Laden Animal Figurines from the Chalcolithic Period in Palestine Author(s): Claire Epstein Source: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 258 (Spring, 1985), pp. 53- 62 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1356898 . Accessed: 30/03/2011 12:24 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asor. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The American Schools of Oriental Research is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. http://www.jstor.org Laden Animal Figurines from the Chalcolithic Period in Palestine CLAIRE EPSTEIN Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums POB 586 Jerusalem 91004, Israel Animal figures laden with receptacles of several types have beenfound in Chalcolithic Palestine. Executed in various materials (basalt, pottery, and on a wall painting), animals and containers alike are closely connected with the two main branches of the contemporaryeconomy, namely, sheep/goat rearingand agriculture. Thefigures are essentially cultic in character, implying a use in rites to promote increase and prosperity, probably in an everyday domestic context. Whilemost of thefigures discussed have long been known, this is thefirst time that they have been considered as a group: all are seen to have been fashioned to the same end: the guarantee of basic subsistence needs essential to man's existence. L ong before the discovery of pottery man was fashioning primitive schematic clay female and animal figurines, which he probably believed were imbued with special powers and which he used to promote fertility on the one hand and success in hunting on the other. Figurines of this kind are known from Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites throughout the Near East. The female figures are portrayed in a variety of ways, with emphasis usually on sexual characteristics, many clearly pregnant and some actually in the process of giving birth (Albright 1940: 98; Mallowan 1956: 14; Mellaart 1967: fig. 52, from a grain bin). The animal figures are represented as both hunted and herded species, some of the quarryhaving been intentionally maimed, broken, or "stabbed" in some sort of magical hunting rite (Braidwood et al. 1961; Singh 1974: fig. 64; Mellaart 1967: 78 and pl. 66; 1975: 88). Zoomorphic vessels are also found, pointing to a cultic use (Mellaart 1970: pls. 61:2, 62:7, a boar; and 1975: fig. 64, a deer). Over time there was increased emphasis on the representation of herded animals, especially sheep and goats. Later, effigy vases occur at several more or less contemporary sites, some modeled in the form of a seated goddess, but all bearing her likeness in the form of a painted face, often with eyes inlaid with obsidian or cowrie shells, and many having tattoo marks on the cheeks (Lloyd and Safar 1945:fig. 1:2,pl. 17:2-3; Abu Al-Soof 1968:pl. 13; Oates 1968: pl. 20; Mellaart 1975: fig. 69). The inference is that such vessels were used in rites to promote fertility, or that the effigy of the goddess was regarded as having apotropaic powersprobably a combination of the two. Certainly the vase shape points to libations or votive offerings. In this connection contemporary, ovoid churnshaped vessels should be noted in Anatolia, similar to the later pottery churns of the Chalcolithic period in Palestine and possibly similarly used. On a vessel of this type the neck, which is treated in the same manner as on the goddess vases, is painted to representa face with inset eyes of obsidian (Parrot 1969: fig. 4; fig. 1 here), doubtless in the belief that the very association of the goddess with a vessel connected with the milk-giving flocks was a means to ensure fertility and increase. It thus appears that long before the fourth millennium B.C. it was widely believed that man's basic subsistence needs could be assured by invoking the beneficent powers of tutelarydeities, which, while differing in name and aspect, ultimately represented the essential concept of a life-giving 53 CLAIRE EPSTEIN _' Fig. 1. Churn-shaped goddess vase, from Anatolia. Height 26 cm; width: 2602 cm. force governing both man and the world in which he lived. Although relativelylittle is known of early cult practices, much can be deduced from the paraphernalia and objects that have come to light at site after site, nearly always associated with a series of recognized symbols. Summing up the 'Ubaid period, B. L. Goff writes (1963: 88): Peoplewerepreoccupiedwithhopesfor fertility, the increaseof their flocks and herds,growing fruitsand grain,humanwell-beingand productivity.... The continuity in human hopes and fears produced a basic similarityin symbolic motifs. This similarity is seen not so much in the form that the symbol takes as in the underlying concept for which it stands, expressed in each region in a different way. In Chalcolithic Palestine the indications are that there were certain accepted symbols whose latent potency, it was believed, could be transferred to objects with which they were associated. The use of such symbols was prompted by the desire to promote fertility within the family unit and the wider tribal group, as well as among the flocks and herds, and likewise to ensure prosperity and abundance in the fields and cultivated areas. Although we do not always entirely understand them, their import can hardly be in doubt in view of the growing body of evidence from sites throughout the country pointing to the use of the same symbols on ossuary frontons, on temple equipment from 'En-gedi (found in the Cave of the Treasure), on vessels and on basalt pillar-form figures in the Golan, on both human and animal figurines in the Negev, and painted on the walls of the houses at Ghassul (Epstein 1978a, 1982). With the expansion of stock-raising and the resultant need to process part of the milk yield, and with the diversification of cultivated crops (includingfruits), potteryfigurinesof animals laden with receptacles commonly used for milk or produce appear for the first time in the Chalcolithic period. These occur side by side with simpler animal figurines, including domesticated dogs (Macdonald et al. 1932: pl. 27:D1, 83, 84; Mallon etal. 1934: figs. 35:1, 3, 4, 36:1, 11; Hennessy 1969:fig. 11:4;Bar-Adon 1980: 143, Ill. 11). These naturalistic figurines not only reflect the current economy, but their small size and their containeroffering vessels lead to the assumption that they were used in rites to promote increase and fertility much as were the circular basalt figures from the Golan, all of which terminate above in an offering bowl (Epstein 1975). Support for an interpretation of this kind is provided by a closely-allied basalt figure of a ram, found on the surface at Tell Turmus (fig. 2a,b), which, unlike the stylized pillar figures, is a naturalistic representation, only the forepart of which is extant.' The animal is sculpted with curling horns, a prominent muzzle (or nose), low earknobs on either side (similar to those on the pillar figures), and stumpy front legs (now broken off); on its back is an offering bowl with thickened rounded rim. A second surface find from the same site is a circular basalt figure with offering bowl on top and ear-knobs on either side, but no other facial features.2The two belong to the same cultural background, and the ram-like the horned pillar-figures found in contemporary house contexts (Epstein 1977: 59, 60; 1979: pl. 26:D; 1982: 64 and figs. 33, 34)-was almost certainly connected with a domestic cult to promote increase among the flocks and herds. While the shallowness of the bowl on its back precludedthe pouring of milk libations, it was clearly intended to receive an appropriate offering. The basalt ram belongs to the same general class as two well-known pottery figurines of a ram, one from the 'En-gedi sanctuary, bearing on its back two hollow churns3 (fig. 3a,b), the other 54 BASOR 258 CHALCOLITHIC FIGURINES b. Fig. 2a, b. Basalt figure of ram with bowl on the back (incomplete), from Tell Turmus. Height: 21 cm; extant length:25 cm. from Gilat (fig. 4), carrying three tall vessels (Alon 1976: pls. 33, 34; 1977: 65). In addition, a small pottery fragment showing the hindquarters of an animal-probably a ram or goat-was found in the 1960 Ghassul excavations (North 1961: No. 8728, from Level 8 D2, fig. 15 and pl. 10; fig. 5a-c here). The curve of what remains of the two vessels on its back (which are interconnected within) makes it almost certain that these were churns -possibly some kind of "bird vase"-while the broken tail recalls that of the Gilat ram.4 On the analogy of the offering bowl on the back of the b Fig. 3a,b. Pottery figurine of ram (?) bearing churns, from'En-gedi. Tell Turmus ram, it can be plausibly suggested that the vessels carried by its pottery counterparts likewise served as receptacles in which offerings (probably milk libations) were placed, and that all were used in rites to promote fertility and success in the pastoral component of the economy. The sanctuary context of the CEn-gedi animal, coupled with the fact that it is carrying churns, strengthens such an interpretation, while the cultic significance of the Gilat ram has been stressed from the outset.5 The churn itself, a vessel in everyday use and essential for the preparation of milk products, has been found at many Chalcolithic sites. It is not surprising, then, to find miniature churns (clearly cultic in character; fig. 6) that were also probably used in rites to ensure a good milk yield (Sukenik 1948: pl. 1:1; Mallon etal. 1934: pls. 50:A, 102; de Contenson 1956: 227 and fig. 9:9; Dothan 1959: fig. 10:3; Perrot 1961: fig. 39:1, 3 and pl. 9:11, 14; the churn on the head of the 1985 55 CLAIRE EPSTEIN BASOR 25856 17.5 cm; Miniature pottery churn, from Azor. Height: width:23 cm. Fig. 4. Pottery figurine of ram bearing cornets, from Gilat.Height (excluding cornets): 12 cm; length:27.5 cm. Fig.5a-c. Fragmentsof potteryfigurineof animalbearing churns, fromGhassul. (Drawingsby Ms.T. Mazziola.) Gilat goddess, Alon 1977: pl. 36; Epstein 1982:78 and fig. 53).6 In the light of all this it can be assumed that to insure fertility and increase among the flocks it was common practice to place appropriate small offerings in vessels borne by realistically portrayed animals that were closely identified with this branch of the economy. If this be so, it is likely that another animal figure can be included in this group, although not made of pottery or sculpted in stone. This is the so-called "dragon" figure in the Ghassul mural, discovered some 50 years ago (Mallon et al. 1934: 179 and Frontispiece; fig. 7 here). While much is enigmatic regardingthe overall meaning of the superimposed layers of the fresco, the excavators were of the opinion that the a if .'I )/ ,I'y I//! Se/ Fig.7. Suggested restorationof animalfromwall painting at Ghassul. two masks, the "dragon," and the central star belonged together (Koeppel etal. 1940: 17 and pl. 7). It is not within the scope of this article to attempt to interpret the significance of the various elements in the Ghassul frescoes, which by general consent are considered to be cultic in inspiration. In the present context it is to the animal figure shown between the two upper left-hand rays of the star that attention is directed. Zoologist F. S. Bodenheimer concluded that this red-colored figure was intended as a carnivore, possibly a fox (Bodenheimer 1960: 155; 1972:Frontispiece). Since in addition to the ears the animal has two horns, I* .... I s"....:'' " i I Fig. 6. I CHALCOLITHIC FIGURINES m Fig. 8. Pithos from house at Rasm Harbush, Golan. Height: 39 cm; width (excluding handles):35 cm. Fig. 9. Pottery figurine of donkey laden with baskets, fromGiv'atayim.Height:7.4 cm;extant length:8 cm. it is unlikely that a fox was intended, especially as this is an animal completely alien to the iconography of the period. Mallon suggested that this was a winged monster with open jaws and darting fang (the latter perhaps intended as a snake and belonging to a different layer of the painting). With the laden ram figures in mind, we suggest that the one-dimensional fresco animal was also intended as a ramand that it is similar in approach to the pottery figurines. Thus what Mallon saw as the lower jaw is in fact a depiction of the animal's forelegs, and what he interpreted as the front teeth is a careful depiction of the shaggy hair on the dewlap, likewise shown on the Gilat ram. Three lines across the upper part of the body no doubt indicate the base of the head, recalling the ridge at the base of the head on a number of pillar figures (Epstein 1975: 201 and fig. 3:9), while the head itself is disproportionately large on account of the pair of large white eyes shown frontally. On the underside of 1985 57 CLAIRE EPSTEIN .~~~~~~~~~~~~6"'';4: i" 'h. ~~=t~fE ,.'";' .:'..:":':',;: :.:, .: i{; t '?". length:9.5 cm. . -'..;'.t..~, . ~..:'.:;: ':: 3} ~~~~~~~~~~~~.4? '"i! ~~~... .,. .... Fig. 10. Pottery figurine of donkey laden with bins, from Azor. Height: 7 cm; length: 9.5 cm. II \ II \ I ' \ I I \ I \1 Y.?C?r???I "1 , I ;pv,_ .? 1'. 4 a rbcai, ?. -.4i.-t,.c;u.?.. Fig. 11a, b. Pottery head of bridled animal, probably a donkey, from site near the Yarmuk River. Size of fragment: 7.5 x 4.5 cm. (Drawing by Ms. M. Yanai.) the body the sexual organ is shown, but the figure is incomplete and neither the hind legs nor the tail is extant. As is the case with the Gilat ram, the body itself is unduly elongated, while on its back is not a "butterfly wing" (as suggested by Mallon) but a wide-mouthed jar-possibly one of a paircarried in exactly the same way as the churns and the cornets on the backs of the pottery figurines. In support of this interpretation it should be noted that this pithos-like vessel is decorated with a series of ornamental motifs, including what may well have been intendedas a "rope-pattern"design, common on contemporary wares (fig. 8).7 Thus the painted figure falls into place alongside the modeled figures of rams, its very depiction on a house wall emphasizing its cultic significance. Reviewing the above, we see that at four sitesin the far north, in the Negev, and in the Dead Sea region-the figure of a ram has come to light bearing on its back a receptacle for offerings or libations. To be sure, the 'En-gedi figurine was found in a sanctuary; nevertheless it is likely that all originated in house contexts8 where they had 58 BASOR 258 CHALCOLITHIC FIGURINES been used in simple domestic rites to promote fertility in the pastoral branch of the economy. Other pottery figurines, closely allied to those discussed and exemplifying an identical approach, are modeled to represent the donkey. They are likewise laden, but with jars and baskets, clearly pointing to a connection with agriculture. The donkey figure apparently fulfilled a function similar to that of the ovids, being used in simple rites to insure good harvests; the vessels borne on their backs likewise must have served as containers for appropriate offerings. As in the case of the churns, these are miniature representations of vessels that were in daily use for bringing in the crops: panniers for olives, pulses and fruit, large pottery bins and jars for grain. Allowing for a certain amount of diversity, this ties in well with what is known of contemporary crop varieties.9 Two laden donkey figurines were found in ossuary caves at Giv'atayim (Kaplan 1969:pl. 8; 1976: 452; fig. 9 here) and at Azor (Druks and Tsaferis 1970:578 and pl. 40:B; fig. 10 here). Both are realistically modeled and in all probability had been made in the first instance for use in a domestic context and only later deposited with other grave goods in a tomb cave. In addition there is a pottery head of a harnessed animal (fig. lla), which may qualify for inclusion in this group, although there is nothing to identify the complete figure or any indication as to whether or not it bore receptacles of any kind on its back. Made of light buff ware covered with red paint, the reins are plastically rendered in the form of raised bands or a "rope-pattern." The fragment was found on the surface at a site situated on the north bank of the Yarmuk river near its emergence into the Jordan Valley (Epstein and Gutman 1972: Site 209; Epstein 1976:454), and it can be assumed that it originated in a house.'? Since the ears have broken off, its identification is uncertain; but it is likely that it once formed part of a donkey figurine (cf. fig. lb, with suggested restoration) and that it was laden, there being few other candidates for domesticated beasts of burden at this time. The continued use of laden donkey figurines in the subsequent Early Bronze Age strengthens this suggestion. For just as the miniature churn from Giv'atayim (Kaplan 1969, 1976) illustrates the continuance for centuries of cult practices relating to pastoralism (Amiran 1981), so the two laden figures-probably intended as donkeys-from an Early Bronze I horizon at Ras el-'Ain (Eitan 1969: 51 and fig. 3:1, 2) demonstrate a similar tendency in regardto agriculture."T Another once-laden figurine of a donkey, which is of even later date, was found in an Early Bronze III tomb at Jericho (Kenyon 1960: 124and pl. 7:3, from Tomb D 12); as in the case of the donkeys deposited in the ossuary tomb caves, it is likely that it, too, was originally made for domestic use and only later placed in the tomb. The series of laden animal figurines not only provides additional evidence regarding the economy of groups settled up and down the country, but it illustrates the importance attached to and the connection between cult practices and daily life.'2 Whether a ram bearing churns or other vessels used for milk and milk products, or a donkey carrying the produce of the fields, the emphasis is on animal husbandry and agriculture: success and abundance for everything connected with these occupations was widely regardedas depending on the favor of tutelary deities. NOTES 'The incompletefigure was found on the surface some years ago by Dr. M. Prausnitz,to whom I am indebtedfor permissionto publishit here.Thefigureis on permanentexhibitinthe HulehPrehistoricMuseum, Ma'ayan Barukh. For Tell Turmus, see Dayan 1969; Epstein 1978b:39-40. 2Unpublished, on exhibit in the Huleh Prehistoric Museum, Ma'ayan Barukh. Height: 30 cm; Diameter: 18cm. 3Theanimal is described as a bull by the excavators, although there are no clear indications on the fragmentary figurine to support this (Mazar 1963: 105; Ussishkin 1980:20andfig. 11.SeenowAmiran1981:49). 41 am grateful to the Pontifical Biblical Institute, Jerusalem, for allowing me to examine the fragment and publish new drawings here. 5In my opinion the building in which the two Gilat figures were found was neither a temple nor a shrine, 591985 CLAIRE EPSTEIN but a house similar in size to contemporary houses in the Golan (many of them measuring 15x 6 m). The ram and churn goddess figurines were probably used in domestic cult practices directed towards guaranteeing increase and plenty. This applies equally to the fragmentary Ghassul figure found in a living area. 6Another churn from Giv'atayim, published as Chalcolithic (Kaplan 1976: 452), would be a candidate for inclusion in this list; but J. Kaplan (personal communication) is convinced that it belongs to the Early Bronze I phase of the tomb. 7This medium-sized pithos is cited since, in addition to the bands of impressed "rope-pattern"decoration, it has on the shoulder a single, nonfunctional "hornhandle,"clearlyassociating it with the milk-giving flocks (Epstein 1982: 77 and fig. 52). When found, only the stumps of the horns remained; these were restored, modeled on plastic horns that had broken off from other vessels. 8Thecontext of the fresco figure is not in doubt since it was painted on the wall of a house; the Tell Turmus ram was almost certainly from a house. 9Typical crops include emmer wheat, einkorn barley, flax, lentils, pea and vetch, dates, pomegranates and olives, with the addition of gathered wild fruits, nuts, acorns and pistachios. For Ghassul: Lee 1978: 1213;for Beersheba: Perrot 1968: cols. 432, 435; for the Cave of the Treasure:D. V. Zaitschek apud Bar-Adon 1980:223; for the Golan, Lifschitz and Waisel 1977, 1979; Hopf 1982[emmer wheat]. 'OSincethis article was written, the allocation of this surfacefind to the Chalcolithic period has been rendered less certain in view of the results of recent excavations by the writer at the site, since Chalcolithic levels have not yet been reached below the Early Bronze I layers uncovered. "After this article had been completed the find was reportedof a laden donkey figurine in an Early Bronze I context at Tell Kishion (C. Arnon, Hadashot Archaeologiot 78-79: 18(Hebrew). '2In the third millennium there is evidence for the elaboration of this approach (Amiran 1981). It is particularly well illustrated by a unique alabaster plaque dating to the EarlyDynastic III period, which was found in secondary usage at Tell Chuera. On it are shown, in relief, seven female figures identically dressed, representing different aspects of the Mother Goddess, each holding in her lap a child or young animal. Although the plaque considerably postdates the cult figures discussed here, it is inspired by the same fundamental approach-above all, a belief in the transferenceof the potency inherent in the godhead to promote fertility in humans, flocks, and fields. These are tangibly expressed through the figures of children, sheep, goats, and a donkey, while the lion and bull-calf figures almost certainly symbolize virility. (Moortgat-Correns 1977-78: Abb. 20-21). BIBLIOGRAPHY Abu Al-Soof, B. 1968 Tell es-Sawwan: Excavations of the Fourth Season (Spring 1967). Sumer 1:3-15. Albright, W. F. 1940 From the Stone Age to Christianity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins. Alon, D. 1976 Two Cult Vessels from Gilat. 'Atiqot 11: 116-18. 1977 A Chalcolithic Temple at Gilath. Biblical Archaeologist 40: 63-65. Amiran, R. 1981 Some Observationson Chalcolithicand Early Bronze Age Sanctuaries and Religion. Pp. 47-53 in Temples and High Places, ed. A. Biran. Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College. Arnon, C. 1982 Tell Kishion: Hadashot Archaeologiot 78-79: 18(Hebrew). Bar-Adon, P. 1980 The Cave of the Treasure. Judean Desert Series. Jerusalem: Bialik Institute and Israel Exploration Society. Bodenheimer, F. S. 1950 Animal and Man in Bible Lanls, I. Text; 1972 II, Plates. Leiden: Brill. Braidwood, R. J. et al. 1961 The Iranian PrehistoricProject. Science. 133: 2008-10. de Contenson, H. 1956 La ceramique chalcolithique de Beersheba: etude typologique. Israel ExplorationJournal 6: 163-79, 226-38. Dayan, Y. 1969 Tell Turmus in the Huleh Valley. Israel Exploration Journal 19:65-78. Dothan, M. 1959 Excavations at Horvat Beter (Beersheba). 60 BASOR 258 CHALCOLITHIC FIGURINES 'Atiqot 2: 1-42. Druks, A., and Tsaferis, V. 1970 Chronique archeologique-Azor. Revue biblique 77: 578. Eitan, A. 1969 Excavations at the Foot of Tell Rosh Ha'Ayin. 'Atiqot 5: 49-68, 6* (Hebrew). Epstein, C. 1975 Basalt Pillar Figures from the Golan. Israel Exploration Journal 25: 193-201. 1976 Golan. Pp. 453-56 in Encyclopediaof Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. II, ed. M. Avi-Yonah. Jerusalem: Massada. 1977 The Chalcolithic Culture of the Golan. Biblical Archaeologist 40: 56-62. 1978a Aspects of Symbolism in Chalcolithic Palestine. Pp. 23-35 in Archaeology in the Levant (Kenyon Festschrift), eds. P. R. S. Moorey and P. J. Parr. Warminster:Aris and Phillips. 1978b A New Aspect of Chalcolithic Culture. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 229: 27-45. 1979 Golan-Chalcolithic Sites. Israel Exploration Journal 29: 225-27. 1982 Cult Symbols in Chalcolithic Palestine. Bolletino del Centro di Studi Preistorici 19: 63-82. Epstein, C., and Gutman, S. 1972 The Golan. Pp. 244-98 in Judaea, Samaria and the Golan-Archaeological Survey 1967- 1968, ed. M. Kochavi. Jerusalem:Carta (He- brew). Goff, B. L. 1963 Symbols of Prehistoric Mesopotamia. New Haven: Yale. Hennessy, J. B. 1969 Preliminary Report of a First Season of Excavations at Teleilat Ghassul. Levant 1: 1-24. Kaplan, J. 1969 'Ein el-Jarba. Chalcolithic Remains in the Plain of Esdraelon. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 194:2-38. 1976 Giv'atayim. Pp. 451-52 in Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. II, ed. M. Avi-Yonah. Jerusalem: Massada. Kenyon, K. M. 1960 Excavations at Jericho, vol. I, The Tombs Excavated in 1952-4. London: The British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem. Koeppel, R. et al. 1940 TeleilatGhassul,II. CompteRenduedesfouilles de l'Institut Biblique Pontifical, 1932-1936. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute. Lee, J. R. 1978 Tuleilat Ghassul. Pp. 1203-13, in Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. IV, eds. M. Avi-Yonah and E. Stern. Jerusalem: Massada. Lifschitz, N., and Waisel, J. 1977 Dendroarchaeological Investigations: No. 53, Golan-Chalcolithic Sites (1976). Mimeographed report. Tel-Aviv: Department of Botany, Tel Aviv University. 1979 Dendroarchaeological Investigations: No. 73, Golan. Mimeographed report. Tel-Aviv: Department of Botany, Tel Aviv University. Lloyd, S., and Safar, F. 1945 Tell Hassuna.Journalof Near EasternStudies 4: 255-89. Macdonald, E. et al. 1932 Prehistoric Fara. Beth Pelet, II. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt. Mallon, A. et al. 1934 TeleilatGhassul,I. Compterenduedesfouilles de l'Institut Biblique Pontifical, 1929-1932. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute. Mallowan, M. E. L. 1956 Twenty-five Years of Mesopotamian Discovery. London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Mazar, B. 1963 Excavations at the Oasis of 'Ein-Gedi. Archaeology 16: 100-7. Mellaart, J. 1967 (atal Hiiyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia. London: Thames and Hudson. 1970 Excavations at Hacilar, Vols. I, II. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University. 1975 The Neolithic of the Near East. London: Thames and Hudson. Moortgat-Correns, U. 1977-78 Tell Chuera in Nordost Syria. Annales archeologiques Arabes Syriennes 27-28: 41-69. North, R. 1961 Ghassul 1960 Excavation Report. Annalecta Biblica 14. Rome: Pontifical BiblicalInstitute. Oates, J. 1968 PrehistoricInvestigationsNear Mandali, Iraq. Iraq 30: 1-20. Parrot, A. 1969 Figurines et ceramiques anatoliennes. Syria. 46: 52-63. Perrot, J. 1961 Une tombe a ossuaires du IVe millenaire a Azor, pres de Tel-Aviv. 'Atiqot 3: 1-83. 1968 La Prehistoire Palestinienne. Cols. 286-446 in Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible 8, ed. H. Cazelles. Paris: Letouzey et Ane. 1985 61 CLAIRE EPSTEIN Singh, P. 1974 Neolithic Culturesof WesternAsia. London: Seminar. Sukenik, E. L. 1948 ArchaeologicalInvestigationsat 'Affula. Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 221: 1-19. Ussishkin, D. 1980 The Ghassulian Shrine at cEn-Gedi. TelAviv 7: 1-44. `aWi ~JSOT Tb Publish ASOR Monograph Series %4fIA*o The American Schools of Oriental Researchand JSOTPress are pleased to announce the resumption of the ASOR MonographSeries. At least two monographsa year will be published in the areas of ASOR'straditional interests, especially biblical studies and ancient Near Easternhistory and archaeology.Manuscripts are now being solicited for the fourth and subsequent numbers in the series. Submit manuscripts to: EricM. Meyers Editor,ASOR-JSOTMonographSeries Box H.M. Duke Station Durham, NC 27706 62 BASOR 258