xxxx	3533		2	72	4	3S3R	3623
	2	153	0	77SR	3535		2	75	13	1C	3526
	2	154	2	1833R	3537		2	73	2	555R	3527
	2	is:	3	!53n	3533		2	77	4	XXXX	3523
it	2	:S2	12	543M	3541		2	75	3	7230	353!
	2	152	11	5350	3543	E	2	73	3	334R	3633
	2	153	3	473F	3545	*	2	72	5	3S5R	3635
*5	2	153	7	132V	3547		i.	75	3	1212R	3637
445
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES			- GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
	c		1	7Slfi	3S39
	*> t.	135	7	275C	354!
at	c	183	4	55SJ	3S43
	z	183	t	115«	3545
s	t <.	13S	4	S15C	3547
s	z	US	11	35SR	3543
	2	IIS	7	33SS	355!
£	2	US	3	5721	3553
	c	112	8	735S	3S55
«	2	183	15	773fi	3657
	2	in	11	53P	3S53
		113	5 .	337fi	3SS1
	2	113	5	538F	3553
it	2	113	&	S2J	3565
€	2	113	3	3S7D	3557
	«.	112	18	1320	3553
	2	112	3	73SE	3571
a	2	182	3	1873S	3573
	2	182	8	523«!	3575
	2	33	3	sasfi	3577
		135	7	SS3E	3573
	2	133	9	355fi	3S31
PS	2	133	8	1333«;	35S3
	z	138	13	1123!	3535
	2	133		5730	3537
	2	133	4	Slfi	3533
	2	123	7	453D	353!
	2	123	5	533M	3533
	2	123	5	!875h	3S3S
	2	12b	3	18S5R	3537
	&	125	8	10410	3533
	2	124	13	148F	3781
	2	124	3	245«	3783
	C	133	1	73SS	3785
&	2	133	3	4130	3787
I	2	134	12	13S7C	3783
m	2	122	3	742L	3711
m	2	123	7	331C	3713
&	2	123	5	275K	3715
m	2	128	4	773fi	3737
	2	123	4	53bh	3713
m	2	35	13	135	3721
	2	34	13	12241	3723
	2	33	2	5551	3725
%	2	34	5	411	3727
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF TOKENS	KANGXI RADICAL/STROKES		■ GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
	2	33	7 .	3S5rf	3723
	2	35	5	534N	373!
	2	35	3	S17J	3733
*	2	38	1	347R	3735
m	2	35	15	1323J	3737
	2	35	7	531M	3739
	2	57	5	41H	3741
§1	2	57	t	373fi	3743
*	2	53	11	524fi	3745
m	2	S3	12	11S8R	3747
	2	5!	2	32SB	3743
m	2	53	5	745S	375!
-r	2	48	11	S37R	3753
F	2	44	8	SSlfi	3755
E	2	43	8	367«	3757
	2	45	3	133«	3753
	2	38	4	551L-	3751
	2	38	s	SC	3753
	2	IS	7	245«;	3755
*J	2	IS	14	537S	3757
m	2	38	18	1123X	3753
OS	2	38	5	113r	377!
	2	38	5	114V	3773
	2	23	3	542S	3775
it	2	21	3	383«;	3777
	2	27	18	33!C	3773
it	2	51	12	11S5B-	3731
	2	52	a	!S5«	3733
S	2	51	11	1871R	3735
	2	51	18	7535	3737
	2	54	13	173N	3733
	2	54	13	3545	373!
#	2	54	5	3470	3733
	2	54	5	275H	3735
	2	51	S	533«	3737
	2	51	5	3735	3733
	2	51	4	312K	338!
	2	33	12	355E	3333
	2	32	5	1430	333b
	2	33	5	112E	3337
	2	33	5	574S	3383
	2	33	5	S35S	331!
	2	33	3	1844c;	3313
	2	43	7	1335«	3315
		43	6.	4q	3S17
446
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RAD I TOKENS CAL/STROKES			- GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL	GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RAD I TOKENS CAL/STROKES		- GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
3E U-i		48	3	485P	3313	#	1 54	3	728J	3353
m	2	33	5	41C	332!	a	1 S4	3	1234F	3373
~?	&	33	3	354N	3323		1 55	3	341R	3371
a	&	■??	2	345 J	3325		1 55	7	323r	3372
-j-	2	•3 j	<-» it	373R	3327	&	1 SS	5	43!	3373
m	2	32	11	U35Z	3323	m	1 51	11	7535	3374
	1	32	13	32D-	3338		1 51	3	xxxx	3375
	1	32	ia	33SR	3331	*	1 51	IS	588C	337S
&	1	35	3	1833R	3332		1 SI	9	1376	3377
?s	1	35	2	322-»	3333	mi	1 51	3	335E.	3373
	!	35	8	735fi	3334	5t	1 51	3	3570	3373
	:	35	IB	458h	3335	** /is*	1 51	3	18321	3353
	i	35	5	309J	333S		1 27	8	2S3R	3331
w	i	43	S	1S7R	3337	m	1 25	7	437E	3352
	i	43	7	314S	3333		1 23	2	485R	3333
¥	i	43	c	755D'	3333		1 23	■■■> c	335F.	3354
7T	:	37	s	433fi	3348	Ä	1 23	2	S3IR	3355
Bt	!	33	4	555N	3341		1 25	3	SISfi	3335
.si	1	32	5	31R	3342	sb	1 33	3	734R	33S7
5.	1	32	3	373S	3343	m	1 38	13	542F	3355
m	!	33	13	738L	3344	ibi	1 33	3	44 JJJ	3333
	:	~i<.	Q	353C	3345		1 33	S	5SSF.	3333
«	l	32	7	31SE	3345	□ OP	1 33	5	5S3R	3331
	!	32	5	421S	3347	»	1 13	18	11355	3332
*S	!	32	3	45'	3343	tb	! 13	3	115SM	3333
9		3!	1!	25SB	3343	3)	1 13	3	M720	3334
&	1	5!	1	435«	3353	so	! IS	5	5731	3335
	!	51	S	575N	335!	b	1 21	3	XXXX	3335
l£	!	51	3	335M	3352	m	1 13	4	335H	3337
ft	1	53	14	5S4H	3353	m	1 IS	4	3855	3333
S . Ii»	1	51	5	325R	3354	3£	1 38	4	5SF	3333
	1	64	5	332H	33S5	□	1 33	8	113R	3933
	;	54	5	!8SF	335S	m	! 23	15	1173R	3331
it	i	52	12	147R	3357		1 38	2	33'j!	3382
	i	52	7	!83!F	335S		1 33	2	375R	3333
	!	52	4	727G	3353	Hi	1 47	3	1153R	3334
	!	54	3	335C	3358		1 45	4	3S4h	338=i
	J	54	3	535E	3351	*	! 53	5	732F	3335
IS	1	54	7	455F	3352		1 43	5	11S2C	3387
	1	S4	13	S83F	3353		1 43	8	377G	3335
	1	54	12	27L	3354		1 43	8	353R	3333
31	I	54	12	115«	3355		1 43	4	185R	3313
	1	55	3	!I72t	3955	UP	! 53	5	3!SR	33!!
	1	55	2	1133R	3357		1 58	S	433R	37!2
	:	54	11	57SL	3353		1 43	3	!333R	3713
GRAPH TYPE	MO. OF KANCXI RAM-TOKENS CAL/STROKES		GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
s	1 48	13	375<	3314
	I 43	3	!43R	33! 5
m	1 44	14	1230	3315
3.	I 44	5	1234R	3317
H	1 43	17	1133?	3313
	1 5?	«	304R	3313
is	1 53	9	745H	3328
	1 51	3	133R	3321
	1 52	11	3023	3322
	1 55	3	3JSR	3323
	1 53	!S	530	3324
	1 53	4	33H	3325
	1 53	3	753R	3325
w.	1 53	4	3332	3927
	I 57	9	721H	3323
	1 57	4	53!fi	3923
	1 S3	7	52E	3333
	! 53	5	532C	333!
	1 58	5	250	3332
	: 35	3	357R	3333
*	1 35	/	4S3R-	3934
	1 35	3	3331	3335
	1 15	3	1234G	3335
a	: 35	SI	xxxx	3337
	• 35	11	123R	3333
	1 35	5	55 IF	3333
	: 35	5	23!C	3343
it	1 33	5	4K	334!
	I ss	5	S3!P	3342
s	1 35	12	S53N	3343
	I 35	3	103R	3944
	1 35	3	217R	3945
	: 3'.	11	1332R	3945
ft	! 37	23	I121R	3347
3ft	1 35	12	243R	3949
i	1 35	13	451P	3943
	1 33	4	laisfi	3353
*	! 73	5	3130	395!
	1 35	3	133T	3352
	1 S5	5	3!SR	3953
n	! 35	5	237R	3354
si	1 35	5	15	3335
	! 35	4	531F	3355
	! 35	4	SSlh	3357
	1 35	4	15R	3355
GRAPH TYPE	NO. OF KANCXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES		GSR NO.	CUMULATIVE TOTAL
*?	1 34	5	1333C	3353
«	: 33	7	1333!	3353
	1 33	S	S12F.	3351
	1 32	3	37R	3352
	1 35	8	355K	3353
	1 34	11	1215R	3354
	1 as	3	12I5R	3355
	1 128	4	471H	3355
	1 128	3	112811	3357
	1 11s	12	S53C-	3355
	1 128	4	59R	3953
	1 128	12	587H	3373
	1 123	15	38<F	337!
®	! 123	14	134S	3372
	1 135	3	293R	3373
m	1 134	3	953R	3374
&	1 134	7	935	3375
m	1     1 j2	10	2350	3975
a	1 13!	9	727F-	3377
m	! 124	11	3540	3373
m	1 127	4	933S	3373
	! 125	5	113"?	3993
	1 122	18	25R	399!
m	1 124	8	39R	3392
	1 138	5	303t.	3133
tt	1 138	4	3S7F	3994
	1 133	4	1823R	3335
	I 138	3	1334H	3395
se	1 138	4	5S2R	3357
H	1 129	9	44!F	3935
1	1 138	9	7390	3993
	1 138	7	347H	3333
	! 138	5	5540	393!
*	I 182	9	13301	3932
#	1 182	7	92f	3333
	1 39	13	! 154P	3334
«	1 99	3	1832M	3335
fffi	1 39	3	924J	3335
IK	1 37	3	41R	3327
	1 113	5	335L	3339
	1 113	5	455'	3333
i*	! 113	S	732N	4333
SO	1 111	3	953R	4331
aZ	1 117	3	534R	4832
	1 115	S	4131	4333
448
GRAPB TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RADI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES		GSR NO.	CIWULATIVE TOTAL
	1     115	4	433tí	4834
%	! !15	3	352F	4335
m	1 115	S	7T3V	4905
m	1 U5	:4	734H	4837
&	1 US	7	53!G	4833
!6	: IBS	11	ISlfi	4383
na	: -.33	5	542N	4813
	1 135	12	13W	4311
	1 133		731R	4312
	! 133	3	97U	4813
il	i ias	3	3!3R	4314
@	1 133	3	1335R	4815
JSs	1 74	5	352K	4815
55	1 74	3	1143«;	4817
S	1 72	7	1375«	4813
	1 72	5	3S!£	4813
*	I 73	5	3130	4823
	1 72	7	347T	4321
«	1 75	12	11S4F	4822
	! 75	!2	4381	4823
SI	1 75	3	535S	4324
JE	1 77	i	S33J	4325
	1 75	7	12323	4825
»	1 75	3	311fi	4327
	1 75	1	1333K	4323
	1 75	1	U55P	4323
*	! 72	4	924F	4333
	1 72	2	332R	4831
»	1 S5	11	3773	4832
	1 78	7	235R	4833
	1 75	S	734«	4834
	1 75	5	553C	4835
tt	1 75	i	S55C-	4835
*I	1 75	5	1S4F	4337
S	1 75	5	113!	4833
	1 75	5	123F	4333
	1 75	4	555R	4843
	1 75	4	351R	4341
	1 75	3	353L	4842
	1 75	3	xxxx	4343
#L	1 75	2	582C	4344
	1 75	2	12SR	4845
	1 75	2	13R	4845
	! 13«3	3	1233!?	4847
	1 135	18	11175	4343
GRAFH TYPE	NO. OF KANGXI RAOI-TOKENS CAL/STROKES		GSR NO.	CUHDLATIVE TOTAL
m	1 213	7	533U	4843
*	1 233	3	521C	4353
	1 233	5	735H	435!
	1 235	8	32R	4352
h	1 153	3	3583	4353
m	1 153	4	541R	4354
B	1 1SS	3	373R	4355
R	1 178	5	4151	4355
5£	1 173	5	2SI	4357
W	1 178	4	7432	4353
	1 153	8	721R	4853
*	1 157	3	733S	4353
m	1 131	14	242R	435!
m	! 195	5	1353	4352
tu c	1 132	8	7!3R	4353
m	1 137	13	313G	4354
II	1 137	11	122C	4355
	1 137	<.	3333	4355
ta	1 154	12	543L	4357
n	1 1S4	7	1222K	4353
	1 172	3	575V	4353
	1 172	2	457R	4373
m	! 173	13	2273	437!
R	1 173	3	733 J	4372
P§	1 173	3	1313F	4373
	1 173	3	5333	4374
m	1 173	3	S:jir	4375
	1 131	C	332E	4375
	1 131	Z	333F.	4377
	1 177	13	1521	4373
	1 177	5	1172C	4873
SI	1 131	3	124P	4353
Ji	I 131	7	S33h	4851
®	1 175	8	223R	4852
SE	1 175	11	17H	4353
	1 173	15	3351	4354
«9	1 173	9	73 !5	4335
	1 145	5	34F	4355
	1 145	a	553R	4337
%	1 144	1S	353	4355
	1 144	13	342R	4353
	! 143	5	xxxx	4333
	1 145	13	373B	433!
	1 1<5	3	7253	4332
	1 141	11	23R	4833
449
GRAPH	NO.	OF KANCXI RADI-		GSR	CUMULATIVE	GRAPH   NO. OF KANGXI		RADI-	GSR CUMULATIVE	
TYPE	TOKENS CAL/STROKES			MO.	TOTAL	TYPE	TOKENS CAL/STROKES		NO.	TOTAL
ii	1	148	5	35SB	4834	a	1 152	13	437R	413?
M	!	143	S	742f	483'j	m	1 3	13	957E	4143
'*	1	143	5	538rf	4835	■IS	! 3	13	2U	414]
	1	143	5	UI3C	4837		1 3	11	323B	4142
	1	148	3	733^	4899		3	7	5S1C	4143
	1	J 48	3	44R	4833		1 3	s	553F	4144
K	t	143	7	241H	•£188	-ft	1 3	5	9755	4Mb
*	1	143	3	3131	4181	ft	1 3	b	9851	4145
s	1	148	3	3S30	4182		1 3	5	533R	4147
m	1	143	3	5230	4183	■«	1 3	4	335R	4143
«	1	14S	12	1834t1	4184	#	1 S	•4	988R	4143
	1	143	7	338C	4!85	■fth	1 3	3	4C-	4153
SI		141	5	73R	4135	ft	1 3	C	332F	415!
	1	143	15	5770	4187		I 3	2	533R	4152
		143	12	5131.	4183	—	1 7	8	5S4R	4153
	1	149	ie	4340	4183		1 5	1	332P	4154
•as	1	148	15	iissp	4118	M	1 1	3	3436	4155
	!	148	14	7335-	4111	*	1 15	4	933S	4155
		143	13	477R	4112	S	1 13	4	34 IS	4157
¥	1	148	12	13bti	4113	A	1 12	8	291R	4155
		isa	3	2135	4114	ft	1 11	&	53bE	4153
II	1	153	3	333J	4115		1 13	4	23 IS	4153
	1	152	7	SSSF	4115		1 15	4	XXXX	415]
	1	152	7	1820'	4117					
	1	152	7	12221	4115					
		152	7	213=5	4113					
SS	1	157	13	1224M	4128					
SI		1ST	11	3770	4121	TOTAL NO.	OF GRAPH	TYPES:		878
sä		155	3	3531	4122	TOTAL NO.	OF GRAPH	TOKENS:		4161
	1	155	8	733R	4123	TYPE/TOKEN RATIO:				4.74
	1	157	14	533P	4124					
SI	1	157	!4	1124F	4125					
	I	152	12	28SC	4125					
it	1	152	13	2bSF	4127					
Jl	1	1S2	3	33J	4129					
Si	1	154	18	1833S	4123					
»	1	154	3	11280	4138					
W.	1	154	3	xxxx	4131					
	1	152	13	1431	4132					
	1	154	5	5540	4133					
	1	154	4	1S3R	4134					
	1	152	4	423R	4135					
Ä	i	154	3	725N	4135					
	1	154	8	328fi	4137					
1*3	!	153	3	1244K	4133					
450
APPENDIX C
HEXRGKfttlS ARRANGED IN ORDER OF TEXT LENGTH Order Pingin     Graph Total Length      Order Pingin     Graph Total Length
47	Kun		95	61	Zhong fá	n	65
62	Xiao guo		91	49	Gé		64
41	Sun	1	89	7	Shi	i	64
3	Zhun	f	88	13	long ren	BA	62
42	Yi		87	9	Xiao chu		61
55	Feng	m s.	86	5	Xu (Rú)	m	68
38	Kui		84	12	PI	5	59
51	Zhén	I	84	28	Dá guo	±1	58
45	Cui	¥	83	59	Huán		58
11	Tái		82	18	Lu		57
53	Jián	%	77	34	Dá zhuáng		56
6	Song	6i	77	44	Gou	&	55
2	Join	*	76	1	Qián		53
43	Guái (Jué)	i.	74	14	Dá you	±í	52
48	Jíng	#	73	21	Shi ké		52
4	Néng	5t	73	22	Bi	m	51
54	Gui aéi	iK	72	28	Guän	9	51
36	Níng gí		72	68	Jié		51
24	Fu	íl	71	15	Qián	i	51
35	Jin	zz B	71	23	Bô	M	58
64	Wei ji	*3I	71	33	Dun (Tun)		58
58	Díng	I	78	52	Gén (Ken)		58
56	LS	I	78	29	[Xíl Kan	iSJft	58
57	Xun (Zhuán)	S	69	26	Dá chu		49
27	Yí	i	69	39	Jian		47
25	Hú wang	tí	67	19	Lin		47
38	Lí		67	46	Shéng		47
48	Jie	S	67	37	Jiä rán	tx	46
63	Ji ji	HX	66	31	Xián (Kan)	á	46
17	Suí		66	32	Héng	i	45
8	BI	th	65	16	Yu	S	45
18	Gu		65	58	Dui (Yué)	Ä	38
451
APPENDIX D
INDEX TO WEN YIDUO'S YIJING GLOSSES IN "LEIZUAN" AND "PUTANG ZASHI"
Hexagranruline	Page number	Hexagram .line	Page number
1.0	45,563	35.1,2	52
1.1,2,4,5,6,7	46,584	35.4	53
1.3	58	35.5	9
2.0	59	36.1 •	63,589
2.2	41,587	36.2,4	17
2.6	44	36.3	64
3.0	29	38.1,2	37,585
3.2,4	29	38.4	38
4.2	27	38.6	29,48
4.3	9,588	39.1	26
5.0	588	39.3	26
5.2	63,584	39.5	25,26
5.6	56	40.4	25
6.0	590	40.5	34
6.1	63,584	41.0	52
6.2	31	41.1,4	50
7.1	39	41.5	50,585
7.3	584	42.2	50,5Z5
7.5	16,590	42.5	30
8.3	33	43.4	63
8.5	17	43.5	20
9.0	591	44.1	15
9.6	21,591	44.2	20
10.1,5	10,585	44.3	21
11.2	5	44.5	6
12.0	33	44.6	38
13.4	38	45.1	62
16.0	25,53	45.2	61
16.2	33	45.3	64
16.5	64	47.0	63
17.4	51	47.3	33,586
18.1,2,3,4,5	28	48.0	27,42
19.0	23	48.3	9
19.3	22	49.3	10
19.4,5,6	23	49.5,6	11
21.4,5	31	49.6	12
22.4	19,29	50.1	7
24.0	25	50.3	7
26.0	591	50.4	37
26.1	51	51.6	29,63,589
26.3	34	53.1	63,589
27.2,4	60	53.6	55
29.1,3	34	55.2,4	13
29.4	35	55.3	14
29.5	24	56.6	45
29.6	36	59.2	8
30.1	51,57	59.4	33
30.2,3	42	60.4,5,6	24
31.4	25	61.0	62
34.3,4	20	61.2	8
35.0	19	61.3	40
452
flPPEHDIX E
INDEX TO HEXflGRfillS BY PROMUMCIflTIOM, IN BOTH TRADITIONAL AND flfiWfitlGDUI ORDER Pinyin Graph Order HS.Graph RS.Order Pinyin Graph Order NS.Graph HS.Order
BI	tt	0	ft	19
Bi	m	22	if1	14
Bö	8	23	ft	11
fori	?	45	¥	43
Da chu	is	26	s	18
Da guö	±a	28	M	48
Da you	±S	14	If	58
Da zhuäng	±»	34	Sit	26
Ding	I	50	»i	56
Dui (Yue)	I	58	j	41
Dun (Tun)	if	33		3
Feng		55	ja	31
Fu	it	24	it	39
Ge	¥	49	I«)	46
Gen (Ken)		52	i<i?>	9
Gou		44		8
Gu		18	1	16
Guäi (Jue)	I	43	*	42
Guän	§	28	9	59
GuT sei	Si	54	Si	29
Heng	i	32	1	32
Huän		59		62
Ji ji		63		22
Jiä ren		37		63
J fan	•f	39	%	28
Jian		53	I	68
Ji e	f	68	9	21
Jie	s	48	s	38
Jin	72 B	35	1	51
Jing		48	tt	24
[Xi] Kan		! 29	fll	17
Kui	i	38	*	53
Kun Kun Li
Lin Lu Lu
tteng Ning yi PI
Qian (Jian Sheng Shi
Shi ke Song Sui Sin Tai
Tong ren Wei ji Hu «ang j£ Xian (Kan) |j£ Xiao chu Xiao guo
Xun (Zhuan) H
Yi Yi
Yu g
Zhen || Zhong fu CfJ? Zhun l£
i I
SI
flu
5i
2 47 38 19 18
56
4 36
12
15 1
46 7
21 6
17
41 11
13 64 25 31
9
62
5
57 27
42
16 51 61
HI
[#]
If]
3.
33 45 49 36
4 52 13 38 2 35 1
48
Eft] 37 [iof] 55
5i b
47 12
34
6 54
7
44 58 28 18 57 15 64 27 25 61 23
EÄ1
8
fit
453
APPENDIX F
PHONETIC INDEX HID GLOSSflft TO GRfiPHS IN THE «YIJING Ii»
Tot. Rad./ Total
NSC G	irapb Old Cb.		GSRft str. str.		English	Occurrences	occ.
an	jr	i'an	146a	6 48/3	security	2.8:6.4:68.4	n 0
an	ill w	$ngan	139e'	8 46/5	riverbank	—> gan +	
La	l\	Spwat	281a	2 12/8	eight	19.8	1 j.
	ft	*b'wat	276b	8 64/5	pull out	11.1:12.1	2
u	I	*b'ia	26a	15 122/18 stop, rest		61.3	1
Lai	s	*h'ak	782a	5 186/8	white	22.4.6:23.1	3
bai	5	Jpak	781a	6 186/1	hundred	6.2;51.8	2
bai	ft	th'wad	32Bf	11 154/4	defeat	24.6	1
ban	8	Spwan	198a	18 96/5	arrayed	3.2,4,6	*» 3
bao	a	*pog	1113a	5 28/3	wrap	4.4:11.2:12.2.3; 44.2,4.5	7
bao	a	Jpgg	1113c	9 148/5	luxuriant	12.5	i
bao	iii			11 18/9	flay, strip	—> bo fij	
bao	n	NCSpau	1244k 18 153/3		1eopard	49.6	1
bei		Jpia	25i	8 178/5	slope	11.3	1
bei	4	*Pak	989a	5 21/3	north	2.8:39.8	2
bei	g	Spwad	328a	7 154/8	cowry shell	51.2	1
bei	a	Spwag	989e	9 138/5	back	52.8	A i
ben		$pwon	438a	8 37/5	rush toward	59.2	1
bi	I	*b'j3d	521c	14 289/8	nose	21.2	1
LI	I	Jpior	565a	2 21/8	ladle	51.8	1
M		%>iar	566g	4 81/8	ally with, pair	8.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	7
bl	i	$pior	566n	7 38/4	foreaother	62.2	1
bl		*pia	25g	8 68/5	that one	62.5	1
bi		Jpjet	485a	5 61/1	nust	62.4	1
bi	S	«' jad	341a	12 66/8	damage	48.2	1
-1 -
454
bi f	Jpiar	437a	12 154/5	motley	22.8,1,2.3,4,5,6	7
bian ?j?	$b'jan	21%	16 168/9	kneecap (?)	23.2	1
bian H	Jpljan	178o	22 149/15 transform		49.5,6	2
tin i	*pjen	389a	14 154/7	be guest (host?) to	28.4:44.2	n C
bing )j!	*piang	89%	6 15/4	ice	2.1	1
King h	*b'ieng	848b	8 1/7	together, all	48.3	1
bo fij	tpuk	1228a	11 18/9	flag, strip	23.8,1,2,3.4.6:58.5	7
	*h'ak	782f	8 58/5	silk	22.5	1
b$ |	ipua	25.	12 157/5	lave	18.3:54.1	2
bo ]1§	$pwo	182	18 162/7	flee	6.2	1
bu /j\	fcpwat	999a	4 1/3	not	2.2;3.2,3,4:4.8,3,	97
					6:5.6:6.8.1,2,4	
1 v DU #	*b'ag	999g' 15 148/11		screen, 76~yr.cycle	55.2,4,6	3
ce ifj	*t?'jak	986e	12 61/9	grief	48.3	1
chang §			8 168/8		-=> zhang g	
chang ^	*djang	725J	14 145/8	skirt	2.5	1
chang ^	*t'jang	719a	18 192/8	aromatic spirits	51.8	1
chao i|	*dz'og	1169a	11 47/8	nest	56.6	1
chao |§			12 74/8		"} zhao §P	
che 5	*kjo	74a	7 159/8	cart, chariot	14.2:22.1:38.6:47.4	4
che %	tf'iad	335c	13 64/9	horn turned awrg(?)	38.3	1
chen §	tdien	377a	6 131/8	■ale bondservant	33.3:39.2:41.6:62.2	4
chen #	*d' J3B	656b	7 85/4	deep	"} zhen	
cheng $	Sdjeng	818a	6 62/2	completion	2.3;6.3;16.6	3
cheng ^	*diang	896c	8 64/4	receive	7.6:12.2:32.3:54.6	4
cheng jj|	Sdjeng	818e	9 32/6	city wall	11.6	1
cheng $	td'jang	895a	18 4/9	drive, ride, mount	3.2,4,6;13.4;48.3	5
chi ]J	Id' iar	596d	15 162/12	slow, late	16.3:54.4	2
cM hi	td'jeg	878b	15 145/18 take off		6.6	1
chi ^	*?'jak	793a	7 155/8	red	47.5	1
chong t}|	1?'jung	1188b 15 61/12		unsett)ed	31.4	2
chong ||	tt'liung 1193? 28 48/17			to favor	23.5	1
chou fji	♦   f . A *g jog	992P	4 9/2	■ate, enemy	58.2	1
- 2 -
455
chou	g	*d?'i og	1892i	13 61/9	grieved	35.2	1
chou	1	*d'jog	18981 19 182/14 plowed field			12.4	1
chou	1	*?'jog	1889a	17 164/18 hate, evil, ugly		38.6	1
chü	as	*T jwot	496a	5 17/3	go out	5.4:7.1:9.4:17.1; 24.8;38.5,6;etc.	12
chü	HI	*ts'io	87a	7 18/5	at first	36.6:38.3:57.5:63.8	4
chü	i	jo	85a	11 141/5	stop, stay	9.6:56.4	2
chü	S	*t'jök	1818a	18 182/5	domestic aniaal	9.8:24.8:38.8:33.3 also =-) xu g	4
chu				11 141/5		") chu Jj|	
chu		«' juk	1224g 28 148/13 hutt			34.3,6	2
chuän	ill	jwon	462a	3 47/8	river	5.8;6.8;13.8;15.1; 18.8;26.8;27.5;etc.	12
chuan	Uli m	Jd'jwan	168.	12 162/9	rapid	41.1,4	2
chuängj^		Jd?'jang 727r		8 75/4	platforn	23.1,2,4:57.2,6	5
chui	i	$dwia	31a	8 32/5	droop, hang down	36.1	1
CI	a	*ts'j or	555a	6 15/4	caap, hostel	7.4:43.4:44.3; 56.2,3	5
cong		*dz'jung 1191d 11 68/8			follow	2.3;6.3;17.6;31.4;	6
						42.4:62.3	
cong		Jdz'ung	1178a	18 29/16	thickly-growing	29.6	1
cul	«	3dz'war	5751'	14 64/11	chop, destroy	35.1	1
cui	?	»dz'jwad 498b		12 148/8	hunched	45.8,1,3,5,	4
cuo	i	Sts'ak	798s	16 167/8	crossed	38.1	1
da	±	*d'td	317a	3 37/8	hig	1.2,5.;2.2;3.5;5.8; 6.8;7.6;18.3;etc.	55
däi	a?	mi	315a	18 58/7	helt	6.6	1
dän	It	Ham	656j	9 189/4	glare, stare	27.4	2
dan	§	*d'a»	672i	13 116/8	pitfall, trap	29.1,3	2
däo	jg	*d'og	1848a	12 162/9	road	9.1:18.2:17.4	3
de		*tak	985d	11 68/8	get	2.8;11.2;16.4;etc/ also --> de %	27
de	»	*tak	919k	15 68/12	spiritual power, get	6.3:9.6:32.3.5:42.5	5
- 3 -
456
also -=) de ||
deng § *tang 883e  12 185/7  rise, ascend 36.6:61.6 2
di | *tiar 98h    11 123/5 raa 34.3.6 2
df | *d'iek 877g 15 66/11 enemy 61.3 1
di £ *d'iSk 1823e 22 147/15 see 47.1;55.6 2
di ft *d'ia 41'      6 32/3    earth 36.6 1
di *d'iar 591     7 57/4    younger brother 7.5 1
di f *tieg 877a   9 58/6   Di (naie) 11.5:42.2:54.5 3
di JJ *d'ior 591d   18 38/7    secondary wife 54.1,3,5 3
dian I *tien 375»  19 181/18 top of head, invert 27.2,4:58.1 3
die [§ *d'iet 413«   9 38/6   bite 18.8,3 2
die % *d'iet 413r  12 125/6  elderly 38.3 1
ding J| *tieng 833e  11 181/2  crown of head 28.6 1
ding | ttieng 834a  13 286/8  cauldron 58.8,1,2,3,4,5,6 7
dong f *tung 1175a 8 75/4   east 2.8:39.8:63.5 3
dong || td'ung 1188« 11 19/9    .ove 47.6 1
dong jf 1175f 12 75/8    ridgepole 28.8,3,4 3
dou 4 *tu 116a   4 68/8    dipper 55.2,4 2
du g $d'dk 1816a 9 88/4    poison 21.3 1
du g Jd'uk 1224i 16 94/13 alone 24.4:43.3 2
du }| *d'uk 1823j 18 85/15 insult (?) 4.8 2
dui # *d'«td 324a   7 18/5   happiness 58.8,1,2,3,4,6 6
dui \ Itwar 464p  12 66/8 -> dun t
dun 8 *twan 464P 12 66/8   thick 19.6:24.5:52.6 3
dun i£ td'won 428d  14 162/11 young pig (withdraw) 38.8,1,3,4,5,6 6
also -=) tun
duo" $ *t«a" 18a     6 75/2    hang 27.1 1
e $ *-ak 8B5f   11 3B/8    sound of laughter 51.9,1 4
e g »lk 885h  12 61/8    ugly 38.1 1
er 5 *riiag 982a   6 126/8 and, then 6.2; 13.5;28.8;22.1; 6
38.3:48.4
Sr § *niag 981a    6 128/8  ear 21.6;58.3,5 3
er f§ *nja 359a  14 89/18  you 27.1;31.4;61.2 3
- 4 -
457
er		$niar	564a	2 7/0	two	41.8	1
er	f	*riiar	564g	12 7/10	double, secondary	29.4	1
fa		*b'iwät	387a	6 9/4	attack	15.5;35.6:63.3:64.4	4
fx		Spjwät	275c	12 105/7	open, arouse	4.1:55.2	2
fan	i	*piwan	195s	19 140/15 fence, hedge		34.3,4,6	3
fan		tbiwän	195»	16 140/12	miaerous	35.8	
fan	S	Spiwan	262a	4 29/2	turn over, reverse	9.3;24.8;39.3;54.3	4
fang	h	»piwang	740a	4 70/0	direction	2.2;8.8:47.2;58.3; 63.3:64.4	6
fang fljj		»b'iwang 748z		7 170/4	prevent	62.3	1
fei	»	fpiwsr	588a	9 183/8	fig	1.5:36.1;62.8,1,6	5
fei	E	$h' jwar	582a	8 138/4	fat	33.6	1
fei	1	th' jwar	579q	12 138/8	lower leg	31.2:52.2	2
Ki	i	Spiwar	579c	18 22/8	not	3.2;4.8;8.3;12.8; 14.1.4:22.4:etc.	13
fiten	SB	Ip'jwan	471h	18 128/4	miaerous	57.2	1
fen	jul	*b'jwan	474a	12 86/8	burn	38.4:56.3,6	3
fen	1	$b'jwan	437r	19 152/12 geld		26.5	1
feng	"5"	fp jong	1814a	18 151/11	aaple	55.0,2,3,4.6	5
f eng	1			12 187/2	ford, wade	-> ping %	
f ou	a	*pjög	1107a	6 121/8	earthen vessel	8.1:29.4:38.3	3
f ou		*PiSg	999c	7 38/7	not	==> pi 5	
fü	$	*piwo	101a	4 37/1	husband, nan	4.3;8.8;9.3.;17.2,3; 18	
						28.2,5;32.5;etc.	
fü	I	*pliwo	69g	15 141/9	skin	21.2;23.4.:38.5;etc.	5
fu	«	Spiwat	500a	5 57/2	not	13.4:14.3:41.2,5,6: 42.2:62.3,4,6	9
fu	ft	*b'jük	935a	6 9/4	crouch, hide	13.3	1
fü	?	*p'iug	1233a	7 39/4	capture, (reliable)	5.8;6.8:8.1:9.4,5; 11.3,4;14.5;etc.	42
fü		*p'S«at	580h	8 64/5	scrape, brush	27.2,3,5	3
fü	i			8 148/4	knee decorations	==> fü g	
fü	ff	*p'jug	1233J	9 9/7	captive	-> fü %	
- 5 -
458
fü	*		588k   9 148/5	head ornaneni	63.2	1
fü	&		276k 11 128/5	kneeshields	47.2,5	2
fü	I	tpiuk	933d 13 113/9	Blessings	11.3:35.2:48.3;63.5	4
fü	i	*piuk	933j 16 159/9	spoke	9.3	1
fu	#		182h   8 69/4	axe	56.4:57.6	2
fu	i	*bi wo	182v 14 159/7	jaw, cheeks	31.6:52.5	c
fü	X	$V jwo	182a   4 88/0	father	18.1,3,4.5	4
fu	1	*b'jug	1800a 9 154/2	hear, carry	38.6:48.3	2
fü	i	*h'jüg	1001a 11 38/8	wife	4.2;9.6:28.5:32.5;	8
					37.3:53.3,5:63.2	
fü	a	*pjüg	933r 12 40/9	rich	9.5;11.4:15.5:37.4	4
fü	9	*!>' jSk	1034a 12 60/9	return	6.4:9.1,2:11.3,6;	17
					24.0,l,2,3.4,5;etc.	
fü	1	Jpjok	1034h 13 130/9	Kelly	36.4	1
fü	i	ibidk	1034g 16 159/9	axle-brace	26.2:34.4	2
fü		*b' iu	136q 16 195/5	silver carp	48.2	1
fü		*p'iok	1034« 18 146/13 overiurn		58.4	* i
					also -r) fü i|	
gai	a	*kog	936a   7 66/3	change	48.8:49.4	3
gän	T T	*kan	139a   3 51/0	riverhank	53.1	1
gän		*ka.	606a   5 99/0	sweet	19.3:68.5	2
gän	i	*kän	140c 11 5/18	drg	21.4,5	2
					also ") qiän ^	
gan	ff	*kan	140a 13 51/10	ste«	18.1,2,3,5	4
gäo		*kog	1129a 10 189/0	high	13.3:18.6:48.6:63.3	4
gäo		*kog	1129i 14 130/10 fat »eat		3.5:58.3	2
gao	□	*kÖg	1039a 7 30/4	report	4.8:11.6:42.3,4;	6
					43.8	
ge	Ii	*k!	lg    14 76/10	sing	38.3:61.3	2
ge	T	*kek	931a   9 177/0	rawhide	33.2;49.8,1,2,3,6;	7
					50.3	
ge	I	*kät	313i 13 140/9	kudzu vine	47.6	1
gen	R	fkan	416a   6 138/0	cleave(?), (resist)	52.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	7
- 6 -
459
geng	i*	*kang	746a	8 53/5	7th heavenlg stem	57.5	2
geng	s; lit	*keng	888a	18 127/4	to plow	25.2	1
gong		*kung	1173a	4 12/2	duke, lord	14.3:48.6:42.3,4; 58.4:62.5	6
gong		íkung	1172J	5 19/3	accomplishments	17.1	1
gong	•ň "V,	íkung	1172e	7 66/3	attack	13.4	1
gong	E	Skwong	887f	8 138/4	arm	55.3	1
gong		íkjông	1886a	18 48/7	house, hall	23,5:47.3	2
gong	B	íkjông	1886f 18 158/3		hodg	4.3.;39.2;51.6;59.3	4
gong	1	*kiung	1172c'15 177/6		hind	49.1	1
gôu		*ku	112e	9 38/6	interlock, meet	44.8,6	2
gôu	1	Iku	189e	13 38/18	mating, match	3.2,4:22.4:38.6; 51.6	5
gu	M	*k«o	41c	8 39/5	solitary	38.4.6	2
gu	§	*kuk	1282a	7 158/8	valley	47.1:48.2	2
V gu	S	tko	51a	8 138/4	thigh	31.3:36.2	2
V gu	M	Sko	58a	13 65/9	drum	38.3:61.3	2
V gu		tko	52a	23 142/17	pestilence, poison	18.8,1,2,3,4.5	6
	1	*ko	49i	9 66/5	cause	39.2	1
gu	A* tô	*kôk	1839k 11 75/7		manacles	4.1	i
gu		*kôk	18391 11 93/7		hobble	26.4	1
guä	S	*kwá	41a	5 97/8	melon	44.5	1
guái		Skwad	312a	4 37/1	split, lickety-split 18.5:43.8,3,5		6
guän		Skwán	157a	8 48/5	lodging-house	17.1	1
guän	1	íkwán	158i	25 147/18	observe	28.8,1,2,3,4,5,6; 27.8,1	9
guän		Skwán	157k	16 184/8	lodging-house	—} guán g'	
guän	i	Skwán	159a	11 154/4	string together	23.5	1
guán	ft M	$kwán	161a	15 188/18 lave, lustrate, wash 28.8			1
guang \		Skwáng	786a	6 18/4	hrilliance	5.8:28.4:64.5	3
guí	±.	*ki«eg	879a	6 32/3	ceremonial tablet	42.3	i
guT	i	*k;w3g	985a	17 213/8	turtle	27.1:41.5:42.2	3
gul	1	íkjwar	578a	18 77/14	send in marriage	6.2;11.5;53.8;	18
-7 -
460
54.8,1,3,4,5
guí	Ä	íkjwar	569a	18 194/8	Gui trite, ghost	38.6;63.3;64.4	3
gul	ft	íkiwag	987a	11 79/7	tureen	==> ff»" jt	
gui		íkiwag	986a	17 188/12 tureen		29.4:41.8	2
guó	i	*kwak	9298p 11 31/8		state, country	7.6:15.6:28.4:24.6;	5
						42.4	
guo	m	*klwár	351a	8 75/4	fruit	23.6	1
guó	Ü	Ikuá	13e	12 162/9	pass	28.8,6;62.8,2,3,4,6	7
hái	o	%'ad	314a	18 48/7	Kara	14.1	1
Kán	i	*g'aa	6511'	7 38/4	hold in aouth	2.3:44.5	2
Kán	f	*g' án	143a	12 48/9	cold	48.5	1
Kán		*g'án	139Í	6 85/3	sweat	59.5	1
Kán	i	*g'an	148f	16 124/18 «ing		22.4:61.6	2
Káng	ÍŤ	*g'ang	748a	6 144/8	road	—> xmg fj	
Káo	S	%' off	1841q 13 141/7		cry out, weep	13.5;43.8,2,6;45.1;	7
						56.6:59.5	
Káo	if		1844a	6 38/3	fine, attractive	33.4:61.2	2
Káo	i			13 141/7		=-) Káo 5I	
Ké		Ig a	lf	7 9/5	what?, hear	9.1:17.4:21.6:26.6: 38.5	5
Ké		<g'á	lg	8 85/5	He (Vellow) River	11.2	1
Ké		±   t A *g wa	3e	8 38/5	haraonious, respond	58.1:61.2	2
Ké	i	Ig'a	3i3a	9 73/5	what?, how?	41.8	1
Ké	*	*g'ap	642n	18 188/5	why not?	16.4	1.
Kě				7 9/5	carry, hear	"> hé fl	
Kě		tg'á	lo	11 148/7	carry, hear	==> hé,(hě)	
Kě				8 38/5	Karaonize, respond	==> hé ?ö	
Kě	i	*Xák	1129x	13 38/18	sound of sighing	37.3	2
Kě	SI	*g'lk	1117L 21 196/18		crane	61.2	1
Kěng	ta 7	*Xang	716b	7 8/5	offering, success	1.8;2.B:3.8;etc. also r=) xiáng -?.	47
Kéng		*g'ang	881d	9 61/6	long tiae	5.1;16.5;32.8,1,3, 5,6:42.6	8
-8-
461
heng	i			9 61/6	long tine	==> heng \J_	
Kong		*g'ung	1172g' 17 196/6		wild goose	53.1,2,3,4,5,6	6
hou	i	*g'u	113a	9 9/7	lord, archer	3.8,1:16.8:18.6; 35.8	5
hou	I	*g'u	115a	9 68/6	later	2.8;8.8;12.6:13.5; 18.8;36.6;38.6;etc.	18
Ku	%	Sg'wo	41K	8 57/5	how	38.6	2
M		tg'wo	41 i	8 94/5	fox	48.2:64.8 also ==> gu	2
Ku	«	*Xo	57K	8 141/2	tiger	18.4;27.4;49.5	3
Ku	J3	*g' o	53a	4 63/8	door	6.2;55.6;68.1	3
hua	I	*g wa	44a	11 148/7	flower	28.5	1
Kuai	i	*g' wer	688a	19 61/16	carry, hold	56.2	1
Kuan	I	Sg'wan	164f	18 75/6	around	3.1	1
Kuan	'4	*X"an	167K	12 85/9	gush, splash	59.8,2,3,4,b,6	8
huang £		*X»«ang	742e'	18 148/6	hollow, dried~out	11.2	1
huang	it «	*g'wang	787a	12 281/8	yellow, brown	2.5,6;21.5.;38.2; 33.2:48.2:49.1:58.5	8
Kuang j§		*g'wang	788j	12 178/9	(waterless) noat	11.6	1
Kul	s	*X*ia	271	12 64/9	to tear, display	15.4	1
hui	f	$X»J3r	584K	14 68/11	three-strand braid	29.6	1
hui	•	*X»wag	947s	18 61/7	trouble	1.6:13.6:16.3:18.3: 34	
						24.1,5;31.4,5;etc.	
Kui	*	lg'iwod	533K	8 72/4	copular particle	==> hui |	
Kui		*x»«ag	947t	11 72/7	dark	36.6	1
Kui	s	%' iwad	533d	12 61/8	copular part., favor	42.5	2
Kui		%;wad	534a	14 58/18	roots	11.1;12.1	2
bun	1		457«	11 38/8	■arriage	3.2,4;22.4;38.6; 51.6	5
Kud	*	Igiwak	929a	8 62/4	some	1.4;2.3;6.3,6.;7.3; 25.3:32.2;41.5;etc.	16
hud	I	*g'wak	784d	17 94/14	catch	17.4;38.6;36.4;	7
48.2,6:52.8:57.4
- 9 -
462
huö	Ü	*g'wak	784h	19 115/14 harvest	25.2	1
ji		*kier	682c	6 75/2    low table	59.2	1
ji		*kiar	547a	12 52/9 alaost	3.3;9.6;54.5:61.4	4
ji		*kjog	952f	14 118/8  winnowing basket	36.5	1
ji	I	*kiek	854h	17 64/14 strike	4.6;42.6	2
ji	#	$tsiar	593u	21 154/14 sigh, bring (?)	45.6	1
ji		*tsiar	593p	21 157/14 cliab	51.2	1
Ji		*gJ3P	681a	4 29/2 reach	62.2	1
Ji	± o	*kiet	393a	6 38/3 auspicious	1.7;2.8,5;3.4,5:	147
					4.2.5;5.B,2,5,6;etc.	
• f Ji		*kjap	681h	7 85/4    draw water	48.3	1
Ji	1	»tsjet	399a	8 26/6    approach, cone to	3.3;6.4;43.8:58.2; 56.2	5
■ / Ji	1	JdV igt	494a	18 184/5  illness, hurriedly	16.5;24.8;25.5; 33.3;36.3:41.4:etc.	9
	8	*kiak	911a	12 75/4 thorns	29.6	1
Ji	I	*dz' jot	494d	14 148/18 Tribulus vine (jili) 47.3		1
.v JI	E	*kjag	953a	3 49/8 self	26.1 also--/si r, gi ^	1
JI	R	$kjad	515c	11 71/7 alreadg	9.6;19.3;29.5;63.8J	5
ji	s	fctsjad	337a	11 113/6 sacrifice	47.5;63.5	2
ji		itsiar	593o	17 85/14  cross stream	63.8:64.8,3	4
ji	*			12 128/13 tie	==> xi f	
jiä	i	*kt	32a	18 48/7    faaily, heme	4.2;7.6i26.8;37.B, 1,3,4,5:41.6:55.6	18
jiä	i	*ka	15g	14 38/11 celebration	17.5:38.6:33.5	3
jia		tkiap	638h	16 181/7 jowls	31.6	1
jia	i	Jkap	629a	5 182/8  1st heavenly branch	18.8	2
Jia	i	*kä	33c	11 9/9     go to	37.5:45.8:55.8:59.8	4
jiän	s	$dz' ian	155a	8 62/4 «eager	22.5	2
jiän		Skien	368c	11 32/8    solid, fira	2.1	1
jiän	I	*ken	488c	17 138/11 hardship	11.3:14.1:21.4;	6
26.3;34.6;36.8
- 18 -
463
jian		*kjan	143f	17 157/18 hobble, stuable		39.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	3
jián	%	*kian	241a	7 147/8	see	1.2,5,7;4.3;6.8; 18.4:38.1,3,6;etc.	21
jián		Ski an	249a	8 54/6	establish	3.8,1:16.8	3
jián	1	XďV i a"	618f	14 85/11	advance, aoisten	53.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	7
jián		ÍÍSÍ9H	477a	18 148/14	offer in sacrifice	28.8	1
jiao	1	*kog	1166a	6 8/4	crossed, fetters	14.1,5.17.1:38.4	4
jiao	f	*kog	1166n	9 63/3	suburban altar	5.1:9.8:13.6:62.5	4
jiao	i	*kuk	1225a	7 148/8	horns	34.3;35.6.;44.6	3
jiáo	«	*kog	1166i 18 75/6		stocks, foot~fetters	21.1,6	2
						also —} jiao j£	
jiě	s	*tsjap	635e	11 64/8	in contact, receive	35.8	1
jiě	i	*ker	599d	12 178/9	stairs	46.5	1
jiě	of	Itsja	5n	13 38/18	sighing sound	38.3,5;45.3;68.3	4
• ■ * Jie		ttsiet	399e	14 118/8	joint, moderation	68.8,3,4,5,6	6
Jie	s	*kěg	861a	13 148/6	untie, loosen	48.8,4,5	3
jiě	ft	*kad	327a	4 9/2	hound up, great	16.2;35.2;58.4	3
Jie		*keg	998a	7 62/3	cautious	11.4:62.4:63.4	3
Jie		*keg	998c	14 149/7	warn	8.5	1
Jie	i	*dz'jag	798b'	18 148/14	offering aat	28.1	i
jín		*kj3»	652a	8 167/8	•etal	4.3;21.4,5;44.1; 47.4;58.5	6
jin	2z B	ítsjěn	378a	18 72/6	advance	35.8,1,2,4,6	5
jin	i	ítsjěn	379a	11 162/8	advance	28.3:57.1	2
jíng	1	tkieng	831c	13 128/7	shank, warp	27.2,5	2
jíng	X	íkiěng	813g	24 187/12 frighten		51.8	1
jíng	#	ítsjěng	819a	4 7/2	well	48.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	12
jing	t	*kiěng	813a	13 66/9	respect	5.6:38.1	2
.. v	i	*kiug	992a	2 5/1	nine	51.2	1
.. v Jiu		ítsjog	1896k 18 164/3		1iquor	5.5:29.4:47.2:64.6	4
jiu		*   T ■ A *g iog	1868a	8 38/5	■isfortune	1.3,4;2.4;5.1;7.8, 188	
						2.4,5:8.8,1:9.l;etc.	
		ídz' jog	1893a	12 43/9	go_around, approach	49.3	1
-11 -
464
	I	% iug	1867c	18 134/12	! oia	6.3:48,1	2
jö		*kio	49c'	8 44/5	dwell	3.1:17.3:27.5:31.2;	6
						49.6:59.5	
jü	&	íkju	188p	8 64/5	grab	17.6	1
jö	i			12 157/5	bard-going	--> qie U	
• V		*kiwag	383f	16 64/13	grasp	47.3	1
jü	*	*kliu	123q	17 44/14	wear on feet	21.1	1
jué		íkiwat	312i>	7 85/4	break, rupture	34.4	1
						also —} guái £	
jué				7 148/8		==> jiao {§	
jué	i	*kuk	11 75/7		rafter	53.4	1
jué	fit	íkiwat	381a	12 27/18	their, his, its_	14.5:38.5	2
jué	53,	Stsiok	1121a	17 87/13	beaker	61.2	1
jué	f	Skjwak	778a	28 189/15 glancing anxiously		51.6	2
jün		Skiwsn	459a	7 38/4	ruler, noble	1.3;2.8;3.3;7.6;	26
						9.6;18.3;12.8;etc.	
jun	8	ísjwan	468a'	18 85/7	Xun deep, to dredge	32.1	1
käi	B	*k'3r	541a	12 169/4	establish, open	7.6	1
kan	flí	*k'3«	624a	7 32/4	Pitfall	29.8,1,2,3,5	8
kán		*k' án	139p	9 144/3	honking sound	53.2	2
käng	f	ík'ang	746h	11 53/8	tranquil, a nane	35.8	1
káng	jí	ík'ang	698a	4 8/2	gully, haughty	1.6	1
kao		*k'6g	mu	6 125/2	inspect, father	18.6:18.1	2
kě		*k'a	la	5 38/2	can, satisfactory	2.3;18.2:25.4:27.5; 12	
						36.3;41.8;48.3;etc.	
kě		*k'ok	983a	7 18/5	can, conquer	4.2;6.2,4:13.4,5;	18
						14.3.;24.6;41.5;etc.	
kě	f	*k'lak	766á'	9 48/6	guest	5.6	1
kě	«	*g'ap	642p	13 38/18	crunch	21.8	1
kou	D	*k'u	118a	3 38/8	aouth	27.8	1
kou	I	*k'u	lila	11 48/8	bandit	3.2;4.6;5.3;22.4;	8
						38.6:48.3:53.3	
ku	ti	*k'o	49t	9 75/5	withered	28.2,5	2
- 12 -
465
ku g Ik'o 4%    9 148/5 bitter                6.8,6 2
kuái !$ *k'wad 3121c    7 61/4    pleased                   52.2,4 2
kuang| tk'jwang 739v  12 118/6  basket                    54.6 1
kul § *k' iwěg 875c  16 116/11 peep ==> kul |
kul § Ik' wia 28a    17 141/11 da«age                    58.3 1
kul H *k' iwěg 875d 19 169/11 peek                  28.2:55.6 2
kuí ||j *k' iweg 879b   8 18/6   stab                    54.6 1
kuí $k' i war 685i  14 189/9 to sight               38.8,4,6 3
kui ffj %'iwed 5481  28 184/12 present food           37.2 1
kun $ *k'wan 421a    8 32/5    na>e of 2nd hexagram 2.8 1
kun g *k'wan 428a    7 31/4    bother, surround      4.4:47.8,1,2,3,4, 8
5,6
kuó £ íkwát 382h   9 64/6   tie, bind             2.4 1
lá | 12 138/8  dried »eat ==> xl §
lái ft *lag 944a    8 9/6     come, bring             5.6:8.8,1:11.8; 25
12.8:24.8:29.3;etc.
láo fj1 *log 1135a 12 19/18  work, deeds             15.3 1
lao £ *lfi5 1055a  6 125/8  old                        28.2,5 2
léi | ílwia 14c   19 123/13 damage, tie, thin     34.3,4:44.1:48.8 4
lei H *liwar 577g  19 148/15 Uitis flexuosa vine  47.6 1
lí f *liar 5191   16 148/12 Tribulus vine (jíli) 47.3 1
lí 8 *lia 23f   18 172/18 kind of bird          12.4:38.8,2,3:62.6 5
lí i íliag 978a    7 166/8   li, league, aP.588m. 51.8 1
li Ď MšaP 694a    5 117/8   set up, stand           42.6 1
li 3 íliad 519a    7 18/5    favorable               1.8,2,5:2.8,2,7; 119
3.8,l,4;4.8,l,3:etc.
li § íljad 348a  15 27/13  threat, threatening  1.3;6.3;9.6;18.5; 27
18.1:21.5:24.3;etc.
lián | *lian 213a  18 162/7   to cart                   39.4 1
lián | ilian 213b   13 85/18   in strea.s               3.6 1
liáng | *liang 735a    7 138/1   fine, good               26.3;54.5 2
lie Jlj *liat 291a    6 18/4    rend, tear               52.3 1
lie % *liat 281c    9 85/6    limpid, clear          48.5 1
- 13 -
466
lin	n	Igliam	655a	8 7/4	forest	3.3	1
lin	i	íl jen	387i	16 163/13	neighbor	9.5:11.4:15.5:51.6: 63.5	r 0
lin		íbljan	669e	17 131/11	oversee (sacrifice)	19.8,1,2,3,4,5,6	7
lin	□	íaljan	475t	7 38/4	distress, arduous	3.3:4.1,4:11.6; 13.2;18.4;28.1;etc.	28
ling		íljang	898c	11 178/8	hill, Bound	13.3;51.2:53.5	3
ling	£§	íl i eng	836i	24 173/16 nininous, spiritual		27.1	1
long		*gljông	1815f 12 178/9		bulge upward, high	28.4	1
long		*liung	1193a	16 212/8	dragon	1.1.2.5,6,7:2.6	6
lou	:■■»	ílu	128a	14 85/11	leak	48.2	1
lu	i	ílio	69q	19 53/16	hut	23.6	1
lu	i	íl iok	1832f 11 178/8		land	43.5:53.3,6	3
lu		*luk	1289a	11 198/8	deer	3.2	1
10	I	%lio	77a	18 78/6	travel, traveller	56.8,1,2,3,4,6	7
lu	1	íl i or	562a	15 44/12	step on, shoes	2.1;18.8,1,2,3,4,5, 11	
						6:38.1:54.1	
lu		»bljwat	582c	9 68/6	ranks, discipline	7.1	1
luan	f	íhljwan	178n	23 64/19	truss, tie together	9.5:61.5	2
luan	iL	Slwán	188c	13 5/12	disorderly, a «ess	45.1:63.8	2
lun		íl iwan	478f	15 159/8	wheel	63.1:64.2	2
v ma		íná	48a	18 187/8	horse	2.8;3.2,4,6;22.4; 26.3;35.8;36.2;etc.	11
■ang	S	Sawáng	789a	11 148/7	weeds	13.3	1
oao	?	Snog	UB9c	9 148/5	cogongrass	11.1;12.1;28.1	3
■ei	I	Snwag	947»	11 138/7	spinal flesh	31.5	1
■ei			531k	8 38/5	daughter, young girl	11.5:54.8,1,3,4,5	6
■ei		SlWad	531?	8 85/5	dark spot, Hei star? 55.3		1
■ei		$>iad	312a	9 145/4	sleeves	54.5	2
■en	n	Sawan	441a	8 169/8	door, gate	13.1:17.1:36.4;68.2	4
■eng	m m	*»jang	768e	13 188/8	covenant	==> «ing Of]	
■eng		Saung	1181a	14 148/18	cover, dodder	4.8,1,2,4,5,6	8
■i	i	Saiar	598e	Q 7 IOĺ'Ú	lose way	2.8:24.6	2
- 14 -
467
mi	1ST Hi	*aia	17K	19 175/11 to eapty, share		61.2	1
«i	«? Üi	*wiet	485Pq 18 48/7		dense	9.8:62.5	2
nian	£	*ajan	223a	9 176/8	face	49.6	1
aiao		lajog	1158a	i 9 189/4	feeble-sighted	18.3:54.2	2
miäo		*ajog	1168a	i 15 53/12	teaple	45.8	1
nie		Sajat	294b	13 85/18	destroy, iaaerse	21.1,2,6:28.6	4
mie		»aiat	311a	15 148/11 exorcisa		23.1,2	c
aing		•fajang	768a	8 72/4	bright, covenant	17.4:36.8.1,2.3.4. 5,6:48.3	9
aing	1	3a i eng	841a	9 14/7	blind, dark	16.6;46.6	2
aing	i	$ajeng	827a	14 38/11	aniaal's call	15.2,6:16.1:61.2	4
aing	*	*ajäng	762a	8 38/5	coaaand, charge	6.4;7.2,6;11.6; 12.4:49.4:56.5	7
BÖ		tnak	882a	11 148/7	none	33.2;42.6;43.2;53.5	4
aö	is m	taak	984f	21 128/15 black cord		29.6	1
v au	fi	*aag	947a	5 88/8	aother	18.2:35.2	c
v au	n	*aag	947g	8 64/5	big toe, thuab	31.1:48.4	2
au		«auk	1212a	4 75/8	tree	47.1:53.4	2
aü	§	*aiök	1836a	5 189/8	eye	9.3	1
au	I	$aäk	882o	14 148/18	cover	48.6	1
au	i	*aäg	382a	15 148/11 evening		—} aö If	
na		Snap	695h	18 128/4	bring in	4.2.;29.V	2
nai		*nag	945a	2 4/1	then, and	3.2;17.6;45.1,2; 46.2;47.5;49.3,2	9
nän		$naa	658a	9 24/7	south	2.8:36.3:39.8:48.8; 46.8	5
näng	i	$näng	7381	21 38/19	pouch, bag	2.4	1
näo	fi	*nog	1164s	15 64/12	sag, bend	28.8 also "/ rko |^	1
nao	I		1164p 16 75/12		sag, bend	--\    #       i*         / J* ~/rao ff ,nao a%	
nei	A	Snwab	695e	4 U/2	inside	8.2	1
neng	t	*nag	885a	18 138/6	can	18.3;34.6;5e.2: 54.1.2	7
- 15 -
468
ni		*nior	563d	8 85/5	■ud, be aired	5.3:48.1:51.4	3
v ni	i	$njar	563c	9 75/5	spindle, brake	44.1	1
nian		allien	364a	6 51/3	gear	3.2:24.6:27.3:63.3; 64.4	5
niao	m	fctiog	1116a	11 196/8	bird	56.6:62.8,1,6	4
nie	II	Jngiat	285d	16 132/18	stuap, stake	47.6	1
ning	-*?	*nieng	837a	14 48/11	peaceful	8.8:58.4	2
niu		*ngjug	998a	4 93/8	bovine	25.3:26.4;38.8: 33.2;38.3;49.1.:etc.	8
nu		*nio	94?	11 145/6	silk floss	63.4	1
nu	t	*njo	94a	3 38/8	■aiden	3.2:4.3:28.2:28.2; 31.8;37.8;44.8;etc.	18
pan	s	tb'wan	182e	15 188/18 turning		z=y pan H	
pan	32 -fa	*b'wan	182g	15 112/18 boulder, turning		3.1;53.2	2
pan	♦	$b' wan	1821	19 177/18	rawhide belt	6.6	1
pei	>§	tp'wad	581f	7 85/4	covering, veil	55.3	1
pei	E	Sp'wad	514a	18 164/3	consort	55.1	1
peng	1	*b' ang	886a	8 74/4	friend, cowrg string 2.8:11.2,16.4:24.8; 18		
						31.4;39.5;48.4;etc.	
peng	±<	ft' ang	758a	12 59/9	kind of sacrifice	14.4	1
V pi	PC	$p'iet	488a	4 23/2	one of horse pair	61.4	1
V pi		*pjasr	999e	7 38/4	bad, not	7.1:12.8,2,5,6; 33.4:58.1	8
pian	if	*p'i^n	246k	15 124/9	flutter	11.4	1
pin		ft'ien	398a	16 181/7	repeatedly	24.3;57.3	2
V pin	□ on	*p'lJ3»	669a	9 38/6	kind, variety	57.4	1
pin	ft	ft' j en	566i	6 93/2	feaale aniaal, cow	2.8:38.8	2
ping	¥	ft' jeng	825a	5 51/2	level	11.3;29.5	2
ping	I	ft' i eng	824j	11 98/6	earthen jar	48.8	1
ping		ft' iang	899d	12 187/2	ford, wade	11.2	1
po	i	ft' war	195r	17 186/12	white	•22.4	1
pu	1	ft'uk	1218b 14 9/12		slave	56.2,3	2
	t	*ts'iei	488a	2 1/1	seven	24.8;51.2;63.2	3
- 16 -
469
qi		its'iar	592a	8 38/5	wife	9.3:28.2:47.3	3
qí	* I	íts'iök	1831f 11 62/7		grieved	38.5	1
qi	1	ig'Í39	952k	12 74/8	period	54.4	1
qí	*	*g'ieg	864b	7 46/4	(ilount) Qi	46.4	1
qí	Ä	íkiog	952a	8 12/6	their, his, its, tht	5 2.6:3.5:6.2:9.1,5; 118	
						18.6;ll.l,3,4;etc.	
v qi	I	ik'iog	9531	7 75/3	purple willou	44.5	1
v qi		*k'jag	953r	18 156/3	rise	44.4	1
qi	V.L. )Z	*Xi3t	517j	6 85/3	up to, dried up	48.8:64.8	2
qi	)Í	»k'liop	694b	8 85/5	weep	3.6;61.3	2
qi	i	ik'jed	535a	12 75/8	abandon	38.4	1
qiän	f	ik' i en	366k	11 93/7	lead (aniaal)	9.2:43.4	2
qiän		ik' i an	197b	13 61/9	exceed	54.4	1
qiän	1	its'ian	286c	14 162/11	aove	42.4	1
qiän	i	ik'liaa	627f	17 149/18 haaster, bubble		15.8,1,2,3,4,6	7
qián	S!	idz'ian	245a	9 18/7	ahead, front	8.5;43.1	2
qián		ig'ian	148c	11 5/18	vigorous appearance	1.8,3	3
						also ==) gán |?	
qián	I	idz'iea	668	15 85/12	subaerged	1.1	1
qiäng }J£		idz'jang 727g		8 62/4	kill, injure	62.3	1
						also —/ zhuáng jjf	
. v qie	1	Xts'ja	46a	• 5 1/4	and	29.3;38.3;48.3;	5
						43.4:44.3	
qiě	Ä X	*ts'jap	635a	8 38/5	feaale bondservant	33.3;58.1	2
qín	ÍY	its'J9B	661c	9 9/7	invade	15.5	1
qín	&	ig'ioa	651j	13 114/8	gaae (aniaal)	7.5;8.5:32.4:48.1	4
qing	i	ik'iweng 828b		13 9/11	short tiae	12.6	1
qing	f	ik'jang	753a	15 61/11	rejoice	55.5	1
qiü	t	ik' jug	994a	5 1/4	aound, hill	22.5;27.2:59.4	3
qiu	ill	ig íog	992p	4 9/2	aate, eneay	") chóu \\[	
qiú	f	ig íog	1866a	7 85/2	seek	3.4:4.8:17.3:27.8;	6
						29.2	
qiu	if	ig iug	992e	11 181/2	cheekbone	43.3	1
- 17 -
470
qu	1	Ik'iu	122c	21 187/11 drive horses		8.5	1
qu	*	Ig'jwo	96d	24 144/18 main road		26.6	1
V qu	1	Its'ju	131a	8 29/6	take, take a wife	4.3:31.8:44.8:56.1; 62.5	5
V qu	?	Its'ju	131e	11 38/8	take a wife	==> qu §	
qu	+	Ik'jab	642a	5 28/3	renove	9.4:59.6	2
qu	i	Ik'iwek	868a	17 169/9	quiet, deserted	55.6	1
quan		Idz'jwan 237a		9 85/5	(well-)spring	48.5	1
qun	•33-m	Ig'iwan	459d	13 123/7	group	1.7;59.4	2
ran	«	Inian	217a	12 86/8	adv. suffix, -like	38.1	1
rao	a	In jog	1164P 16 75/12		sag, hend	28.3	1
						also ==) nao |?	
ren	i	Inien	388a	2 9/8	■an, people	1.2,5:4.1;5.6-6.8, 2;7.B,6;8.3,5:etc.	55
n	B	In jet	484a	4 72/8	day, sun	1.3:16.2;18.8:24.8; 19	
						38.3:35.8:36.l;etc.	
rong	-6 ft	Injong	1813a	6 62/2	war-chariot,violence	13.3:43.8,2	3
rou		Injok	1833a	6 138/8	■eat	21.3,5	2
ru	to	Inio	94g	6 38/3	adv. suffix, -like	3.2,3,4,6:9.5:14.5; 31	
						22.3,4:38.4;etc.	
ru	5	Inio	94r	18 148/6	shoots	11.1:12.1	2
ru		Iriju	134f	17 85/13	wet, voisten	22.3;43.3;63.1,6; 64.8,1,6	7
ru		Iriju	134t	28 128/14 jacket, thin silk		63.4	1
ru		In jap	695a	2 18/8	enter	3.3:5.6:24.8;29.1,	9
						3;36.4,6:47.1,3	
ruo		Irijak	777a	9 148/5	adv. suffix, -like	1.3:28.8:38.5;43.3: 18	
						45.1;55.2.;57.2:6B.3	
san	—	Isa»	648a	3 1/2	three	4.8;5.6;6.2,6;7.2; 8.5;13.3.:18.8;etc.	23
sang	*	I sang	784a	18 75/6	■ulterry	12.5	1
sang		I sang	785a	12 38/9	lose	2.8;34.5.;38.1;48.8; 11	
51.8,2,5:56.3,6;etc.
- 18 -
471
se sf	»sak	988a	13 48/18	block, stop up	58.3	1
shä }j>	»sa	16a	7 85/4	sand	5.2	1
shä g	»sät	3i9a	18 79/6	kill	63.5	1
shän ijj	*san	193a	3 46/8	mountain	17.6:46.4	2
shäng jgj	*siang	734a	11 38/8	reward	58.4	1
shang ||	»sjang	725n	15 154/8	reward	64.4	1
					also —) shang ja	
shäng _h	»diang	726a	3 1/2	top, above, go up	48.6	1
shang §	Sdiang	725a	8 42/5	still, reward	9.6:11.2:18.6:29.8;	6
					55.1;68.5	
she J	*d'jat	288a	6 135/8	tongue	31.6	1
she ^	*sia	48a	8 135/2	quit, abandon	3.3;22.1;27.1	3
she ^	*sja	48c	11 64/8	quit, abandon	=z) she ^	
she ^	*sia	48a	8 135/2		") she ^	
she |f	»djäg	887a	18 41/7	shoot	48.6;48i;56.5	3
she )^	Idjap	634a	18 85/7	wade across	5.8:6.8;13.8;15.1;	13
					18.8;26.8;27.5,etc.	
shen ||	*s;en	386a	7 158/8	womb, torso	52.8,4	2
sheng	Ssiang	897a	4 24/2	climb, rise	!3.3;46.8,1,3,5,6	6
sheng ^	»seng	812a	5 188/8	victim, to produce	28.3,5,6;28.2,5	5
sheng ||	»seng	812e	9 93/5	sacrificial victim	45.8	1
					also -:) sheng ^	
sheng ^	»sieng	812i	18 189/5	disaster	6.2:24.6:25.8,6;	6
					51.3,62.6	
sheng ^		895a	18 4/9	chariot	==> cheng %	
sheng $f	»sjang	893p	12 19/18	defeat, subdue	33.2:43.1:53.5	3
shi P	»sjar	561a	3 44/8	corpse	7.3,5	2
shl £	»sjet	482a	5 37/2	lose	8.5;17.2,3:35.5;	5
					64.6	
shi S	fsiar	559a	18 58/7	army	7.8,1,2,3,4,5:11.6: 11	
					13.5;15.6;16.8;24.6	
shi f	»djap	686a	2 24/8	ten	3.2:24.6:27.3:41.5;	5
42.2
- 19 -
472
shi		*diak	795a	5 112/8	rock	16.2;47.3	c
shi	a	*diak	921a	5 184/8	eat	5.5:6.3:11.3:23.6:	12
						26.8;36.1;47.2;etc.	
shi	Of	Xdjog	961z	18 72/6	tiae, season	54.4	1
shi		Id'jet	398a	15 48/12	contents, actual	27.8:58.2:54.6:63.5	4
shi			795h	18 288/5	a rodent (vole?)	35.4	1
shi	i	*sljag	975a	5 38/2	diviner, scribe	57.2	1
shi	$	*sjar	568a	5 111/8	arrow, (point)	21.4:48.2:56.5	3
shi	?	nCtsie	1238f	7 152/8	pig	26.5;38.6:44.1	3
shi	if	*sljag	975n	8 9/6	to cause	41.4	1
shi	! X	Jdz'iag	978a	3 33/8	young van, bachelor	28.5;54.6	2
shi		*d?'jag	971a	8 6/7	serve, service	2.3;6.1,3;18.6;	11
						38.8:41.1:42.3;etc.	
shi	B IE	*dieg	866a	9 72/5	this	62.6:64.6	2
shi	a	Id jar	553h	11 147/4	see, look	18.3,6:27.4:51.6;	5
						54.2	
shi	HI	*djad	336a	13 118/7	manipulate stalks	4.8:8.8	2
shi		*djad	336c	16 38/13	hite	21.8,2,3,4,5	6
shou	*	fsiog	1183a	6 66/2	take up	48.6	1
shou	s	*sjog	1182a	9 185/8	head	1.7;8.6;38.6;36.3;	6
						63.6:64.6	
shou		Jdjog	1885a	8 29/6	receive	35.2;48.3;63.5	3
shou	#	Jsjog	1899c	9 94/6	hunt	36.3	1
shu	ft	Is jo	92a	13 288/8	rodent	35.4	1
shu	*	Isjuk	1222a	7 75/3	bundle	22.5	1
shu	s	*siag	384a	11 53/8	■any	35.8	1
shuai	It	$sljwat	499a	9 58/6	coaaand	7.5	1
shuangf|		•tsjang	731g	17 173/9	frost	2.1	1
shuo	n	Ssiwat	324q	14 149/7	take off, cone off	4.1:9.3:26.2:33.2:	6
						38.6;47.5	
shuo		tdiak	795e	14 112/9	large	23.6:39.6	2
						also ZI) shi	
si	a	*sjag	973a	9 61/5	think	31.4:59.4	2
- 28 -
473
SI		isjeg	869a	12 69/8	Ibis, tben	48.4:56.1	2
v SI	¥	Is jar	558a	6 78/2	die	16.5:38.4	2
SI	P	idzjag	967a	3 49/8	6lb earthly branch	49.8,2	c
						aIso—>ji       yl £	
Si	l	idzjag	967d	7 113/3	sacrifice	47.2,5 also —) si £	2
song	52,	idzjung	1198b 11 149/4		dispute	6.8,2,4,5	4
su	s	tso	67c	28 148/16	rumbling sound	51.3	2
su		isjok	1838a	6 36/3	early	48.8	1
su		iso	68a	18 128/4	plain white	18.1	1
su	I	isuk	1222i	18 162/7	rapid, urge, invite	5.6	1
su	&	isag	769b	14 61/18	panicky appearance	18.4	2
su	$	isuk	1222k 15 184/7		stew	58.4	1
sul	I	Ssiwar	575v	17 172/9	though it be	55.1	1
SUI	SI	Sdzwia	llg	15 178/12	pursue, «arrow	17.8,3,4:31.3:52.2	5
sui		Sdziwad	526d	12 162/9	push through, then	34.6:37.2:51.4	3
sui	JJS. S	isiwad	346a	13 77/9	year	13.3:29.6:47.1; 53.5:55.6	5
sun		isniwan	467a	18 172/2	hawk	48.6	1
sun		J swan	435a	13 64/18	decrease	41.8,1,2,3,4,6	6
suo	*	isio	91a	8 63/4	that which, place	6.1;48.8;56.1;59.4	4
suo	f	isak	778a	18 128/4	sound of thunder	51.6	2
suo		iswa	13b	14 96/18	in tiny pieces	56.1	2
la	ft	if a	4c'	5 9/3	calamity, other	61.1	4 1
la		if a	4a	5 48/2	calamity	8.1:28.4	2
lai	f	if ad	316a	18 85/5	11th hexagram, great 11.8		1
lan	il	if an	149d	8 32/5	smooth appearance	18.2	2
iio	«	id' og	11451	9 38/6	wail	13.5;56.6	2
ti	il	id'i ar	591g	12 115/7	newly sprouted leaf	28.2	1
li		if iar	591.	18 85/7	tears	38.5;45.6	2
ti	1	if iek	8501	11 61/8	wary	1.3;6.8;9,4;43.2	4
li	i	if iek	856f	18 162/7	far	59.6	1
tian	.a.	il'i en	361a	4 37/1	sky, Heaven	1.5;14.3,6;26.6;	8
- 21 -
						36.6;38.3;44.5.:51.6	
tian	s	Id'ien	362a	5 182/8	field, hunt	1.2:7.5:32.4:48.2;	5
						57.4	
ting	I	Id'ieng	835h	18 53/7	court	36.4:43.8:52.8;	5
						68.1,2	
tong	1	Id'ung	1176a	6 38/3	gather (people)	13.8,1,2,5,6	5
tong	m	Id'ung	11880	12 117/7	pupil, youth, page	4.8,5;28.1;26.4;	7
						56.2,3	
to		It'wat	489a	9 116/5	sudden	38.4	1
to	a	Id'o	62e	18 68/7	walk	22.1	1
td	i	Id'o	82d'	13 32/18	■ud	38.6	1
tui		It'wad	512a	9 162/6	withdraw, hack up	28.3;34.6;57.1	3
tun		Id'wan	428a	11 152/4	young pig	61.8	1
						also —} dun j#	
tun	»	Id'wan	429c	17 138/13 buttocks		43.4:44.3:47.1	3
tuo	t			5 48/2	calaaity, other	--=> ts £	
tuo	H	It'wat	324.	11 138/7	take off, coae off	—) shuo	
tuo	Ml	Id't	4k	8 85/5	flowing	38.5	1
wai	*	Ingwad	322a	5 36/2	outside	8.4	1
wang	f	laiwang	742a	3 8/1	go away, disappear	11.2:12.5:31.4;	24
						32.2;34.4;35.3,etc.	
wang		Igjwang	739a	4 96/8	king	2.3;6.3;7.2;8.5:	19
						17.6:18.6:28.4;etc.	
wang	a	Igiwang	739k	8 68/5	go	2.8:3.8,3,4:4.1;	58
						18.1:11.8.3;etc.	
wang	B	laiwang	7421	8 122/3	not, no	34.3:35.1	2
wang	$	Imiwang	742g	6 38/3	expect, reckless	25.8,1,3,5,6	5
wang	1	laiwang	742a	11 74/7	full aoon	9.6;54.5;61.4	3
wei	I	I* jwar	574a	9 38/6	terrified, awesoae	14.5;37.6	2
wei	1	Idjwar	575n	11 61/8	initial particle	3.3	1
wei		Igwia	27a	12 87/6	hecoae	4.6:18.3:42.1,4;	8
						43.1;45.1;48.3;53.6	
wei		Igiwar	571d	13 162/18	oppose, disobey	41.5:42.2	2
- 22 -
475
wei	3E	*djwar	575o	14 128/8	tie up, a particle	17.6:29.8:35.6:48.5	4
wei	,1	fcniwar	583a	7 44/4	tail	18.8,3.4:33.1:63.1;	7
						64.8,1	
wei		tajwad	531a	5 75/1	not yet	48.8:49.5:58.4:	5
						64.8,3	
wei	ft	tgiwed	539a	7 9/5	(high) rank	45.5	1
wei	*	Jgiwad	342a	16 144/18 protect, good		26.3	1
wei	s	*giwad	342a	16 144/18 protect, good		==> #f	
wei	5B	$giwad	523d	16 149/9	say, Bean	62.6	1
wen	1	3aiwan	441f	14 128/6	hear	43.4	1
wen	B	taiwan	441g	11 38/3	ask	42.5	1
weng	I	I'ung	1184P 17 98/13		earthen vessel	48.2	1
v wo	8	*nga	2a	7 62/3	we, 1	4.8:9.8:28.3,5:	13
						27.1;42.5:48.3;etc.	
w6	1	*-uk	1284f 12 64/9		grasp, squeeze	45.1	1
wo	)l	*-uk	1284g 12 85/9		soaked, saeared	58.4	1
wu	$	$BJWO	185a	7 48/4	sorcerer	57.2	1
wu	1	*-uk	1284a	9 44/6	canopy	55.6	1
wu	i	$aiwo	186a	4 71/8	have no, without	1.3,4,7;2.2,3,etc. 159	
						also —} wit ||	
wu	□	*ngo	58f	7 38/4	I	61.2	1
wu	llll	*ajwo	183a	12 86/8	have no, without	3.3	1
						also -:) wu ^	
v wu	=£ ft	Saiwo	184a	8 77/4	ailitary	18.3:57.1	2
wu	11	Jajwat	583a	4 28/2	don't! (neg. iaper.	) 1.1;3.8;4.3.;7.6:	26
						11.3,6;16.4;etc.	
wu	Jtfe	Sngwat	487e	9 26/7	stuap, stake	47.6	1
wu	s			12 61/8	despise	-"--> e g	
xl		Sdziak	769a	3 36/8	night	1.3	1
xT	I	tsiar	594a	6 146/8	west	2.8:9.8:17.6:62.5	4
XI	8	tsjak	925a	18 61/6	rest, pause	46.6	1
xT	1	*siak	798g	12 138/8	dried seat	21.3	I
XI		*xiag	955e	15 38/12	sound of laughing	37.3	2
- 23 -
476
xl	28 S3	Isiek	858n	16 167/8	bestow (a reward)	6.6:7.2:35.?	
/ XI	m s	Idzjop	698a	il 1.24/5	double, duplicate	2.2:29.8.1	0
XI	C		955a	12 38/9	jog	12.6;25.5;41.4:58.4	4
XI	IT	Ikieg	876c	9 9/7	bind	17.2,3,6:29.6:33.3	5
						also —) xi ^	
XI	Ä	Ixjäk	787d	18 141/12 sound of thunder		51.8.1	4
XI		Ig'ieg	854J	19 128/13 tie		12.5:25.3:44.1	3
						also —> xi f|	
• r xia	8	Ig'a	33j	12 162/9	far	11.2	1
xiä	r	Ig'a	35a	3 1/2	beneath, go down	57.2,6:62.8	3
xiän	*	Isian	478a	6 18/4	at first, before	2.8:12.6:13.5:18.8;	7
						38.6:56.6:57.5	
xiän	Ä	Ige»	671a	9 38/6	cut off, salty	19.1,2;31.8,1,2,	8
						3,5,6	
xiän	ll	lg an	192a	12 169/4	barricade	26.3:37.1	2
xiän				28 197/9	salty	--> xian fl.	
xian	Pi	Ixliä»	613f	16 178/13 precipice, steep		29.2,3	2
xi an		Ixian	242a	23 181/14 girth, hright(?)		8.5	1
xian	1	Ig'en	416i	9 178/6	waist	52.3	1
xian	1	Ig' an	241K	11 148/7	kind of plant	43.5	1
xiäng |§		Isjang	731a	9 189/4	each other	13.5	1
xiäng ||		Idzjang	732n	18 113/6	omen	18.6	1
xiang	-r	IXJang	716a	8 8/6	treat, offering	41.8:42.2:47.2	3
						also ") heng j	
xiäng	i	Ig ung	1182s	9 49/6	lane	38.2	1
xiao	+	Is jog	1149a	3 42/8	s-all	3.5;5.2.;6.1;7.6;	32
						9.8;11.8;12.8,2:etc.	
xiäo		Is jog	1158a	18 118/4	laugh, smile	13.5;45.1;51.8,1;	5
						56.6	
xie	ii			6 143/8	blood	==> xue 1	
xie	>I	Isjai	3391	12 85/9	seep, pure?, dirty?	48.3	1
• v xie	8	± r v Ig eg	861a	13 148/6	untie, loosen	-"=> jil |	
xi n.	c	Is jam	663a	4 61/8	heart	29.8:36.4:42.5,6;	8
-24-
477
						48.3;52.2,3:56.4	
xin	li	*siěn	384a	9 9/7	reliable	43.4:47.8	2
xíng	n		889a	16 134/8	rise up, be aroused	13.3	1
xíng	«	*g'i eng	888b	6 18/4	punish	4.1 also —) xíng	1
xíng		*g'ang	748a	6 144/8	road, aobilize	11.2:15.6:16.8: 24.4,6;25.3,6:etc.	28
xíng	1	*g'i eng	888a	7 59/4	appearance, punish	58.4 also —) xíng Jfjj	1
xiöng |X|			1183a	4 17/2	oainous	3.5:6.8;7.1,3,5;	58
						8.8,6;9.6;18.3;etc.	
xiü	ft	*xiög	1878a	6 9/4	siop, happy	12.5:24.2	2
xiü	3Í a	*sn|6g	1876b 18 123/4		prepared Beat	12.3;32.3	2
xü			97u	8 189/3	staring, huge	16.3	1
xü		*XJo	78a	11 141/5	hill, ruin	46.3	1
xü		Isiu	133a	12 181/3	beard, elder sister	22.2:54.3	2
xü		ísniu	134a	13 173/6	get wet, wait	5.8,1,2,3,4,5	6
xü	m			28 128/14 ibin colored silk		--> ru $	
XÚ		ídzjo	82p	18 68/7	slowly	47.4,5	3
XU		$dzio	83b	7 53/4	(serial) order	52.5	1
xü	t	ísjwět	418e	9 61/6	worry	11.3;35.5;37.5; 43.2;45.1;46.8	6
XU	•27 a			18 182/5	nurture, keep, raise	==) chu jj|	
xuán	£	íg'iwen	366a	5 95/8	dark	2.6	A I
xuán	6	3dziwan	236a	11 78/7	return	18.6	1
xuán	ÍŽ	%' iwen	366e	13 167/5	carrying-bar	58.5,6	2
xué	rJ-i A	*g'iwet	489a	5 116/8	hole, curve	5.4,6:62.5	3
xuě	1	*Xiwet	418a	6 143/8	blood	2.6;3.6;5.4;9.4; 54.6:59.6	6
xün	1	*Xí«3n	461a	14 86/18	to saoke (aeat)	52.3	1
xún		Sdzjwěn	392a	6 72/2	ten-day week	55.1	1
Xún	»			18 85/7	Xun deep	--> jun $	
xún		$swan	433a	12 49/9	lay out offering	57.8,2,3,6	4
- 25 -
478
	TT T	*nga	37a	5 92/8	tusk, fang, tooth	26.5	1
V ua	18			11 38/8	sound of laughter	==> elg	
yan	5	tngjan	252	7 149/8	talk	5.2:6.1:7.5:36.1;	12
						43.4;47.8:49.3;etc.	
yan	■» as 1! II	J-ian	243a	16 86/12	at peace	61.1	1
gang		Sziang	732a	6 123/8	sheep, goat	34.3,5,6:43.4:54.6	5
gang	ft	tdjang	72Bj	12 64/9	display	43.8	1
gang	ft	Jdjang	72Bq	13 75/9	poplar	28.2,5	2
yao	3 TP	%iok	1125P 19 148/15 treat, take Medicine 25.5				1
ye		•tdia	831	11 166/4	open country	2.6;13.8	2
	*	•fzjad	338a	6 73/2	to trail, drag	38.3:63.1:64.2	3
ye	*	*zjag	88Bj	8 36/4	night	43.2	1
9l	—	*-iet	394a	1 1/8	one	38.6:41.3:45.1:56.5	5
91	*	*-i3r	55Ba	6 145/8	clothing, wear	63.4	1
91	is	1 • jar	55Bf	8 9/6	depend on	42.4	1
91		•fcdiar	551a	6 37/3	pheasant, wound	36.8,1,2,3,4,5;	9
						55.4:59.4	
91	t	tngia	21a	8 48/5	suitable	19.5;55.8	2
91		$di ar	551f	9 85/6	snot, nasal aucus	45.6	1
91	a	*ngjag	956a	14 183/9	doubt, hesitate	16.4:55.2	2
91	1	Sngia	2u	15 9/13	cereaony	53.6	1
91	MS 8	tgjwed	548b	15 162/12 leave Behind		11.2:62.8	2
91	|	*gJ39	968c	16 181/7	jaw	27.8,1,2,3,4,6	8
91	I	*-iet	585a	1 5/8	2nd heavenly stea	11.5:54.5	2
V 91	E	*zjag	977a	3 49/8	stop	41.1	1
						aiso —/ji f-, si £	
V 91	i.	*ziag	976b	5 9/3	by Beans of.with,for	4.1;7.1;9.5;11.1,4,	23
						5;12.1;14.2;17.4.;etc.	
91		*djak	918a	3 56/8	shoot string-arrow	62.5	1
91		•tzjak	888a	6 8/4	also	48.8	1
91	a E	%• jap	683a	7 163/8	town	6.2;8.5;11.6;15.6;	9
						25.3:35.6:43.8;etc.	
91	1	*die1t	858a	8 72/4	Yi (place naae)	34.5;56.6	2
- 26 -
479
yi		l-iěk	849a	18 188/5	increase	41.2,5,6;42.8,2,3,6	7
y i	I	*-i3g	957a	13 61/9	nodal particle	51.5	1
						also ==> yi jf	
yi	is	l-iak	957e	15 9/13	nodal particle	51.2	1
						also -;) yi g	
yi	JI	Ingied	537a	16 18/14	cut off nose	38.3:47.5	2
yi	ft	Ig; ak	954d	17 124/11 wing		36.1	1
gin	5	I-Í3B	653a	9 188/8	noise, sound	61.6:62.8	2
gin	t	l'ian	651y	11 178/8	shade	61.2	1
gin	*	Id i on	458K	14 36/11	spinal neat	52.3	1
gin	51	Id; en	371a	4 57/1	draw out	45.2:53.6	2
gin	ft	»•ja«	654a	12 184/4	drink	53.2:64.6	2
ging	I	Idí eng	815a	9 188/4	fill	8.1;29.5	2
gong		Idjung	1185z	14 32/11	wall	13.4:48.6	2
gong	I	Ingiung	124p	17 181/8	big-headed, great	28.8	1
gong	*	Igiwäng	764a	5 85/1	long-tern, prolong	2.7:6.1:8.8.; 22.3;	8
						42.2:45.5:52.1;62.4	
yông	ffl	Idjung	1185a	5 181/8	use	1.1;3.8;4.1,3:5.1;	56
						7.6;8.5;11.2,6;etc.	
yôu		Id jog	1877a	7 66/3	place/that-for which	2.8;3.8;4.3;14.2;	32
						19.3:22.8:23.8;etc.	
yöu	.A, S3	t-jog	1115c	9 52/6	dark, obscure	18.2;47.1;54.2	3
yôu	S	I-jog	1871a	15 61/11	grieve	19.3:55.8	2
you	á	Idiôg	1879a	4 182/8	draw (out)	16.4;27.6	2
you		%iSg	995e	4 29/2	f ri end	41.3	1
you	f	igjüg	995o	6 74/2	have, there be	1.6;2.8,3;3.B;4.3; 128	
						5.8,2,6;6.8,l;etc.	
you	H	Izjôg	1882a	15 91/il	window	29.4	1
you		igiug	995i	5 38/2	right	55.3	1
you		law	9951	9 113/5	divine help	14.6	1
gú	Ť	Igjwo	97a	3 7/1	at, to, in	2.6:3.3;5.1,2,3,4,	77
						5,6:18.3:11.2,3.etc.	
yú	a 11 u	Ingio	79a	11 195/8	fish	23.5:44.2,4:61.6	4
- 27 -
480
9<i	;%	ídiu	125h	12 85/9	change, fail	6.4:16.6.17.1	3
9Ú	1		5%	13 141/9	gamekeeper, anxious	►? 3.3:61.1	
	%	$djo	82f	12 182/7	U41 old field	25.2	4 1
m	%	■i . *zio	89j	17 159/18 cart		7.3,5:9.3:23.6;	8
						26.2,3:34.4:38.3	
v au	1	•tgjwo	98a	6 124/8	plumes	53.6	1
v au	i		188a	8 173/8	rain	9.8,6:38.6:43.3: 58.3:62.5	6
v au	s	*zió	89b	13 134/7	Kith	61.2	1
aü	1	íngjuk	1216a	5 96/1	jade	58.6	1
aü	Í-I n	UioV	1828a	8 138/4	give birth	53.3	1
aů	I			8 173/8	to rain	") yu jjjjj	
aü	a	*giuk	12B2d 11 76/7		desire	27.4	1
aü	9	*ngiu	124b	11 162/8	meet	13.5:21.3:38.2.4,6; 12 43.3:55.1,4:62.2.4,6	
aü		*gjug	1282b 12 145/7		ample, bathe	18.4;35.1	2
aü	I	íngiuk	1215a	14 94/11	sue	21.8	1
aü	s	Uio	83e	15 152/9	elephant	16.8,1.3,4,6	5
aü	3	íngio	68p	16 113/11 defend against		4.6;53.3	2
aü	i	*gi«et	587b	18 128/12	well-rope, bore	48.8	1
aü	1	tzjo	89i	28 149/13 honor, honored		2.4.:18.5;28.5:39.1;	6
						55.5:56.5	
yuän		í-iwen	367a	12 85/9	a deep	1.4	1
yuan		Sngiwan	257a	4 18/2	verg, great	1.8;2.8,5.;3.8;6.5; 8.8;lB.6;11.5;etc.	27
yuan	S	Sngiwan	258a	18 27/8	original	8.8	1
yuan	I	*gi«an	256b	13 31/18	garden	22.5	1
yuan	JR	ígiwan	256f	13 162/18 far		24.1	1
yuě	a	•tgiuät	304a	4 73/8	verbal prefix	26.3:47.6	2
yuě		*-iok	1128a	9 128/3	bind	29.4	1
yuě		•tngiwai	386a	4 74/8	moon, month	9.6;19.8;54.5:61.4	4
yuě	II	Sngjwat	386b	6 18/4	cut off feet	47.5	1
yuě	«	Uiuai	324o	18 61/7	happiness	==> <*ui Ä	
-28-
481
Hue		*djok	1119g 21 113/17		a summer sacrifice	45.2;46.2;63.5	3
Hue	1	*diok	1124f 21 157/14 leap			1.4	1
yun		Sgjwan	468h	12 173/4	clouds	9.8:62.5	2
gun	A	$zjwan	468a	4 18/2	indeed, truly	35.3:46.1	2
gun	Pi	*giwen	227g	13 178/18 fall		44.5	1
yun		{Jiang	945j	5 39/2	pregnant	53.3,5	2
yun	1	i'jwan	426e	12 61/9	displeasure	43.3	1
zai		$tsag	948a	7 86/3	disaster	24.6:25.3:56.1:62.6	5
zai		Stsag	941a	6 13/4	twice	4.8	1
zai	-i-u	Idz' ag	943i	6 32/3	(he) in, at	1.2,4,5;7.2.;17.4;	18
						37.2,57.2,6;etc.	
zai	1	Jtsag	943a'	13 159/6	transport, carry	9.6.;14.2;38.6	3
zan	i	*tsam	668g	18 118/12	skewer	16.4	1
zang	ft	*tsang	727t	18 123/4	ewe	;=) chuang jff	
zang		Jisang	727F	15 131/8	good	7.1 ■	1
ze		Jtsak	986a	9 18/7	then	4.8;14.1;25.2;38.3;	9
						34.6;38.6;41;3;etc.	
ze	*	*tsiak	924e	8 72/4	sun aslant in west	38.3	1
zhan		Hjam	618a	5 25/3	prognosticate	49.5	1
zhan	1	Jtjan	148i	16 162/13 turning appearance		3.2	1
zhan	t	*|ian	147r	16 62/12	battle	2.6	1
zhang J|		*tjang	721h	11 57/8	draw taut	38.6	1
zhang	1	*?iang	723a	11 117/6	amulet, 19~yr. cycle	2.3.;44.5;55.5	3
zhang j|		*d'jang	721a	8 168/8	eldest	7.5	1
zhang ]f		*d'jang	722a	3 1/2	strong, grown (man)	7.8:17.2,3	3
zhao	i	*t'jog	1143a	12 74/8	morning	6.6	1
zhe	f	«jat	287a	7 64/4	cut off, break off	38.6:58.4:55.3	3
zhe	f			14 64/11	double	==> xi §	
zhen	1	*tjeng	834g	9 154/2	determin(e),-ati on	1.8:2.8,3,7:3.8,1, 111	
						2,5;4.8;5.8,5;etc.	
zhen	f			18 118/12	skewer	-z) zan §	
zhen	ft		656g	8 75/4	deep	29.3	1
zhen	i	*?ian	455P	18 64/7	shake, quake	32.6	1
- 29 -
482
zhen f	iljon	455s	15 173/7	thunder	51.8,1,2,3,4,5,6: 64.4	12
zheng ^jF	j eng	833o	8 68/5	attack	9.6:11.1:15.6:24.6; 19	
					27.2;38.6:34.1;etc.	
zheng ff-	*?jang	8%i	9 64/6	geld, remove	36.2;52.2;59.1	3
zheng jF	♦tieng	833j	5 77/1	correct	25.8	1
zhi X	Jljag	962a	4 4/3	aodif. particle, it	2.8;5.6:6.6;8.1,2,	78
					3,4,6:12.8:14.6;etc.	
zhi Jo	*tjeg	863a	8 111/3	wise	19.5	1
zhi 8	#Ejar	590P	9 113/5	Kara	24.1:29.5	2
zhi j|	*d'iak	919a	8 189/3	straight	2.2	1
zhi |J	*?iaP	685a	11 32/8	seize (prisoners)	7.5:31.3:33.2	3
zhi H	*djek	877o	18 157/11	plant feet, balk	44.1	1
	if jag	961k	8 113/4	happiness	11.5:12.4	c
zhi ft	*?iag	961g	11 157/4	feet	21.1:22.1:34.1: 43.1:58.1:52.1	6
zhi 5		413a	6 133/8	arrive, until	2.1:5.3:19.8,4; 24.6:48.3.4:48.8	8
zhi §	mu	413d	18 66/6	bring (on), cause	5.3:48.3	2
In IT. zhi u	tV jet	413i	18 75/6	leg shackles	1	
zhi £	*tiet	413h	11 116/6	frightened	6.8	1
zhi J	*?jer	375x	13 48/18	put	29.6	1
zhi »	$d'jar	560e	13 172/5	pheasant	50.3:56.5 also =z) yi =|	2
zhong t£	*tiong	1807a	4 2/3	aiddle, hit target	3.3:6.0:7.2:11.2; 24.4:37.2:42.3;etc.	14
zhong ^	*?jong	1802e	11 128/5	end	1.3;2.3;5.2,6:6.8, 1,3,6:8.1:18.4;etc.	29
zhong S	*?iong	1010a	12 143/6	aultitude, all	35.3	1
zhou ^	ftiog	1075a	11 72/7	daylight	35.8	1
zhou ^jjs zk J	$tsiog	1892h 13 98/9		line well-wall	48.4	1
	*?iu	128a	6 75/2	verailion, red	47.2	1
	*tju	128f	18 75/6	tree trunk	47.1	1
-38-
483
	1	id' i ok	1822a	18 162/7	cbase	26.3:27.4:38.1;	r 0
						51.2:63.2	
zhu	s	id'iuk	1224h 28 157/13		plant feet, balk	44.1	1
1 V znu	-t-	i?iu	129a	5 3/4	host, aaster	2.8:36.1;38.2;	5
						55.1,4	
zhuangjjf		itsiang	727n	7 33/4	injure, strong	34.8,1,3,4:36.2;	9
						43.1,3;44.8.;59.1	
zhun	f	it jwan	427a	4 45/1	bunched, to hoard	3.8,2,5	3
zhuo	n	*?iok	1128d 18 164/3		libation	41.1	1
zl		itsjar	555e	9 38/6	sob	" 45.6	1
zl	ZZ	itsjog	966b	18 148/6	this	35.2	1
Zl	I	*tsi3g	969c	12 148/8	break new ground	25.2	1
zl		itsjar	555b	13 154/5	wealth, goods	56.2,4:57.6	3
zl	s			13 157/6	hard-going	==> ci J	
V Zl	7 T	itsjog	964a	3 39/8	child, suffix	1.3;2.8:3.2,3:4.2;	34
						7.5;9.6;12.8;etc.	
V Zl	B	itsjar	554g	8 138/4	■eat with bone in	21.4	1
Zl	?	idz' iag	964n	6 48/3	conceive, pregnant	3.2	2
Zl	1	ncidz'i	1237»	6 132/8	froa	5.4.;8.2;9.8,1;11.6:	12
						14.6:27.8:29.4;etc.	
zong		itsong	1883a	8 48/5	ancestral hall	13.2:38.5:63.3	3
zdng	it	itsiung	1191b 17 128/11 loose			==> cong jj	
zu	I	itsiuk	1219a	7 157/8	leg	23.1;58.4	2
V ZU	i	itso	46b'	8 113/5	forefather	62.2	1
zun		itsuan	438i	16 75/12	flask	29.4	1
zuo		itsa	5a	5 48/2	left	7.4:36:2,4	3
zuo	1*	itsak	8861	7 9/5	project, cereaony	42.1	1
- 31 -
484
APPENDIX G
CONCORDANCE TO GRAPHS IN THE YI3ING
Explanatory Note
The following concordance provides a convenient list of the occurrences of each distinct graph in the text of the Yijing hexagram and line texts, printed together with the immediate context in which it occurs.   The base
same base text used for the translation in Part Two. This text also appears as the Zhouyi zhengyi text in the Sibu beiyao collection.   It served also as the base for the 1935 Harvard-Yenching concordance to the entire Zhouyi tradition, including all the zhuan commentaries (see Yihde in Bibliography).
The Harvard-Yenching concordance has been an invaluable reference tool for 50 years, and will continue to be so, but as a tool for linguistic, literary, and historical study of the Yijing classic itself, it has serious limitations.   First, after several printings and reprintings, it still has a number of typographical and other errors of omission and commission. Second, it often provides miniscule contexts of just 2-3 graphs, rather than the maximum possible, and it is, after all, the quick consultation of context which is the raison d'etre of any concordance.   Third, worst of all, because it combines the concordance to the zhuan with that of the classic itself, and uses a too subtle system of commas and slashes to indicate where an item occurs, it is tedious to try to see whether a word actually occurs in the Western Zhou classic or not, rather than merely appearing in the Warring States-Han period commentary, and if so, how often.   This obscures many
features of linguistic interest.
485
the two or three most common graphs in Classical Chinese (Late Old Chinese), and it is concordanced a thousand and more times in the Harvard-Yenching concordance, but only after poring through the first eight pages of the y_e entry is one's hunch confirmed that it doesn't occur at all in the hexagram and line texts.   Other interesting lexical distinctions between Early and Late Old Chinese are equally obliterated.   For example, jian       occurs six times in the classic, but nowhere in the commentary, except where quoting the classic, while nan       occurs 14 times in the
N jig-commentary, not once in the classic.   Likewise wan *|q does not occur in
the classic, but innumerable times in the commentary (especially in the
phrase wan wu ^ ^tyj), But     ^ , ^   does, and may serve a similar
function.   For all these reasons, a new reference tool exclusively
concordancing the hexagram and line texts was called for.   In understanding
the evolution of the Yijing tradition from jlhg to zhuan it should prove to be
almost as informative in what it does not contain as in what it does.
As the reader will have surmised, this concordance has been compiled with computer assistance.   Every effort has been made to ensure an error-free base text, since, while the computer compilation of the concordance itself assures the absence of human error due to fatigue, this method of compilation will also- indefatigably reproduce manifold every typographical error in the base text.   The base text which the computer used is reproduced preceding the concordance, both for rapid reference and for the reader to double-check the concordance itself on the one hand, and the hand-written text in Part Two on the other.
The body of the concordance itself is arranged by graphic shape, in the traditional 214-radical system of the Kangxi zidian j£'v^Z . The "Phonetic Index and Glossary to Graphs in the Yijing" in Appendix F can also be used as a pinyin cross-index to the concordance, by referring to the
486
column in the Phonetic Index which gives radical number and remaining strokes in the traditional system (labeled "Rad./Str."), then turning to the appropriate radical number in the concordance itself.   The phonetic cross-references sometimes given in the right-hand column of Appendix F are an initial attempt to chart a course through the archaic orthography of the Yi text, helping the reader locate the word he seeks by indicating how that word is "spelled" in the archaic language of the Yi. Much more research is needed to refine this approach.   If the reader is able to consult the concordance more productively as a result, these cross-references will have served their purpose.
Locations in the text where a given graph occurs are referenced by the same system used throughout the preceding study and translation: hexagram-chapters are numbered 1 through 64, hexagram texts end with .0 (43.0, 22.0, etc.), and line texts corresponding to bottom-to-top lines of the hexagram picture end with .1 through .6 respectively (1.3, 62.5, etc.). Note that for each graph entry, the "head" graph is aligned, surrounded by its context, immediately to the right of the vertical guideline.   While in the great majority of cases an entire line text has been reproduced as the context, in some cases this proved cumbersome to do mechanically and typographically, and only part of a line text is given.   In this case, a plus sign (+) is appended to the line number given as the location for this occurrence, preceding or following the number, to indicate in which direction the context continues in the line.   The right-most column contains information which cross-references back to Appendix F: a Modern Standard Chinese pronunciation of the head graph (not necessarily the correct reading of the word it represents in the text in any given occurrence), its reconstructed Old Chinese pronunciation (Bernhard Karlgren's "Archaic Chinese"), the entry number in Karlgren's Grammata Serica Recensa from
which the OC reading is taken, and an English tag.
This concordance is an intermediate, experimental effort, subject to ongoing revision.   The reader is encouraged to point out errors and offer suggestions for improvement.
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31
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19.	3
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32
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19. 1 : 19. 2 : 31. 0 :
30+6 STROKES. 30 + S STROKES. 38+6 STROKES.
38+6 STROKES. 8 OCCURRENCES.
31. 31. 31. 31. 31.
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2. 8 34. 5 38. 1 48- 0+ 51. 0 51. 2+
30+6 STROKES■
38+8 STROKES.
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30+8 STROKES. 30+8 STROKES -
30+9 STROKES. 11 OCCURRENCES.
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Hi <«d'iet (413. ) Kite
shäng < fsiang (734a ) reuard
Men < taiuan (441? ) ask
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sang < »sang (7B5a ) lose
34
533
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21. 0 : 21. 2 :
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4. 4 47. 0 47. 1 47. 2+ 47. 3+ 47. 4 47. 5 47. 6 RflD. NO
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30+9 STROKES.
30+18 STROKES.
30+10 STROKES. 38+10 STROKES.
Win ž to x  fiJ íi x =5
30+11 STROKES•
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30+12 STRDKES.
30 "+13 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
38+19 STROKES.
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31+4 STROKES• 8 OCCURRENCES.
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31+8 STROKES. 6   OCCURRENCES.
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5 S129
xi < fxiag (955a ) joy
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crunch
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jiä < *Jsa (15g ) celebration
xl < *xiag (955e ) sound of laughing
shi < Sďiad (336c ) hite
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tón < tVum (428a ) bother, surround
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5
35
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31 fll STROKES.
32 f 3 STROKES.
32 f 3 STROKES. 10   OCCURRENCES•
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32 f 3 STROKES.
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32 f 5 STROKES. 32 f 5 STROKES.
32 f 5 STROKES. 32 f 7 STROKES. 32 f 8 STROKES. 32 f 8 STROKES.
32 +10 STROKES. 32 +10 STROKES.
jRitaaHBAAs
534
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garden
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cheng < tdjeng (818e ) citg wall
jian < fkien (368c ) solid, fira
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36
535
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1. 2
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37+2 STROKES. 5   OCCURRENCES.
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saiden
(43Ba )
(94a )
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9
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38+5 STROKES. 38+5 STROKES.
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38+8 STROKES. 8   OCCURRENCES.
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38+8 STROKES. 5 OCCURRENCES.
38+10 STROKES. 5 OCCURRENCES.
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41
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39+4 STROKES. 42 OCCURRENCES.
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42
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hou * < tk'u (HI, ) bandit
■* < Hiet (4B5W ) dense
fu < *pj5g (933r ) rich
kin < *g'ln (143a ) cold
*H <«ier (375x ) put
ning i tnieng (837a )• peaceful
shi < td'iei (398a ) contents, actual •
44
543
RfiO- NO 23. 5 : RflD- NO 48- 6 48- 2 55- 5. RflD- NO
3- 5 5. 2 S. 1 7. 6 9- 8
11. 8 12- 8
12. 2 14. 3 17. 2
17. 3
18. 3
28. 1
21. 3
22. 8
23. 6
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33. 4
34. 3+ 38. 8 43. 5 45. 3 49. 6 53. 1
56. 8
57. 8 62. 8+
62. 8+
63. 8 63-. 3
64. 8 RflD. NO
9. 6+ ♦11. 2 18. 6
29. a
55. 1 68. 5
48+17 STROKES.
41+7 STROKES.
42+8 STROKES. 32   OCCURRENCES.
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shang < tdiang (725a ) still, reward
1%
45
544
p
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49. 3 : fEBB.S«M=|tt** RHO. NO.   44 + 3 STROKES.
7.3: epsmFiai
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7 •OCCURRENCES.
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44+6 STROKES.
18.	8 :
18.	3+:
18.	4 :
33.	1 :
63.	1 :
64.	8 :
64.	1 :
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3.	1 :
17.	3 :
27.	5 :
31.	2 :
49.	6 :
59.	5 :
RflO	. NO
55.	6+:
RflO	. NO
44 +12 STROKES. 11 OCCURRENCES.
2. 1 : 18. 8 : 18. 1 : 18. 2 : 18. 3+:. 18. 3+: 10. 4 : IB. 5 : 18. 6 : 38. 1 : 54. 1 : RflD. NO. 21. 1 : RflD. NO.
3. 8 : 3. 2+: 3. 5 :
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44 +14 STROKES.
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we i
tail
< Hjwar  (583a )
jtt . < *kjo (49c' ) dwell
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(1284a ) (562a )
J*    < *kliu   (123, ) near on feet zhun < itinan (427a ) hunched, to hoard
shin < Isan ■ountain
(193a )
qi < %'jeg (864h ) (tlount) Qi
46
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36. •* : AT M.   RAD. NO.   48 * 4 STROKES
57. 2 : SSfc&Tft£ E   RAD- NO-   49 + 8 STROKES• ■
26. 1 :
B   RAD- NO.   -19 + 8 STROKES. 41. 1 :
E   RAD. NO.   49+8 STROKES. 49. 8 : 49. 2 :
#   RAD- NO-   49 + 6 STROKES.
38. 2 : . ■ &±T pt^^
H   RAO. NO-   49 + 9 STROKES.
57. 8 :
57. 2 :
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river
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jl < Skjog (953a ) self
9i < *zjag (977a ) stop
si     < tdziag  (967a ) 6th earthlg hranch xiang < Sg'ung  (1182s ) lane
xun < tsum (433a ) make offering
ho <ih'ak (7B2f ) silk
di < *tieg (877a ) Di (naae)
shuai < isliMt (499a ) conand
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5 5 E
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47
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6.	6 :
RflO	. NO-
48.	6 :
RflD	. NO.
S3.	1 :
RflO	. NO.
11.	3+:
29.	5 :
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*«I«tftfř.
58+8 STROKES.
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36. 4 43. 8+ +52. a 58.'1 63. 2
50+11 STROKES. 51+8 STROKES. 51+2 STROKES.
51+3 STROKES. S   OCCURRENCES■
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51 +18 STROKES•
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52+6 STROKES•
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52+9 STROKES.
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53+4 STROKES. 53 * 5 STROKES.
53+7 STROKES. 5 OCCURRENCES. AŤSJKlIMA&Ťffl
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ping ( <b'|eng (825a ) level
nián < Snien (jola ) gear
gán < lkán (148d ) stea
you < *j5g (U15c ) dark, obscure
ji <«i«r (547a ) alaost
xu     < tdzio   (83h ) (serial) order gěng < tkang   (746a ) 7tb Keavenlg stea
tíng < td'ieng (835b ) court
48
547
&   RAD- NO.
35. e : &   RAD- NO.
35. 0 : JS   RAO. NO.
45- 0+:
59. 0 : J£   RAD. NO.
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45. 2 :
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13. 4 :
14. 3 : 41. 2 : 41. 5 :
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11. 1 :
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50. 4 : ©   RAD- NO.
14. 4 : &   RAO. NO-
62. 5 : S   RAD. NO.
53+8 STROKES. 53+8 STROKES. 53+12 STROKES.
53+16 STROKES• 54+6 STROKES.
56+0 STROKES.
57 + 1 STROKES.
57+2 STROKES• 9   OCCURRENCES•
51* 55«-* 75 Vim® 31ft •
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57+8 STROKES.
5fc|35£3K&&;2.3!I
58+11 STROKES.
59+4 STROKES.
59+9 STROKES.
60+5 STROKES.
60+5 STROKES. 50 OCCURRENCES.
SIS ^A a ?
king <ik'«ng (7461« ) tranquil, a name
shu < Isiag (884a ) ■any
aiao < t.jog (H6Ba ) temple
l& <*Uo (69, ) hut
jian < flian (249a ) establish
yi     < tdjsk    (918a ) shoot string-arrow yln   < tdien    (371a ) draw out
fu < Spitttt (588a ) not
di     < id'iar  (591 )
younger brother
Ku " < tg'mo    (41h )
bon
zhang < ttiang (721h ) dram taut
toi < %ji.ad (534a ) roots
xing  < tg'ieng (888d ) appearance, punish peng < Ib'ang  (758a ) kind of sacrifice hi     < *pia     (25g ) that one
wang < *giwang (739k ) go
49
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68+8 STROKES. 6   OCCURRENCES.
ft     7i ft*i£=E ft     3 UJ
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ft
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ranks, discipline to     < *i'o     (62e ) walk,
xu < *di;o (82p ) slowly
cong < iaYfung(119H ) follow
ft
51
550
RfiD. NO.   60 * 6 STROKES.
27 OCCURRENCES.
+ 2. 0+ ♦ 2. 0 ♦11. 2
16. 4
17. 3 21. 4 21. 5 23. 6
♦25. 3 20. 2
28. 5
29. 2 29. 6
35. 5
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40. 2
41. 3 +41. 6
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6.	i. :
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1-11. 3 35. 5 37. 5 43. 2
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68+12 strokes. 5   occurrences.
60+14 strokes.
61+8 strokes:
8 occurrences.
A T £ IK 31 ?ii * £       ft H Jl
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de <ttak (919k ) spiritual power, get
»«I    < *X»iar   (5B41i ) three-strand hraid xln   < >siaa    (663a ) heart
hi < tpiet (4B5a ) aust
kuai <*k'«ad (312k ) pleased
si < fsjag (973a ) think
heng < Ig'ang (881d ) long tiae
xl < *siak (925a ) rest, pause
xu < Uiuii (418e ) worry
s3
RRQ. NO.   61+7 STROKES.
34 OCCURRENCES.
1	6
13	6
16	3
16	3
18.	3
24.	1
24.	S
31.	4
31.	5 :
32.	2 :
34.	4 :
34.	5 :
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37.	1 :
37.	3 :
38.	1 :
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♦43.	4 :
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47.	6 :
47.	6 :
49.	8 :
49.	4 :
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52.	5 :
57.	4 :
57.	S+:
58.	2 :
59.	2 :
59.	3 :
68.	B :
64.	4+:
64.	5 :
RAO	. NO
38.	1 :
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42.	5 :
42.	5 :
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1.	3 :
6-	8+:
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3.	3+:
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61+8 STROKES-61+8 STROKES.
552
Kul < *x»<ag (947s ) trouble
61+8 STROKES.
BiffiíSí«tÉAŤ# +
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Kui   < (533a )
favor, a particle(?)
« <«'iel (858i } war a
uéi < Idiitar (575n ) initial particle
54
553
%   RflD. NO.
35. 2 : M   RAO. NO.
51. 5 : ill    RAD. NO.
48. 3+: &   RflD. NO.
54. 4 : i&   RflD. NO.
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10. 4 : JS5   RflD. NO-
55. 5 : 3E   RAO. NO.
19. 3 : 55. 0 : It RflD. NO. 31. 4 : 31. 4 : &   RAO. NO.
SS. 2 : & RAO. NO. .2. 3 : 6. 3 : 16. 6 : 3c RflD- NO. 13. 3 : +43. 8 : 43. 2 : ?£   RAD. NO-
11. 4 : 62- 4 : 63. 4 :
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4.	0+
4.	8+
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27.	1
42.	5
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58.	'2
56:	4
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62-	5
61+9 STROKES. 61+9 STROKES. 61+9 STROKES. 61 * 9 STROKES. 61+9 STROKES. 61+18 STROKES.
61 +12 STROKES. 61 +11 STROKES.
St
61+12 STROKES. 61 +16 STROKES.
2£tP=fc 62+2 STROKES.
62+2 STROKES.
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62+3 STROKES.
62+3 STROKES. 13   OCCURRENCES•
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«a±s-?5E# *M&4DiBi5ss**3|aft
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< tdf'iog (18321 )
ffrieved
91     < *-jag    (957« )
■octal particle
ce*    < ttVjok (986e )
grief
giSn < Ik'jan (197k ) exceed
gun < t'iuan (426e ) displeasure
su <tsag (769k ) panicky appearance
ling < tk'jang (753a ) rejoice
S6u < t-jfe '(1871a ) grieve •
chong < «'jung (1188k ) unsettled
kuai   <Ig'«er   (688a ) carrg, kold
ckeng < Idjeng  (818a ) completion
rong < IniSng (1813a ) weapon, Kong tribe
jie <ikeg (998a ) cautious
wo < fnga (2a ) uef I
8
55
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RAO. NO.
T
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6.
7. 25.
4 :
3 : 3 : 8 : 3 : 3*:
32. 3 :
41. 5 :
42. 2+: 42. 6 :
53-61. 61. 61. 61.
62. 3 : RAO. NO. 22. 5 : 22. 5 : RAO. NO. 62. 3 : RAO. NO-38- 5 : RAO. NO.
2. 6 : RAD. NO.
6. 2 : 55. 6+: 68. 1 : RAD. NO.
6. 1 : 48- 0+: 56- I : 59. 4 : RAD. NO.
7. 6 : 12. 2 : 32. 3 : 54. 6 : RAD. NO. 38. 6 : 58. 4 : 55- 3 : RAD. NO.
11. 1 :
12. 1 :
62 + 4 STROKES. 16 OCCURRENCES.
£f&jtJK£S&&£*55& »*fT*$ft£$x&
62-4 STROKES. 62+4 STROKES. .
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62+7 STROKES. 62 +12 STROKES. 63+0 STROKES.
2*S3S#£5a*PH*55A
63+4 STROKES.
SlfJlS^X) 64+4 STROKES.
^S**BHB*S<hA*?ffl
* * S x ff ± f'J * 55 A 55 ft *|
64+4 STROKES.
£ m Hi €3" H Iff f       *&55 #•
g*?PB*A^iff**Ex^ 64+5 STROKES.
aR&snki&mA. s *
554
too < SsiMk (929a ) srae
jian < IdVian (155a ) ■eager
qiang < *dz' jang(727g )
kill, injure
qt     < Its'iSk (1831f )
grieved
zhan < ttjan (14?r ) battle
hu < fg'o (53a ) door
suo < *»io (91a ) that which, place
cheng < tdjang (8%c ) receive
«ne < «iat (287a ) cut off, ireak off
hi < tb'*at (276h ) pull out
56
ft   RAD. NO. 17. E :
©   RflO. NO. 2. 4 : RflO. NO. 27. 2 : 27. 3 : 27. 5 :
ft   RflO. NO-
31. 1 : 48. 4 :
&   RflO. NO. 36. 2 : 52. 2 : 59. 1 :
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32. 6 : &   RflO. NO.
35. 8 : &   RflO. NO. 38- 3*:
5 RflO. NO. 45- 1+:
6 RAD. NO. 43- 8+:
&    RAD. NO.
41. 8+:
64-1-5 STROKES. 64 + S STROKES. 64+5 STROKES.
64+5 STROKES.
&£ft
41 41 41
41. 4 :
41. 6*: S    RAD. NO.
35. 1 : SI   RflD. NO. 28. 8 :
5 RAO. NO. 15. 4 : RAD. NO.
4. 6 :
42. 6 : -
6 RAD. NO. 47. 3-c:
^   RRD. NO. 9. 5 : 61. 5 :
64+6 STROKES.
64+7 STROKES. 64 + 8 STROKES.
^■m&%& be
64+8 STROKES.
JL* A AJ.#J
64+9 STROKES.
***fc7i*L7i¥Stt-|«S*. 64+9 STROKES.
64+18 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
= AfTffl»-A-AfTfti»*X
54+11 STROKES. 64+12 STROKES. 64+12 STROKES. 64+13 STROKES.
54+13 STROKES. 64+19 STROKES.
_555
ju < tkio (lBBp ) grab
kuo < Ikwlt C3B2K ) tie, bind
fu < tp'iwst (5BBK ) Scrape, brush
■8 < *aog (947g ) big toe, ibimb
**eng < «fianj (ogg. } geld, reaove
*»™ <«ian (455p ) sf«Jce, quale
jig   < itsjap  (63Se ) in contact, receive che   < triad  (335c ) born turned anrg(?) ub    < S-uk    (12B4F ) grasp, squeeze gang  < tdiang  (728j ) display
sun ( isvan (435a ) decrease
cul    < tdz'nar (5751' ) cbop, destroy nao   < tnog     (1164s ) sag, bend
buT    < txHia    (271 )
display, tear(?)
JT     < Iliek    (854b )
strike
ju < ik>nag (883f ) grasp
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to *
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57
556
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RflO. NO 48. 6 : RflO. NO 48. 0+ .48. 0+ 49- 4 RflO. NO 13. 4 : RflO. NO
66 + 2 STROKES■
66 + 3 STROKES•
66+3 STROKES.
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66+3 STROKES. 32   OCCURRENCES•
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shou < tsidg (UB3a ) take up
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58
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4
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4
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72
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B
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gi < tjiek (85Ba ) Yi (place naae)
ze < itsjak (924= ) sun aslant in west
sbi < *5ieg this
(866a )
63
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72+6 STROKES. S OCCURRENCES.
35.	8 :
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72+6 STROKES. 72+7 STROKES. 72+7 STROKES. 73+8 STROKES.
.73 + 2 STROKES.
73+5 STROKES. 74+8 STROKES.
KSščTíl.fišŤA
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zhdti < ttióg (1875a ) daylight
hui < fftmg (947t ) dark
yuě ( (giuai (384a ) verbal prefix
yě '< <ziad (338a ) to trail, drag
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64
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39. 5 :
40. 4 :
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* RflD. NO-
■48. 0 : 49. 5 : 58- 4 : 64. 0 : 64. 3 : RflD. NO. 27. 1 :
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74+4 STROKES. 10 OCCURRENCES.
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74+7 STROKES.
74+8 STROKES.
i
74+8 STROKES. 75+8 STROKES.
75 ♦ 1 STROKES. S   OCCURRENCES.
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75+2 STROKES. 75 + 2 STROKES.
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75+4 STROKES.
75+4 STROKES.
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peng < Ib'ang (886a ) friend, cowry string
uang < taiwang (742a ) full aoon
rhao < If jog (1143a ) Boming
qT < tg'ias (952k ) period
■u < *auk (1212a ) tree
•*ei < taiuai (531a ) not yet
3
duo < ttwa (18a ) Hang
zhu   < tl[M     (128a ) verailion, red jl    < tkier   (682c ) low table
sku < «s»uk (1222a ) bundle
< *k'iog (9531 ) purple willow
dong < ttung (1175a ) east
guo ( tklwar (351a ) fruit
lin < tglia. (655a ) forest
ipf.
67
566
■tt 4fc
ft
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4. 1 : RflD. NO. 3- 1 : RflD. NO-S3- 4 : RflD. NO-
4. 1 : RflD. NO-28. 0 : 28. 3 : .
28. 4 : RflO. NO.
29. 6 : RflD. NO-38. 4 : RflD. NO-28. 2 :
28. S : RflO- NO.
29. 4 : RflD. NO. 28. 3 : RflO- NO.
7. 4 : 43. 4+:
75 + 4 STROKES•
75+5 STROKES.
75+5 STROKES. 75 * 6 STROKES.
#SAAS^t*t?f«ft 75+6 STROKES.
75+6 STROKES.
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75+6 STROKES. 75+6 STROKES•
75+7 STROKES. 75 * 7 STROKES.
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75+8 STROKES.
75+8 STROKES. 75+8 STROKES.
3? 4o * * tn ^ to 5c to ^ in
75+9 STROKES.
75 +12 STROKES.
75 +12 STROKES.
75+2 STROKES. S   OCCURRENCES.
44. 56. 56.
RflD. NO. 27. 4 : RflD- NO. •30. 3 : 61. 3 :
76+7 STROKES. 76 +10 STROKES.
(656s ) (49t )
deep
ko     < Ik'o withered
ni     < iniar    (563c )
spindle, brake sang  < fsang    (784a ) ■ulberrg
jiao < tkog     (1166i ) stocks, foot-fetters zhu   < Itiu     (128f ) tree trunk, stinp
«W <«'jet (413i ) leg shackles
Kuan  < Clfr4f )
around
jue    < fkiik rafter gu     < *kSk
(1225d ) (1839k )
manacles
ding < ftung (1175f ) ridgepole
jt < *k;ak (911a ) thorns
li <*k'jed (535a ) abandon
gang < tdiang (728q ) poplar
zun < ttswan (43Bi ) flask
rao < fniog (1164p ) sag, bend
el < tts'far (555a ) caap, hostel
3« < %!ttk (1282d ) desire
gS < *ka (lq ) sing
68
567
JE    RflD. NO.
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13. 3 29. 6 47. 1 53. 5 +55. 6 9    RflD. NO,
6. 2 : 11. 5 :
53. 8 :
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55   RflD. NO. 16. 5 : 38. *■ :
3£   RflD. NO. 63. 5+:
■5   RflD. NO-18. 2 : •35. 2 : ;
S   RflD. NO. 21- 3 :
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• 8. 8+
8. 1 +
8. 2
8. 3
8- 4
8. 5
8- 6 RflD- NO
77 + 1 STROKES. 77+4 STROKES.
77+9 STROKES. 5   OCCURRENCES.
77+14 STROKES. 10 OCCURRENCES.
78+2 STROKES.
79+6 STROKES. 88 + 1 STROKES.
&e£&7F-5T.a
80+4 STROKES•
81+8 STROKES. 7 OCCURRENCES.
85 ♦ 1 STROKES. 8 OCCURRENCES.
2- 7 6. 1 8. 8+ 22. 3 ♦42- 2
JttDSfc]
tfc £ 56^555» ftiEA
< flifnj (833j. } correct
< Hi.o (184a ) ■ilitarg
sul < tsiMJ 046a ) Hear
gu! < kiuar (578a ) send in aarriage
si < is;or (558a ) die
ska < <sat (319J ) kill
■u < t.*j (947a ) ■other
du < td'8k (1816a ) poison
hi < ipiar (566g > pair with
IE ft
song '< tgi^ng (764a ) long-tem, prolong
69
	
	45- 5 :
	52. 1 :
	62. 4 :
*	RAD. NO.
	3. 4 :
	4. 0+:
	4. 0+:
	17. 3 :
	27. 0 :
	29- 2 :
	RAO. NO.
	59. 5 :
	RAD. NO-
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	64. 0 :
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	S- 2 :
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	11. 2+:
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	5. 3 :
	48- 1 :
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	61. 3 :
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	38. 5 :
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	48. 5 :
	RAD. NO.
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5 S ác Ä
85+2 STROKES.
6 OCCURRENCES.
85+3 STROKES. 85 * 3 STROKES.
fn-l
85+4 STROKES. 85 + 4 STROKES -
#**ftsa&iii-srfi|&
85+4 STROKES. 85+5 STROKES. 85+5 STROKES.
85+5 STROKES.
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85 ♦ 5 STROKES. 85+5 STROKES.
85+5 STROKES
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85 + S STROKES. e5 + 6 STROKES. 85+6 STROKES.
Ä Ä STB* A
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85+7 STROKES. 13 OCCURRENCES.
568
qiú < Vižj (1866a ) seek
tón < tg'án (139t ) sweat
qí <Sxist (517j ) up to, dried up
sbä < *sa (16a ) sand
jí < fkisp (681k ) drau uater
pei < fp'wad (5Blf ) covering
ké    < *g'ä     (lg ) He (Yellow) River nt     < tniar    (563d ) aud, be aired
qí < tt'ljap (694b ) Keep
quán < Idz' ;wan(237a )
(well-)spring
tói    < *ťad    (316a )
Utb bexagraa, great
aéi    <l«Mad    (531p )
Wei star, sunspot?
tuó   <fd'| ,
flowing
lié    <*liat    (EBlc )
liapid, clear gí     < idiar    (551f ) snot, nasal aucus sbé   < tďiap    (634a ) wade across
70
569
ft
«r
26. 8 :
27. S :
27. 6 :
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ti < iťiar (591. ) tears
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jian < tdz'iai (61Bf ) advance, aoisten
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Iou < *lu (12Ba ) leak
lián < lljan (213fc ) >n streaas
qián < tfe'iea (668 ) submerged
ji < «tsiar (593o ) cross sirean
rú < «itt (134f ) net, noisten
Jú < td'uk (1823j ) insult (?)
z3i < Hsag disaster
(948a )
fén < Ib'Juan (474a ) burn
rán    < fnian    (217a ) adv. suffix, -like ■*     < *»!«o    (183a ) have no, without
xun    ( <XÍ*»n   (461a ) to smoke (neat) g4„   < Sian    (243a ) at peace
uéi < iguia (27a ) bccoae
72
571
48. 3+: S3. 6 :
B   RAD. NO. +51. 2 :
X    RRD. NO. 18. 1 : 18. 3 : 18. 4 : 18. 5 :
Rao. NO.
27. 1 : 31. 4 : ♦61. 2 : #fc   RRD. NO.
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87+13 STROKES. 88+8 STROKES.
89+18 STROKES.
98+4 STROKES.
5 OCCURRENCES.
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sb
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to < *g'no (41i ) fox
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74
573
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44. 5 : S   RflO. NO.
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earthen vessel
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sweet
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75
574
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76
575
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16. 5 :
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28. I : RAO- NO.
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104+5 STROKES. 9   OCCURRENCES•
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bai < Ih'Sk (782a ) white
bSi <«pak (781a ) hundred
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lave^ Iustrate, wash
■u * < SaiSk (1836a ) eue
77
576
It
51
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78
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hara
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xiáng < tdzjang (732n ) onen
fú    <tp|5k   (933d )
blessings
S<i < >ng|o (68p ) defend against
guě < tdiok (1119g ) a sumer sacrifice
gin < %'ia. (651 j ) gaae (aniaal)
tí < *ďiar (591g ) neuly sprouted leaf
huo < V«ak (784h ) harvest
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tú < Sťwt (4B9a ) sudden
^ <«tjSt (413h ) frightened
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li     < *gli9p  (694a )
set up, stand
zháng < tliang (723a ) amulet, 19-gr. cycle
T
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79
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RAD. NO. 117 + 7 STROKES.
7 OCCURRENCES.
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_578_
tong '< *d'ung llltfflo ) pupil, youth, page
xiáo < Isiog (1158a ) laugh, stile
kuang < *V iwang(739v ) haslet
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jT     < tkiag   (952f ) winnowing Basket Již   < *tsiet  (399e ) joint, Moderation
gift < *kiwag (966a ) tureen
zan < Itsaw (668g ) skewer
yue < *iok (1128. ) hind
fen < Vjwan (471h ) numerous
na < Snap (695h ) hring in
su < >so (68a ) plain white
suo < *s3k (778a ) sound of thunder
80
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1. 3
2. 3
5. 2 ♦ S. 6
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6. 1 6. 3 6. 6
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. 128+5 STROKES. 29 OCCURRENCES.
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128+7 STROKES.
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128 +12 STROKES.
128 +13 STROKES.
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zhong < ItiSng (1882e ) end
t& < fpiH9t (276k ) knee decorations
jing < iJtienj (831c ) shank, warp
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9U < «giMEt (5B7h ) uell-rope, Lore
xi < *g'ieg (85U ) tie
s
81
580
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RRO. NO. 128 +14 STROKES• 63. 4 :
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29.4 : &m%*£,m
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S OCCURRENCES.
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2. 2 : il^A/Fl 29. 0 : 29. 1 :
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1
11. 4 :
RflO- NO- 124 +10 STROKES.
22. 4 : ''JnTftl^itDt^S 61. 6 :
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< tn»u     (1341, ) thin colored silk ■o     < ha     (9B4f ) black card
foa < ipifig (H9?a ) earthen vessel
wang < saiwang (7421 ) not, no
ba <tb'ia (26a ) stop (?)
gang (. Sziang (732a ) sheep, goat
xiu < *sniog (1876h ) prepared seat
di < «tiw (98h ) ran
qun < ts'ium (459d ) group
lei < ilHia (14c ) danage, tie, thin
3" . < %!no (98a ) pluses
xi < tdziap (698a ) double, duplicate
pian < *p'jan (246k ) flutter
te« < Van (148f ) wing
3* < «5!ah (954d ) Ming
82
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6. 2 : 13. 5 : 28. 8 : 22. 1 : +38. 3 : 48. A : $    RflD. NO.
25. 2 : ¥ RflD. NO-21. 6 : 58. 3+: 58. 5 : H   RflD. NO.
+43. 4 : ft    RflD. NO. 21. 3 : 21. 5 : E   RflD- NO-
33. 6 : S   RflD. NO. 31. 3 : '36. 2 : W    RflD. NO.
+53. 3 : St   RflD. NO.
55. 3 : 1f   RflD. NC
52. 0+: {&   RflD. NO.
21. 4 : Be   RflD. NO.
18. 3+ 18. 3+ 34. 6+ 34. 6+ 50. 2 54. 1 54. 2
125+0 STROKES.
125+0 STROKES.
125+6 STROKES.
126 + 8 STROKES.. 6   OCCURRENCES.
127+4 STROKES. 128+0 STROKES.
128 + 8 STROKES. 130+0 STROKES.
130+4 STROKES. 130+4 STROKES.
130+4 STROKES.
130+4 STROKES. 130+5 STROKES.
!30 + 5 STROKES.
138 * 6 STROKES. 7 OCCURRENCES.
ElAfcttfflfe***8'5***
Attala
SUQ9IS3
£JUR«£i£Ai2Q
is ii^ lias
•fig IPS
_5&J_
kio < Ik'Sg (1841d ) inspect, father
'So < life (1855a ) old
die"   <to"iet  (413r ) elderly
ir     < Sniag    (982a ) and, then
geng < tkeng   (888a )
to ploN
er < trijag (981a ) ear
nen < taimn (441f ) hear
rou < *niok (1833a ) ■eat
fei ( *b'iwar (582a ) fat
gS (Iko (51a ) thigh
& < «diSk (1828a ) give hirth
gong < *Uang (887f ) an
bei < *P»ag (989e ) hack
«     < «?!«•  (S54g ) ■eat with hone in neng  ( Snag     (885a ) can
ft
83
iff
Ě
RflO. NO. 31. 5 : RflO. NO. 21. 3 : RflO. NO. 31. 2 : 52. 2 : RflO- NO. 36- 4 : RflO. NO. 3. 5 : 58- 3*: RflO. NO.
21. 2 : 23. 4 :
38. 5 :
43. 4*:
44. 3 : RflO. NO. 43- 4+: 44. 3 : 47. 1 : RflO. NO. 33. 3 :
39. 2 : +41. 6 : +62. 2 :
RflO. NO-7. 1 : RflO. NO.
138+7 STROKES. 138+8 STROKES. 138+8 STROKES.
138+9 STROKES. 138 +18 STROKES.
T
i
138 +11 STROKES. 5   OCCURRENCES•
138 +13 STROKES.
131+8 STROKES.
fJ*ftíí?4
131 +8 STROKES.
131 +11 STROKES• 7   OCCURRENCES.
i£Jff&&X&
?f S Ť*** AŤ mft *R
lži ix»
19. 8 19. 1 19. 2 19. 3 19. 4 19. 5 19. 6 RRD. NO
132+8 STROKES. 12 OCCURRENCES.
5.	4		
8.	2	it í	g^-ĚS
9.	8		
9.	1		g£tá*#£
11.	6		
14.	6		g AŠĚ/Ž. = x7*l
27.	a		g^ag
29-	4 •		g!B£x*É-
38.	1 :		gígJ,SiAx*É-
582
«i    Owmj   (94.7, > spina] flesh xt     < «siak    (798g ) dried seat
fci < »b' iiior (579, ) lower leg
fu < tpiSk (lB34h ) belly
Sao < ikog (1129i ) fat seat
fu < Spliiio (69g ) skin
tin < Id'nan (429c ) buttocks
chén < 'Idiěn (377a ) ■ale bondservant
rang < Stsang (727f ) good
lín < ihlio. (6698 ) oversee (sacrifice)
» < ICtdx'i (1237. ) fro.
84
583
♦43. e
44. 5 62. 5 RAD. NO 47. 6 : RAO. NO
2. 1 : 5. 3 : IS. 0 : .19. 4 : ♦24. 6 : 40. 3 : 40. 4 : +48. 0 : SC   RAO. NO-
5. 3 : 40. 3 :
&   RHO. NO. +51. 2 : RflD. NO. 13. 3 : RAO. NO.
6. 3 : 48. I : RflO. NO. 31. 6 :
"cj    RflO. NO. + 3- 3 : 22. 1 : 27. 1 : RflD. NO-
52. 0+: 52- I : 52. 2 : 52. 3 : 52. 4 : 52. 5 : 52. 6 : & RflO. NO-26. 3 : +54- 5+: JS   RflD. NO.
132+10 STROKES.
133+0 STROKES. 8   OCCURRENCES • -
133+3 STROKES.
134+7 STROKES.
134+9 STROKES.
134 +12 STROKES.
ft
135+0 STROKES. 135+2 STROKES.
138+8 STROKES. 7   OCCURRENCES.
ft
138+1 STROKES.
138 +11 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
+11. 3 14. I 21- 4 26. 3
+34. 6
x
S.*flhx«i-*J*A
JUS ft
a
nie < tngiat (285d ) stale
*»1 <«i« (413. ) arrive, until
«■*    < (413d )
bring (on), cause
s5 < «zio (89h ) uith
xing < Sxisng (889a ) rise up, be aroused jiu   < Ig'jug  (1867c ) old
she < id'iat (288a ) tongue
she < Ilia (48a ) quit, abandon
gen   < tkan     (416a ) cleave(?), (resist)
liang < tljang (735a ) fine, good
jian < tken (488c ) hardship
3fc
ft
ft
85
35. 0 : RAO- MO 12. 5 : RAO- NO 68. 8 : 68. 6 : RAO. NO
11. 1 :
12. 1 : 28. 1 : RAO- NO
1.3: 28. 8 :
I
. 148+5 STROKES. . 148+5 STROKES.
148+5 STROKES.
g&am&t:
38. 38. ♦43.
m
45- 1+: +55. 2 :
57. 68. 68.
148+5 STROKES. 18 OCCURRENCES.
RAO. NO. 63. 2 : RAO. NO-
11. 2+: RAD-. NO-35- 2 : RAD. NOIL 1 :
12. 1 : RAO. NO-33. 2 : 42- 6 : 43. 2 : 53. 5 : RAO. NO-^3. 5 : RAD. NO. 28. 5 : RAD. NO-
13. 3 : RAO. NO. 45- 0+: 45- 1+: 45. 3 : 45- 5 :
148+5 STROKES 140 + 6 STROKES 148+6 STROKES 140+6 STROKES
140 + 7 STROKES -
140+7 STROKES.
148+8 STROKES. 140 + 8 STROKES -140+8 STROKES.
&5c&m & 5z * a & t
58*
bio < JpSg (1113c ) luxuriant
k5 < *k'o (49u ) bitter
< (1189c )
cogongrass
rub < *niaJt (777a ) adv. suffix, -like
fu     <tpj«at  (588k )
carriage screen(?)
kuang < tjnwang (742e' )
bolloh, dried-out
zl     < ttsiag  (966b )
tbis
ri < Snio (94r ) shoots
w < *«ak (882a ) none
i xian < %'|„    (Zilh ) kind of plant hua " < tg'«S    (44a ) flower
•ang < Hi4ng (789a ) «eeds
cui < tdYjH3d(49Ba ) bunched
86
585
Iff   rad. no.
25. 2 : 35   rad. no.
47. 6 : &    rao. no-
4. 0+: 4. 0*: 4. 0*: 4. 1 : 4. 2 : ' 4. 4 : 4. s : 4. 6 : 3*1   rad. no.
47. 3*: & rhd. no-23. 1 : 23. 2 : Iff rad. no. 55. 2*: 55. 4 : 55. 6+:
se  Rao. no.
47. 3+: 3f   rad. no.
35- 0 : E   rad. no.
20. 0 : ff   rad. no. 28. 1 :• rad- no. 25. 5 : K   rad. no-
47. 6 : 3 rao. no. +34. 3 : 34. 4 : 34. 6+: & rao. no. 51. 3 : 51- 3 : it    rad- no.
140+8 strokes. 140 + 9 strokes •
140 +10 strokes. 8 occurrences.
« & fj ffl ťpj a m      u íi s ss
140 +10 strokes. 140 +11 strokes.
140 +11 strokes.
140 +12 strokes 140 +12 strokes 148 +13 strokes• 140 +14 strokes. 140 +15 strokes■ 140 +15 strokes. 140 +15 strokes.
148 +16 strokes.
M*§ffB*JL4
58
3S«
241+2 strokes. 5   occurrences•
18. 8 18. 3+ 10. 4 27. 4 49. s
317 is illicit
JRfcJB^SA* 6>ÍÉa»ígJBJl««iSABfl JRítMffliřS
zi	< ttiiag  (969c )	m
treak	neu ground	
9«	< tkit    (313i )	s
kudzu	vine	
■éng	< Hung    (1181a )	
cover,	dodder	
jí     < *dz'jat (494d ) Tribulus vine (jili) mih   < Hiat    (311a ) exorcist
bu < tb'og (999g' ) screen
li < t'liar (5191 ) Tribulus vine (jili)
fan (. tbiuan (195« ) nraerqus
jian < tision  (477a ) offer in sacrifice již   < Jdz'iag (798b' ) offering aat yáo   < *giok    (1125p ) treat, take aedicine ISi    < tlfrnr  (577g ) Uitis flexuosa vine
fan < tpirfn (195s ) fence, bedge
su ( *so (67c ) rush ling sound
tiger
(57b )
5S *
U ft
87
RflO. NO... 141+5 STROKES. 9. 6+: 56. 4 -.
RflO. NO. 141 + 6 STROKES. *6. 3 : RflD. NO.
14? + 7 STROKES. 7  OCCURRENCES -
5
JE
ft
13. 5 : 43. 8+: 43. 2 : 43. 6 : 45. 1+: 56. 6+: 59. 5 : RflD- NO. 3. 3+: 61. 1 : RflD. NO. +53. 3 : RflO. NO. 51. 8+: 51. 8+: 51. 1 : 51. 1 : RflD. NO.
!8. 0+: 18. 1 : 18. 2 : 18. 3 : 18. 4 : 18. 5 : RflD. NO.
2. 6 :
3. 6 : 5. 4 : 9. 4 :
54. 6 : 59- 6 : RflD- NO. 35. 3 : RflD. NO.
+11. 2
15. 6
16. 8 24. 4
+24. 6+
+25. 3
141+7 STROKES.
141 +1! STROKES. 141 +12 STROKES.
142 +17 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
143+8 STROKES. 6   OCCURRENCES -
143+6 STROKES.
144+0 STROKES. 28   OCCURRENCES -
ftl%T+fT
+ ft <Si£
__586
cHu < tVio (85a ) stop, stay
»» < *x»o (78a ) hill, ruin
bio < tg'os <1841q ) erg out, weep
m < Sngjiio (5% ) gamekeeper, anxious?
kuT < Sk'«ia (28a ) damage
» <*xiik (7B7d ) sound of thunder
gS <Iko (52a ) pestilence, poison
xue < txiwet (418a ) blood
rhong < tiling (1818a ) multitude, all
xing < *g'ang "48a ) road, mobilize
88
587
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	41. 3 :
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	44. 3 :
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m	RflD. NO
	53. 2 :
	53. 2 :
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	26. 6 :
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	63. 4 :
	RflD- NO.
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	35- 1 :
$	RflD. NO.
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s	RflD- NO.
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	9. 0 :
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	39. 0 :
	40. 0+:
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	63. 5+:
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	1. 2 :
	1. 2 :
= AfrJW*-A-AfTJW»X;£ = A  JW # - A - A fT I'm * ;£
m * ik&m ff i& m s   its &
144+3 STROKES.
144 +10 STROKES.
144 +18 STROKES. 145+0 STROKES.
145 + S STROKES.
145 + 6 STROKES. 145+7 STROKES.
145 ♦ 8 STROKES.
145 +18 STROKES.
146+0 STROKES. 7   OCCURRENCES.
m
*D ft £ 75 & jfi £ £ A * T |3 LU 5*1
mm
146 +12 STROKES.
147+4 STROKES. 21 OCCURRENCES.
Hft£
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nU     < Snjo silk floss
< *slug
aaple
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chi <Sd'ieg take off
xT     < Ssiar west
(139p )
(342a )
(96d.-) (558a ) (312a )
(94? )
(12B2h )
(725d / (878b ) (594a )
fu < «p'»Sk (1834. ) overturn
jian < tkian (241a ) see
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5 OCCURRENCES
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147 +15 STROKES.
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147 +18 STROKES. 9   OCCURRENCES.
28. 8 : 28. 1 : 28. 2 : 28. 3 : 28. 4 : 28'. 5 : 28. 6 : 27. 8 : 27. 1 :
RflO. NO- 148 + 8 STROKES.
34. 3 : S;
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již <*kej (861a ) untie, loosen
98
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6.	I :
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♦43-	2 :
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52.	5 :
S3.	1 :
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4.
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NO.
7 STROKES.
149+9 STROKES.
149 +18 STROKES. 7 OCCURRENCES.
149 +14 STROKES. 6   OCCURRENCES.
2.	4		*
18.	5		
28.	5		«
39.	•1		*
55-	5		
chu < trial (1224.9 ) lutt
yan ( tngian (252 ) talk
song ( tdziung (11981) ) dispute
skuo < isiwat (324q ) take off, cose off
Jie < *leg (998c ) "am
«i < tgiHod (523d ) sag, mean
qian < Ik'lia. (627f ) a rodent, huable
J3
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91
590
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56. 5 : RAO. NO. 49. 5 : 49. 6 : RflD. NO.
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48. 2 : RflD. NO.
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1
1. 8 + 2. 0
2. 0+
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3- 0
3. 1 3. 2 3. 5
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149 +16 STROKES. 153+0 STROKES.
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151 +11 STROKES. 5  OCCURRENCES•
152+0 STROKES.
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152+4 STROKES.
152+9 STROKES. 5   OCCURRENCES.
152 +13 STROKES. 153+3 STROKES. 154 ♦ 8 STROKES• 154 + 2 STROKES■
154+2 STROKES. 11 OCCURRENCES.
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bián < fplian (178o ) transfora
gu < *kuk (1282a ) valleg
fěng < «p'jSng (1814a ) aaple
shi < HÖsie (1238f ) pig
tun < td'wn (428a ) goung pig
9« < *d;o (83e ) elephant
fén < tt'iwan (437r ) geld
bäo < HClpau (1244k ) leopard
bei < «p«ad (328a ) courg shell
fu < fb'iüg (1888a ) bear, carry
dir, <ttieng (834g ) deter»in(e),-ation
92
591
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6. 3
6. 4
7. e + 7. 5
8. 8+: 8. 2 8. 4 S. 6+:
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12. 1
13. 8
15. 2
16. 2
16. 5
17. 8 17. 1 17. 3
17. 4
18. 2
19. 0
19- 1
20. 2
21. 4 21- 5
22. 3
23. I 23. 2 25. 0+:
25. 4
26. 0 25. 3
27. 0 27. 3 27. 5
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36. 8
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37. 8 37. 2
39. 8
40- 2
40. 3
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44. 1 + +45- 8
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46. 6
47. 8 49. 8 49. 3 49- 6 58. 5 52- 1
53. 0
54. 2 56. 0
56. 2
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57. 6
58. 0
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60- 0 68. 6
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22. 8 : 22. 1 : 22- 2 :. 22. 3 :
22- 4 : 22. 5 : 22. 6 : RflD. NO. 56. 2 :
56. 4 :
57. 6 : RflD. NO-28. 4 : 44. 2 : RflD. NO.
+64. 4 : RflD. NO. 47. 5 : RflD- NO-44. 4 : RflO- NO-
23- 1 : 58- 4 : RflD. NO.
154+4 STROKES.
154 + 5 STROKES.
154+5 STROKES. 7   OCCURRENCES•
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154+6 STROKES.
at
154 * 7 STROKES -
154+8 STROKES. 155+8 STROKES.
156+3 STROKES. 157+8 STROKES.
157 + 4 STROKES • 6 OCCURRENCES.
HI
21. 1 :
22. 1 : 34. 1 : 43. 1 : 58. 1 : 52. 1 : RflD. NO. 18. 3+: 54. 1 : RflO. NO.
39. 8 39. 1 39. 2 39. 2 39. 3 39. 4 39. 5 39. 6
157+5 STROKES.
157 +10 STROKES. 8 OCCURRENCES.
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string together		
er     < tniar (564g	)	
double, secondary		
hi     < *piar (437a	)	ft
■otleg		
zi < itsiar (555h ) wealth, goods
bin < Spien (389a ) he guest (host?) to
shang < isfang (725n ) reward
chi < «'jak (793a ) red
v Ok'jag (953r ). rise
ai < Xtsiuk (1219a ) leg
< «;ag    (961g )
feet
at
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laae
< tpwl    (25. )
jian < tkjan (143f ) crippled
95
£xft#J
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RflO. NO. 157 +11 STROKES
44. 1 : *4M$J,IXIS[^#£SSS RRD. NO. 157 -13 STROKES -
+44. 1 : **QABifl;K#is|a
RflO. NO. 157 +14 STROKES.
1.4: ttt*£93£tt RflO- NO. 157 +14 STROKES. +51- 2 : RflO. NO. 158 + 8 STROKES. 52. 8+: 52. 4 :
RRO. NO. 158+3 STROKES. 4. 3 : WmW.±%J±7xtt 39. 2 : iEii ♦51. 6 : 59. 3 :
RRD. NO- 159+8 STROKES.
14. 2 : 7\|*M«*ftSxft 22. 1  : &£5tG
38.6+: RjHA*ftaE*a-
47. 4 : SS^lf^^*^ RflD- NO. 159 + 6 STROKES. 9. 6+: EcMSgte^ 14. 2 :
38- 6+: ®!3&a^a:£ RflD. NO. 159 + 7 STROKES. 31. 6 :
52. s = ftatra-fffftet
RflO. NO. 159 + 8 STROKES.
63. 1 :
64. 2 :
RflO. NO. 159 + 9 STROKES. 26. 2 :
34. i : £s-iS£:9?**J[afcT**£|tt
RflD. NO. 159 + 9 STROKES. 9. 3 : J*1S RflD. NO- 159 +18 STROKES.
8 OCCURRENCES.
7. 3 : ♦ 7. 5 :
9. 3 : 23. 6 : 26. 2 : 26. 3 : 34- 4 : 38. 3+: RflO- NO- 168 ♦ 9 STROKES. 23. 2 :
ft
JL
_59ft_
zn«   < *<Uek   (877o ) plant feet, balk zte   < td'juk  (1224J, ) plant feet, balk
yue < *diok (1124f ) leap
JT     < ttsiar  (593p ) cliib
shen i Xsien    (386a ) Mnab, torso
gong < SkjjSng  (18B6f ) body
che ( fkio (74a ) cart, chariot
xai < Itsag (943a' ) transport, carry
fu < Sbino (182v ) jaii, cheeks
lun < fliH,„ (478f ) wheel
fu < <hiok (1834g > axle-brace
fu < »piuk (933j ) spoke
9" < *zjo (89j ) cart
bian (. tt' ian (219b ) kneecap (?)
96
595
3£   RflD. NO- 152 + 6 STROKES.
♦ 2- 8*: S-T-**a*Hl*»±
24. 6+: pa^!*!^* 51   RflD. NO. 162 + 6 STROKES.
28. 3
34. 6+ 57. 1
31   RHO. NO. 152 + 7 STROKES. 39. 4 :
2    RflD- NO- 162 ♦ 7 STROKES.
♦ 5. 6 : 3S   RflD- NO. 162 ♦ 7 STROKES. .    . 6 OCCURRENCES.
26. 3 :
27. 4 :
27. 4 :
38. 1 :
+51. 2 :
63. 2 :
S5c*
8ISS££ltlt£&3S m SB t tit & it St * % liS X 55 *
31   RflD. NO. 162 + 7 STROKES.
6. 2 : ^JSS^ilD 2£   RflD. NO. 162 + 7 STROKES. 59. 6 :
31   RflD- NO. 162 + 8 STROKES. 28. 3 : 57. 1 :
5t   RflD- NO- 162 + 9 STROKES. 9. 1 : 18. 2 :
&*jL£&ifj55# K8±i£3I
17. 4
R*aABa**featw"a4?r4*
24. 8+: ttTHiAie£jjii*:e#Ett* RflD. NO. 162 + 9 STROKES.
7 OCCURRENCES.
28. 8 : 28. 6 : 62. 8+: 62. 2+: 62. 3 : 62. 4 : 62. 6 :
at   RflD. NO. !S2 + 9 STROKES•
42. 2+: *fi£ + jh£fe#2te
&   RflD. NO. 162 + 9 STROKES.
12 OCCURRENCES.
13. 5 21. 3 38. 2 38. ^ +38. 6
m a* «nj&ifD   a bp a ia
8&-&]Ii2l55#-* a S £ JR A 8 £ 121 * SJ » *
■i <».iar (598e ) lose nj
tui < if Had (Slda ) uithdrau, back up
Han <§lian (213a ) to cart
ai     < tsuk     (1222i ) rapid, urge, invite *to    < *d'jSk  (1822a ) ckase
bu < >pno (182 ) flee
« <*t'iek (B56f ) far
J'*" <*i*i?n (379a ) advance
dao < *d'8g (1648a ) road
guo < lk«S (18e ) pass
uei (■ *g;«ar (571d ) oppose, disobeg
Su < *ngin (124b ) ■eet
31
3£ 3£
as
31
97
596
43. 3 : 55. 1 : 55. 4 : s2. 2+: +52. 2 : 62. 4 : 62. 6 : RflO. NO. 34. 6+: 37. 2 : 51. 4 : RflO. NO. 41. 1 :
41. 4 : RRO. NO-11. 2+: RRO- NO. 24. 1 : RflO. NO. 16. 3 : 54. 4 : RflO. NO.
33. 8 : 33. 1 : 33- 3 : 33. 4 : 33. 5 : 33. 6 : RflO. NO.
42. 4 : RflO. NO. 11. 2+:
+62. 0 : RflO. NO. 3. 2+: RRO. NO-
X
**$s n & fb m s# tax *
162+9 STROKES•
162+9 STROKES.
162 + 9 STROKES. 162 +18 STROKES. 162 +11 STROKES.
Xfcjgfc + «ftj3'
162 +11 STROKES. 6   OCCURRENCES.
162 +12 STROKES. 162 +12 STROKES -
162 +13 STROKES.
163+8 STROKES. 9   OCCURRENCES•
iftJRt
6.	2		
8.	5		S A^Sk cf
11.	6		
is.-	6		51
+25.	3	*tA£»	&A£#
35-	6		SJRSx^A^
+43.	8	#§	
46-	3 :		&
48.	8+:		
stti < tdziwad (526a ) push through, then
chuan < td'iwan (168a ) rapid
xii "<V* <33j ) far
yuan i Sgiwan (256f ) far
chi < Jd'jar (596d ) slow, late
dun < *d'nan (428d )' young pig (withdraw)
qian < its'ian (2B6c ) ■ove
9i < tgiwed (548» ) leave behind
zhan < ftian    (148i ) turning appearance yi     < I-{ay    (683a ) town
93
597
RAO. NO. 5. 1 9. 0
13. 6
62. 5 &    RAO. NO.
9. 5 : 11. 4 : 15. 5 : +51- 6 :
63. S+:
63. 5+": $5    RAD- NO.
5. 5 : 29. 4 : AT. 2+:
64. 6 : 63   RAD- NO.
55- 1 : S>    RAD- NO.
41. 1 : §1   RAD- NO.
38. 6 : £    RAD. NO.
+51. 8 : Wt   RAD. NO. 2. 6 : 13. 8 : &   RAD- NO.
4. 3 : 21. 4 : 21. 5 : 44. 1+: 47. 4 : 58- 5 : & RflD. NO. 58. 5 : 58. 6 : *n    RAD. NO.
.    38- 1 : «8    RAD. NO. 6- 6 : 7. 2 : 35- -8 : -£    RAO. NO. + 7. 5 :
163+6 STROKES•
163+12 STROKES. 6  OCCURRENCES• -
*^$tdSJX
*rjx
£85
164+3 STROKES.
164 '+ 3 STROKES-164+3 STROKES.
164 +10 STROKES. 166+0 STROKES. 1SS + 4 STROKES.
iUAf
167+0 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
- £fc&ft
&«f*3ft£
167+5 STROKES.
167+8 STROKES. 167+8 STROKES.
163+0 STROKES.
jiio < *kog (1166n ) suburban altar
lin < Xlien (387i ) neighbor
jiu < ttsiog (18%k ) liquor
Pci < tp'wod (514a ) consort
zhu6 < Jtiok (H28d } libation
chou < *?'i6g  (1889a ) hate, evil, uglg II     < *l|ag ' (978a ) li, league, ap.588n. ye"     < *djS     (831 ) npen country
jln < tkim (652a ) ■etal
xuan < Sg'iwen (366e ) carrying-bar
cuo < its'ak (798s ) crossed
xl < tsiek (858n ) bestou (a reward)
ihang < id'Jang (721a ) eldest
S3
13
ft
99
n
69
PS
RAD. NO. 13. 1 : 17. 1 :
36. 4 : 68. 2 : RflD. NO.
7. 6 : RAO- NO. 26- 3 :
37. 1 : RflD- NO. SS. 6+: RflD- NO-28. 2 : 55. 6+: RRO. NO. 62. 3 : RAD- NO. 11. 3*: RflD- NO.
52. 3 : RAO. NO. 13. 3 :
+51. 2 :
53. 5 : RflD. NO.
43. 5 : 53. 3+: S3. 6 : RflO. NO. 61. 2+: RflO. NO. 46. 5 : RflD. NO.
28. 4 : RflD. NO. 11. 6 : RAO- NO.
44. 5 : RAD- NO.
17. 8 :
17. 3 :
17. 4 :
31. 3 :
52. 2 : RAD. NO.
29. 2 : 29. 3 :
169+8 STROKES.
•sum Asm
159 + 4 STROKES.
169+4 STROKES.
SJ»Jg?J JB.fi H
169+9 STROKES.
169 +11 STROKES.
T
178 + 4 STROKES. 178+5 STROKES. 178+6 STROKES.
178+8 STROKES.
178 + 8 STROKES.
178+8 STROKES. 178+9 STROKES. 178+9 STROKES. 178+9 STROKES.
HH*it^A*Jffl
H*55a 6B#PH*55a
178 +13 STROKES.
178 +18 STROKES.
178 +13 STROKES. 5   OCCURRENCES.
GS 5cTfJ.fi 55 £
_598
■en < lawan (441a ) door, gate
k3i < *k'ar (541a ) establish, open
xian < tg'an (192a ) . Hell-trained, guard
qti     < tk'iwek (86Bd ) quiet, deserted
kul   < tt'.Heg (875d ) peek
fang < *V iwang(748z ) prevent
bei < tpia (25i ) • slope
xian  < tg'en    (416i ) waist
ling '< i'liang  (898c ) bill, Bound
Iu     < 11:8k    (1832f ) land
Sin < t-isa (651g ) shade
jig < Iker (599d ) stairs
long  < igliSng OBlSf )
bulge upward, high
huang < *g'wang (788j )
(waterless) woat gun    < *giweh   (227g )
fall
sui < idzwia dig ) pursue, >arrow
xian < txlia. (613f ) precipice, steep
188
599
8
RflD. NO. 40. 6 : RRO. NO. 50. 3+: 56. 5 : RflD. NO. 55. 1 : RflD- NO.
12. 4 30. 0 30. 2 38. 3+ 62- 6 RflD. NO.
S. 0 : 9^ 6+: +38. 6 : +43. 3 : +50. 3 : 62. 5 : RflD. NO. 9- 0 : 62- 5 : RflD. NO.
5. 0 5. 1 5- 2 5- 3 5- 4 S. 5 RflD. NO
51. 8+ 51. 8+
172+2 STROKES.
172+5 STROKES.
2: ffl ár * Ť ffi « £ ± 35 £ x * ft
172+9 STROKES.
172 +11 STROKES. 5 OCCURRENCES.
173+8 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
mat
173+4 STROKES.
173+6 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
173+7 STROKES. 12   OCCURRENCES.
+51- 8 51- 1 51. 2+
51. 51. 51. 51.
51. 6+ +51. 6 +64. 4
£Ť#?Jffltíx*š-
S82?cŠířx*
S&ISŽŠíťx*
8 * Ť * £ Ť & & x g- 41«5 * í
sán < tsnimn (467a ) Kank
<*ďjar (568 pheasant
sul    < Ssiwar  (575y ) though it he lí     < ilia    (23f ) species of warbler
gu < igjwo (lBBa ) rain
gún < igiwan (46Bb ) clouds
xu < tmiu (134a ) get wet, wait
zhěn < *Ijan (455s ) thunder
m
9
8
181
IS
s ft
w
ft
RflD. NO. 2. 1 -. RflO. NO. 27. 1 : RflO. NO. +61. 2 : RflO. NO. 49. 6 : RflD. NO-
33. 2 : 49. 6 :' 49. 1 : 49- 2 : 49- 3 : 49. 6 :
53. 3+: RflD. NO-49. 1 : RflD- NO.
6. 6 : RflO. NO. 61. 6 : +62. 8 : RflD. NO-28. 6 : RflO. NO. *3. 3+: RflD. NO. 22. 2 :
54. 3 : RflO- NO-
27. 8 : 27. 8 : 27. ! : 27. 2 : 27. 2 : 27. 3 : 27. 4 :
27. 6 : RflD. NO. 24. 3 : 57. 3 : RflO. NO. 31. 6 : RflO. NO.
28. 8 :
173+9 STROKES. 173 +16 STROKES.
175 +11 STROKES.
176+8 STROKES.
177+8 STROKES. 7   OCCURRENCES -
S?-fi3!4hA¥HrfiEKlJ§A3
177+6 STROKES. 177 +18 STROKES. 188+8 STROKES.
181+2 STROKES. 183 +2 STROKES. 181+3 STROKES.
181+6 STROKES. 8   OCCURRENCES.
»1
Efa
181+7 STROKES.
181 ♦ 7 STROKES.
mm
®aJKx£
181 + 9 STROKES.
Bans****
_600
shuang< tsiang (731g ) frost
H"9 < *lieng (836i )* nuainous, spiritual
" <*»i« (17h ) to eaptg, share
™*n < Hian (223, ) face
<re < *kek (331a ) rawhide
gong < Jkjung (1172c') hind
Pin < th'wan (182i ) rawhide helt
9Tn <ija. (653a ) noise, sound
ding < ftieng  (833e )
crown of head
qiu    < %'iuff  (992e )
cheelchone
xu < *s;u (133a ) heard, elder sister
yi < «gjag (968c ) jaw
pin ( Ib'ien (398a ) repeatedly
jii < tkiap (63Bh ) jowls
gong < fng|ung (124p ) big-headed, great
182
601
m m
RRD. NO 27. 2 27. 4 58- 1 RRD. NO 8- 5 : RRD. NO
181 +10 STROKES.
181 +14 STROKES.
183+8 STROKES. S OCCURRENCES.
'ft
ft
1.	5 :
36.	1+:
+62.	0 :
62.	! :
62.	6 :
RRD	. NO
5-	5 :
6-	3 :
+11.	3 :
23.	6 :
26.	0 :
+36.	1+:
47.	2+:
48-	1 :
48-	3+:
48.	5 :
50.	3+:
53-	2 :
RRD	. NO.
53.	2 :
64.	6 :
RRD	NO-
50-	4 :
RRD	NO.
37.	2 :
RRD	NO-
[Ei3-*&8t8t*&i£2xft
RAJ* 09
184+0 STROKES. 12 OCCURRENCES.
ffiT8ffftj5'
ftf&jtE££#&£*X& *gj5xft#)to*#Tft*ii
*s*i.a*Rfce-jRi»rtJii
S-f-f ffEa^Fft
#5S^Fft W#x£
ai*fT^ft(ftfnffi-
184+4 STROKES.
184 ♦ 7 STROKES.
184 +12 STROKES.
185+8 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
1. 7 8. 6
30. 6 36. 3
63. 6
64. 6 RRD. NO
2. 0+:
3. 2+: 3. 4 : 3. 6 :
22. 4 : 26. 3 :
3E ffl iH ft* ft if £ SEE * &x ft
3s &
187+0 STROKES. 11 OCCURRENCES.
RitO&ftOHi HI
*^Tft*SxftSE*-g*#i**
121
dian < *tien (375« ) top of head, invert
xian < *x«an    (242a )
girth, hrighK?)
fei    < »Pi«r  (588a )
fly
shi < «iak (921a ) eat
gin < tig. (654a ) drink
su < Ssuk ' (1222k ) stew
kui < ig'i«d (5481 ) present food
shou < fsiSg (1182a ) head
■a < S.5 (48a ) horse
183
602
m
1^
35. 8 :
36. 2 : 38. ! : 59- 1 : 61- 4 : RflO. NO. 11. 2+: RflD- NO.
8. 5 : RflO. NO. •SJ. 0 : RflD. NO'. 13. 3 : 18- 6 : 40. 6 : 63. 3 : RflO. NO. 51. 0 : RflD. NO. 38- 6+: 63. 3 : +64. 4 : RflD. NO. 23. S : 44. 2 : 44. 4 :
61. 0 : RflD. NO. 48. 2 : RflD. NO-56. 6+:
+62. 8 :
62. 1 : 62. 6 : RflD. NO. 15. 2 :
15. 6 :•
16. 1 : 61. 2+: RflD- NO.
53. 1
S3. 2
S3. 3+
53. 4
S3. 5
S3. 6
1S£S
187+2 STROKES. 187 +11 STROKES. 187 +13 STROKES. 189+0 STROKES.
,!<fcJJIJi*gJiSAx#
192 + 8 STROKES. 194 ♦ 8 STROKES.
195+8 STROKES.
195+5 STROKES. 196+8 STROKES.
196+3 STROKES.
196 + S STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
36* = *3fe^^A*JJ
»***KA*S»«ift
»»*iflifTSiitEsa
ping < tb'iang (899d ) ford, wade
<*k'i«    (122c ) drive horses
JT«W < *kie»g (813g ) frighten
gSo < ikog (1129a ) high
chlng < Xt'iang (719a ) aroaatic spirits
gul Okiwar (569a ) Gui tribe, gbost
3« < «ng«o (79a ) fish
fu     Ob'ju    (136q )
crucian carp
niao < *tiSg    (1116a )
bird
aing < taieng (827a ) aniaal's call
n°«* < Vung (1172g') wild goose
184
603
SI   RAO. NO 61. 2+: S,   RAD. NO 3. 3+: H   RAD- NO
2. 5 2. 6 21. 5 38- 2 .33. 2
48. 2
49. 1 ' 58. 5
$   RAO. NO.
58. 8 : 58. 1 : 58- 2 : 58- 3+: 58. 4 : 58. 5 : 58. 6 : I£   RAD. NO. ♦38. 3 : 61. 3 : S,   RAD. NO.
35. 4 : §S   RAD. NO.
35. 4 : &    RAD. NO.
21. 2 : 5?   RAD- NO. 45. 6 : RAD. NO.
196 +10 STROKES.
198 + 8 STROKES.
.201+0 STROKES. 8 OCCURRENCES.
Y
&#f*3ftA:£jtJK5G# J? Si 5c 1=
206 + 8 STROKES. 7 OCCURRENCES.
287 + 0 STROKES.
288 + 0 STROKES.
208 + 5 STROKES.
209 + 0 STROKES.
210+7 STROKES.
212+0 STROKES. 6 OCCURRENCES.
1- 1 : 1. 2 : 1. 5 : 1.6:
1. 7 :
2. 6 : SI   RAD. NO.
27. 1 : 41- 5 : 42. 2+:
213+0 STROKES.
Mat?
tmstm m w n n u. * t 55 &-
ft*?J£?£2:&&Jf?Si!*!
^$0 6§
SRi ,S ^5 &5c£ • 5fr5&*5g£
A It »56 ITS
til!
he < Ig'Sk (1117b ) crane
1« < Uak (1289a ) deer -
buang < tg'wang (7B7a ) gel low, brown
gu < *ko (SBa ) drua
sbu < tsio (92a ) rodent
sbx'    <«2iak    (795h ) kind of rodent, big bi     < tb'iad  (521c ) nose
jl < Itsiar (593u ) sigh, bring (?)
< «iang  (1193. )
dragon
ft
ding < ttieng (83<.a ) A cauldron
9«! < *kiwog (985a ) turtle
ft
m
it
105
604
APPENDIX H
THE WENWU 1984.3 TRANSCRIPTION OF THE MAWANGDUI MS.
(Hexagram numbers not provided in Wenwu, and added here for convenience~ see Appendix E for correspondence to order of received text)
1. =   * <l£>,7c£ <*> , MMo toil, & (S> llfe^o Ar, JUMEffl,?y&*A-.
ah, mttsm <«) a (&>,*ffg <*> £*, 5t#o as,j£&(«) g£,
5£&o A5E, 3 <b> B&%* fiJJ.±Ao ft (±) a, ft (ft)ffi3TB.£ <ja>
a.  .MBtXttt   no Iff
2. =5E    » (5) £-#A, *WPJS, fcJA, £ <*> l&SaiX&IS (*) , *
16 <&) *, /hA^, *A* (5),^. <£) 5 (H) o
AE, «*,        tt <«) B <*t) m <tt> o a£,       <§> , *AJf. g
cr*c, g eg) ^te <s>*jisi (±> xjmm> m <s>,*^ <s)&#0 2*
3- =   * GE) ,     /fcHA. *j*, * (31) JUS, tommi&u a-, #2*83^2.
ft GS>,B;2#* <3ft>.AH,       <3i),*£, JSo g&££oAH,*?& (31),
Sft, *A* <£>oA£,3& (JDJIstfoiSi <±>A,E* <5£>^«Jo3?t 4.  ==    B OR) £Jlt *K (ig) A, ^o fcJA, B (£>tt (B>,tt3E#.Ar.B 0R>
3is <S> « Gfi>,BAJi*. AH, » (ftj>) B&, JKflgN, B (B) J^M, * <i£) A, 5&o gtAB:F*B. AH, B <B> J^M, b c») & a
£,£b <JR),j5«offi <Jb)a,*&b <®>,*5 <#>,#g(i£),:7c£o 4fi
5- ==    B, ^tb <*),B (fi> * <«>,£ <*>       <») 5&o MJLxA,*«rt
JUo So*, 3jycSf*, 4> <*) Ws, 3- (&) ito AH, Siiffii, gg,
AHWP, %m (f)o^£, j§JKo 5B£o AE,*5£Ifc,msp
*. & <iSr)     Wo A3£, 5 if
^ 7C^= B (±) a, BB2& <B> B, &^H& eg) £0 9S
6# ==  i^Am ?o m&ttu, *Jtfio *oa, SAW, *&o *-,^Ami» ($)oA=, ie cffc) ^ <jso     m, s <?h)^s am=a*0So cah ,
B («>, ^^?fc,      AS, I^A, 5fe5fe«s <«*)        rtSli^^iSo ft (±) a, I^A^BS <»), 56&o 7ff
7. = 5&s <S),7c*. fu^o #jE#ff (ff),^«j*&ao Ida,    (^).ffi^o a
605
r, Ts* cmm &. ah, 5e csjžhuä* cr> cž^v ítAD žíí, eAžž (ifc).rtig,RľA,3&». 7ls, ?ež <^> ££,£$1 m>
(±) ä, 5£á: (S)±íť,« (#),5čífcfHI. si?
050 £ <¥) a <Ä) JB <»).;Jl=:, « <&)        56», ^fiJSToTLH, c»3BMř, ÄfŤ^Äo Ä, ttü ». (fe) 5B&, jEÄoS <tl>
B (fi) « (fe) m (Ä),£*t, Ž (^t) * <SD        ft <_t) tl,#3 <ig)Ä Ä, H (5),5E&. 9» =    * (S) mi («)        ÍTÄS, *j|£A, 5B»oí5A, # (S)*
jfc (Ä),», fflácA. a~, « (r) äe (*),*ä (&) £«, % ěh, <*j) ä5b (*),«»&. ae, « (R) £tt (15) . a£,
* (ft) £& («),«)¥, *£. » <±) 7L, M (ft)*.wff
io. =<=>e m <*) s (*),f«a.       s.        wtl,     *je. im, m$l £ («i)o7lh,       nm <»)■        (Bi) * rmídWifctt. ah, #
*2?K»),Ä£.Ä£,3S«ft)§8(fO:ž5F, ^ciSi(±)7L,M^S(»),^, iifí
n ==   m, Tmmmío $ja, m c*) u&, sog) a, ä. a-, šhächo k.
Hf (*), «<£) Ä, Ä. ah, jh3e&. ae, ifl* G*) UUff, Ä. a5, Jt £u * (tt) ^A$ («),3&fl«. ft (±) A, 5 («S) fí#$, /J*
AifliS (M), "í?
12. =    Ä       <*).5cS, Ä (^) #. «TA,  Cf'J] Wfeft. * (£)2JH,-i5 <£>
»TJ83£ (*).*tft, E3C*g (ft) Ä, 35», 7L^, «a,ie (fiE) ä.*
S, £2. ah, HAíťIiJSt-A, -AítÄHTOe. as, * «£) *&
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