Buddhism in Turkish Central Asia
Author(s): Hans-J. Klimkeit
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Numen, Vol. 37, Fasc. 1 (Jun., 1990), pp. 53-69
Published by: BRILL
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3269824 .
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Numen, Vol.XXXVII, Fasc. 1
BUDDHISM IN TURKISH CENTRAL ASIA
HANS-J. KLIMKEIT
In the middle of the 6th century, the Turks, coming probably
from the area of the Altai mountains, made their appearance in the
Central Asian steppes.1 Their religion was marked by a cult of
Heaven and Earth and the veneration of ancestors.2 It was the
Tiirkiit Turks who established what is known as the first Turkish
(Turkut) kingdom in a vast region reaching from northwestern
China to the area east of Lake Aral. As was the fate of many a
kingdom of the steppes, the realm was soon divided into two portions,
an eastern and a western one. Bumin Qayan (d. 552) was
regarded as the founder of the whole realm and first ruler of its
eastern part, whereas his brother Istimi ruled the western extension.
Although the names of Khans before Bumin are known, the
early Turks regarded him and his brother as the founding fathers
of the Turkish state, projecting their rule to mythical Urzeit. Thus
in the Kill Tigin inscription it says, "When the blue sky above and
the reddish-brown earth below were created, between the two
human beings were created. Over the human beings, my ancestors
Bumin Qayan and Istimi Qayan became rulers. After they had
become rulers, they organized and ruled the state and institutions
of the Turkish people."3 The words are spoken by Bilga Qayan
(716-734), one of the great rulers of the second Turkish empire,
established after 680. He praises the wisdom and courage of the
first Qayans, mentioning their Chinese and Tibetan connections.
But there is no indication of any Buddhist influence. Yet there must
have been contacts to representatives of that religion, the situation
being different in the western and the eastern part of the first
kingdom.
It is very probable that the Western Turks of the first empire
already came into contact with Buddhism, for that religion had by
this time made inroads into the part of Central Asia they occupied.
But we have no evidence of considerable conversions to Buddhism
at this period. In so far as later Western Turks are concerned, we
Hans-J. Klimkeit
do hear of Buddhist sanctuaries established by Turkish royalty in
the area of Kapisa (Begram).4 When the Chinese Buddhist monk
Wu-k'ung visited Gandhara between 759 and 764, he found here
Buddhist temples, which, as he thinks, were built at the expense of
the Turkish kings.5 Hsuan-tsang, who passed through Central Asia
in 629, does not make any mention of Buddhism among the
Western Turks. The Turkish rulers he met adhered to other faiths.
But this might be due to the fact that, as von Gabain notes, he was
primarily interested in meeting Indian and Chinese Buddhists.6
However, we do know that he also had contact with Buddhists
belonging to other ethnic groups.
Turning back to the first Turkish kingdom and its western realm,
we do not know exactly of its extention to the west and south.
Spuler is of the opinion that the Oxus could have been the dividing
line between the Western Turks and the Sassanian empire.7 But it
may also have included portions of what is now Afghanistan,
where, as we know, Buddhism was firmly established by the 6th
cent.
The Eastern Turks of the first Empire did have contact with
Chinese Buddhism. According to Chinese sources, a certain Yiwen
T'ai, the commander-in-chief of the West Wei and the founder
of the Northern Chou Dynasty (556-581), had various temples and
monasteries erected in Ch'ang-an and other places, apparently for
the use of Turks as well as Chinese. He also had a "Turkish Temple"
built for the "Great Qayan of the Turks", i.e. Mu-han (553-
572), in Ch'ang-an.8 The second successor to Yu-wen T'ai, Mingti
(556-560), had an inscription made commemorating the founding
of that temple. In this inscription there is first a praise of Buddhism
as a power ordering the world, and then it says: "The Turk, the
great I-ni Wen Mu-han, in summer, turned to the complete foundation
[i.e. Buddhism]. That was wholly the work of Heaven."9
The inscription then praises the military virtues of Mu-han, whose
Turkish army had, indeed, helped the Chou. Finally, the inscription
talks about the missionary zeal of Yu-wen T'ai. Whether Muhan
actually did embrace Buddhism, is very doubtful. Most probably
this was more wishful thinking on the part of the Chinese. But
the fact that a Buddhist temple for Turks was actually built in
Ch'ang-an in the 6th cent. shows that a considerable number of
54
Buddhism in Turkish CentralAsia 55
Turks-according to von Gabain about 6000-lived there at this
time.
Mu-han's successor and younger brother, Tapar Qayan (T'opo:
572-581), was apparently even more open to Buddhism.
Whether he actually embraced that religion we do not know. Probably
he manifested interest in that faith without surrendering his
own belief. He did have a Buddhist temple erected in his realm,
and he did ask the ruler of Ts'i for Buddhist scriptures. This ruler
had the Nirvana-Sutra translated into Turkish for him.10 The
translation was made by a high state official, Shi-Ts'ing. This first
translation of a Buddhist text into Turkish must have had to cope
with great difficulties, since the language of the Turks had no
means of expressing the complicated terminology of Buddhism.
Furthermore, the question is, in what script that text was written.
It could have been the ancient Runic Turkish script as used in the
Orkhon inscriptions, but it seems more possible that it was written
in Sogdian script."
Further evidence of Buddhist influence on the Eastern Turks of
the first realm is the fact that a certain Buddhist monk, Jinagupta
(ca. 528-605 ?), coming from Kapisa (Begram in today's
Afghanistan) and having spent some time in Ch'ang-an, passed
through Turkish area on his way home, together with other monks
from his native land. He was invited to stay at the Turkish court
of Tapar Qayan where he probably taught the dharma.When some
Chinese monks, coming from India, arrived with 260 Buddhist
scriptures and declined to stay because of the turmoil in Ts'i, their
home, they studied and translated these documents into Chinese
with Jinagupta.12 In how far the presence of these monks and their
work influenced people at the court, we do not know.
After the end of the first Turkish kingdom which was ushered in
by the subjugation of the Eastern Turks to the Chinese, Chinese
rule then extended far into Central Asia for about 30 years (650-
682). But then the Turks started to reassert themselves. Politically,
this reassertation manifested itself in the work of Eltaris (reg. 682-
691). This name is actually a title meaning "he who collected (the
people) of the realm". According to Chinese sources, he must have
had the name Qutluy (Ku-to-lo). It was he who established a
second East Turkish kingdom (682-745), the kingdom of the Kok-
Hans-J. Klimkeit
Turks (Blue or Heavenly Turks).13 This state was a nomadic one.
Since 680, Turks living in towns and cities and influenced by
Chinese culture, started to return to the former way of life. There
was something like a national revival with anti-Chinese undertones,
as we can see in the Orkhon inscriptions of this period.
Especially Qutluy Qayan's minister, the "wise Tonyuquq", who
was himself raised in China, warned the Turks about too close
association with the Chinese, a warning echoed in the so-called Kul
Tigin inscription where the Turks are exhorted to turn to their
former way of life in the region of the Otukan mountains of present
Mongolia.'4 This warning might also have implied a disassociation
from Chinese Buddhism and a return to the native religion with its
veneration of Heaven and the Earth Mother Umay. In the KokTurkish
inscriptions between 692 and 735 there is no trace of Buddhism,
although the Turks had been exposed to that religion for
several decades. Yet we will see that there must have been contact
with Sogdian Buddhists at this time.
The Kok Turkish empire was to last up to the victorious rise of
the Turkish Uighurs who became masters of the steppes around
745.15
The Uighur Empire was founded by a Kul Bilga Qayan (reg.
744-747) and it was to last to about 840 when it was overrun by the
Kirghiz, causing the Uighurs to flee to the Kansu corridor on the
one hand and the oasis towns of the northern Tarim basin on the
other, Turfan being the seat of an Uighur kingdom from about 850
to about 1250.
Whereas the Old Turkish Orkhon inscriptions date to the time
of the K6k-Turkish and the Uighur realm, the major portion of
Turkish Buddhist literature we have stems from the Turfan area,
but also from Hami, from Tun-huang and from the area of the
"Yellow Turks", i.e. the Turks who had settled in the Kansu corridor.
Some of these texts may go back to the time of the Uighur
Empire, even though, in 762, B6gu Qayan (Mo-yu), having come
into contact with Manichaeism in China, adopted their faith and
made it the official state religion.16 Yet we have clues to the fact that
Buddhism was also prevalent among the Turks of the Mongol
steppes before their immigration to the regions mentioned. Firstly,
in the Chinese text of the trilingual Karabalgassun inscription,
56
Buddhism in Turkish CentralAsia
written in Chinese, Uighur and Sogdian, which informs us about
the Uighurs adopting Manichaeism, there is a reference to "carved
and painted images of demons" which were to be destroyed, and
it cannot be excluded that some of these were Buddhist figures.17
Secondly, Jens Peter Laut, in his work, DerfriihetiirkischeBuddhismus
undseine literarischenDenkmaler,has pointed out the role of the Sogdians
in the propagation of Buddhism amongst the Turks of the
steppes.18
The major evidence for an early Sogdian Buddhist influence is
the inscription of Bugut.19 It stems from the time of the first
Turkish kingdom, to be precise from the early eighties of the 6th
cent. The inscription, edited by S.G. Kljastornyj and V.A. Livsic
in 1972, is written on a stele. On three of its sides are Sogdian texts,
whereas on the fourth side there is an inscription in Brahmi letters,
probably in the Sanskrit language. Unfortunately, this part is so
badly damaged that a successful reading has not been possible up
to now. But it is obviously a Buddhist text. In the Sogdian portion
there is an admonition where it says: "Establish a great new
Samgha".20 The content does not make clear who is speaking and
who is addressed. Maybe the order was issued by Tapar Qayan
himself. Whatever the solution is, noteworthy is the fact that we
have here an exhortation to establish Buddhism ecclesiastically.
The stele itself points to the significance of the Sogdians and their
role in the spread of the Buddhist faith in the Mongolian steppes.
As is well known, the Sogdians were traders along the silk route,
having a whole string of trading posts between Samarkand and
China. In the Orkhon inscriptions, we hear that there were also
Sogdian colonies amongst the Turks,21 a fact already pointed out
by Pulleyblank.22 Apparently, the Sogdian script was in use
amongst the early Turks, as the inscription of Bugut would suggest.
A further developed type of the Sogdian script was used by the
Uighurs, the major portion of their literature being written in this
script. The early use of Sogdian by the Turks is also substantiated
by the Chinese annals of the Norther Ch'ou dynasty (556-581).
Here it says: "The script of the T'u-kue is similar to that of the hu
barbarians." 23 As Pulleyblank says, the term hu at this time refers
to Iranian peoples, especially to the Sogdians.24
The political influence of the Sogdians at the court of the Turkish
57
Hans-J. Klimkeit
Qayan in the Mongolian steppes was already highlighted by
Pulleyblank who assumes that their influence extended into
nomadic regions.25 The presence of Sogdians among the Turks
irritated the Chinese. In a Chinese document from the 7th cent.,
it says: "The T'u-kie [Turks] are actually simple and
uncomplicated, and it is easy to lead them to discord; unfortunately,
many hulive amongst them who are evil-minded and cunning
and who teach and lead them." 26
This teaching and leading does not necessarily refer to religious
matters, yet it is probable that Sogdians were also influential in
terms of religion. Hereby it must be stressed that they not only
propagated Buddhism but also Manichaeism and perhaps also
Christianity. Whether it was their influence that led an Uighur king
prior to the establishment of the Uighur Empire to give himself a
Buddhist name, P'u-sa (Bodhisattva) (reg. 661/3 - ?), we cannot
know.27
The cultural influence of the Sogdians on the Turks is born out
by the fact that a considerable number of loan words in Old
Turkish are of Sogdian origin. This applies to the secular sphere as
well as to the religious one.28 As J.P. Laut has pointed out, there
are, in the oldest stratum of Turkish literature, found at Turfan,
an unusually high number of Sogdian loan words. Looking at these
Buddhist documents closer, they not only show archaic features
linguistically-they are written in what Laut calls "pre-classial"
Turkish-, they are also close to the so-called f-dialect of
Manichaean texts.29 Some of these texts may go back to the time
of the Uighur Empire (745 resp. 762-840). Remarkably enough,
they also show, in content, Manichaean influence.30 In early
Turkish Buddhist texts, Manichaean phrases and Manichaean
imagry are conspicuous.31 When, for instance, these texts speak of
the "pure law" (ariy nom), this is a phrase not to be found in Indian
Buddhism. There the usual expression is "walk the pure path"
(caratham brahmacaryam).The term "pure law" is, rather, an
originally Manichaean expression.32 Manichaean imagery comes to
the fore especially in an apocryphal Buddhist work, the Sdkiz
YiikmdkYaruqSutra ("The Sutra of the eightfold accumulation of
light"), where sun and moon are referred to as "palaces"
(ordular),33which is quite unusual for a Buddhist text. In Mani-
58
Buddhismin Turkish CentralAsia 59
chaeism, however, the notion of sun and moon being palaces, and
as such seats of certain redeeming gods, is part and parcel of the
whole system.
Of the Turkish Buddhist texts published so far, a number show
ancient linguistic featurs,34 and to some extent also concepts
reminiscent of Manichaeism:
1. The Old Turkish version of the Lotus Sutra35
2. Buddhist narratives like the story of the good and the bad
brother (Kalyanamkara and Papamkara)36
3. Fragments of the biography of the Buddha37
4. A Buddhist Catechism, written in Tibetan script38
5. The "London Scroll" of the apocryphal work Sdkiz Yiikmdk
YaruqSutra39
6. The text with the title Maitrisimit, "The encounter with
Maitreya' .40
This is certainly one of the most important works of Turkish
Buddhism. It is the Uighur rendering of a Tocharian text,
fragments of which have, indeed, been found. The colophones
claim that the original was Indian (inatkdk), but no such Indian
original has been discovered, neither in Sanskrit nor in any Prakrit
language. Nor are there translations of this work in Tibetan or
Chinese. It appears that the text was actually written in Central
Asia, since there is a reference to the Tarim (Sita) river in it. It has
been called "one of the most important literary creations of the
Hinayana Turks of the northern Tarim area in pre-Islamic
time".41 The author or authors of this work, which is a drama
preformed on New Year's day (yangi kin), were apparently aware
of a wide range of classical Buddhist literature, since there are
references especially to Jakata and Avadana stories, only part of
which are preserved in Turkish. An older text, found in Sangim
near Turfan, stems probably from the 8th cent., whereas another
manuscript, found in Hami, is to be dated to the 11th cent.
It may safely be assumed that many Turkish Buddhist monks
were conversant with Sanskrit Buddhist literature, many texts of
this category having been found in the Turfan area as well as in
other places along the northern and southern silk route leading
around the Tarim Basin. The number of texts translated from San-
Hans-J. Klimkeit
skrit and Prakrit (not Pali, however), furthermore from Kuchean
(Tocharian A) and finally from Chinese must have been great.
Especially from the 8th/9th cent. on, if not earlier, Buddhist texts
were rendered in Turkish from Chinese.42 One of the most
celebrated translators was Singqo Sali Tutung who lived in the 10th
cent. and whose various translations also include the biography of
Hsfien-tsang.43 There are also instance of translations from
Tibetan.44
In the Turfan oasis which became one of the main centers of
Turkish Buddhism, that religion must have been present in the 4th
or 5th cent., if not even earlier. To some extent, it had been
adopted by Chinese living here, as a Chinese-Buddhist temple
inscription, probably from 469 A.D., shows.45 It hails a ruler as
Maitreya, and it includes Taoist and Confucian concepts.
The Uighurs who settled in Turfan in the 9th cent., also turned,
increasingly, to the religion of the Buddha, after giving up their
ancient faith, although a number of Manichaean kings and their
subjects adhered to Manichaeism. Unfortunately we do not know
which kings these were. It seems that Manichaeism and Buddhism
flourished side by side for a number of centuries, but it is clear that
Buddhism increasingly dominated the scene46 up to the conversion
of the ruler of Turfan to Islam at the end of the 15th cent. At the
end of the 10th cent., a Chinese envoy, Wang yen-te, found in
Kocho (Kao-ch'ang) only one Manichaean temple left, but a
flourishing Buddhist culture with some fifty Buddhist convents and
a library of Chinese Buddhists texts.47
In Tun-huang, there must have been a number of Uighur
monks, as is evident from the Uighur literature found in the walledup
library. Finally, Buddhism must have remained alive among the
"Yellow Uighurs" of Kansu, where Buddhist texts like the "Sutra
of Golden Light" (Suvarnaprabhasasutra),stemming from the 17th
cent., were found. Some Uighur texts were also found near Lake
Etsen-Gol.48
The script used to write Turkish Buddhist texts was primarily the
Uighur cursive script, developed from the Sogdian. Sometimes, the
Uighur text is accompanied by Brahmi glosses or by Chinese characters.
The Uighur script was used both for writing and printing.
In a few instances, Tibetan script was employed as in the case of
the aformentioned Buddhist catechism.
60
Buddhism in Turkish CentralAsia
In so far as Turkish Buddhist literature is concerned, a very
general survey was given by W. Scharlipp in 1980.49 Since then,
however, various other texts have also been edited.50 Scharlipp
points out that the 10th, 13th and 14th cent. were the times when
Turkish Buddhism flourished most. Of the various works in
Turkish, some must have been copious, for in same cases sheets
have been found bearing a page number above 100 or even 300.
In the following, we do not intend to give an exhaustive survey
of Buddhist literature in Uighur (Old Turkish). Rather, we want
to point out the general types of literature that are represented.
In so far as Vinayatexts are concerned, their lack is conspicuous.
Apparently, the Vinaya texts were studied in Sanskrit.51 With
regard to Abhidharmaliterature, we mention first the Abhidharmakosa,portions
of which are preserved. In Tun-huang, an Uighur
translation of Sthiramati's Commentaryon the Abhidharmakosawas
found. It was translated from Chinese, but the Chinese version is
no longer extant. It encompases about 600 memorial verses and is
accompanied by a detailed explication of the teaching of the Sar-
vastivadins.52
Of Hlnayana texts, preserved only in Uighur (and partially in
Tocharian), we mentioned the Maitrisimit. Of the classical
Mahayana Sutras, we have already referred to the "Lotos Sutra",
(Saddharmapundarzka-Sutra),a few leaves of which are preserved. The
"Sutra of Golden Light" (Suvarnaprabhasa-Sutra)is one of the major
texts preserved in Uighur.53 It was probably translated from ITsing's
Chinese version by Singqo Sali Tutung in the 10th cent.,
as a number of leaves would suggest.54 A manuscript of the whole
text, found in Kansu, and stemming from the 17th cent., makes it
quite clear that a Tibetan version was consulted for the introduction.
The Uighur text contains many explanations, showing how
popular it was.55 There are also colophon types of passages not only
appended to but included in the text itself. One of the striking
aspect about the Uighur version is that it reflects a more personal
type of religiosity. Thus, when the Chinese text makes reference to
the Buddha or the Buddhas, the Uighur version refers to "our
father, the Buddha", or "our fathers, the Buddhas".56
Of the works relating to Prajnadparamita-literature,we have the
Diamond Sutra (Vajracchedika-Sutra)preserved in an Uighur transla-
61
Hans-J. Klimkeit
tion of a Chinese version of the text.57 Up to now, fragments from
8 different manuscripts have been found. The oldest Central Asian
text stems from the year 905 A.D., i.e. 500 years after Kumarajiva's
translation of the Vajracchedika into Chinese. Close to the
Prajnadparamita-literatureis the famous Vimalakirtinirdesa-Sutrawhich
seems to have been as popular among the Turkish as the Chinese
Buddhists.58 Also in connection with the Prajnaparamita-literatureis
a doctrinal letter of Nagarjuna, the Suhrllekha(Letter to a Friend),
fragments of which are also preserved in Uighur.59
Of the classical Mahayana texts, we mention further documents
connected with the Amitabha cult. Thus there are manuscripts of
a work entitles Abitaki("Amitabha-Sutra' ).60 This is not, however,
a translation of one of the well known texts of Amitabha religiosity,
but rather the translation of a Chinese work connected, as the title
shows, with the "Society of the White Lotus Flower". The Uighur
text describes various meditational practices and contains an abundance
of quotations from the well-known texts of the Amitabha
cult.
The next category of Buddhist Turkish literature to be mentioned
is that of apocryphal sutras. To this group belongs the
aforementioned Sdkiz Yikmdk YaruqSutra. It is a work connected
with Yogacaraphilosophy, although there probably never was an
Indian original. The text seems to have been first written in China.
We also know of Tibetan and Mongolian versions. A large number
of fragments and text portions from various manuscripts have been
found, and virtually the whole text is preserved in a London scroll.
Of the many other apocryphal works, translated from Chinese, we
mention here the Sutra "Seeing the body and the mind (citta)", as
the Uighur version is called. It was also translated by Singqo Sali
Tutung in the 10th cent.61
A further group of texts consists of commentaries to the larger
and more important sutras. Of the commentaries to the "Sutra of
Golden Light", for instance, a text is preserved explaining the tenfold
significance of faith. It was translated from Chinese.62 Suffice
it to point out that fragments of other commentaries, also translated
from Chinese, do exist.
In so far as Tantric texts are concerned, a number of works of
this category was translated from Tibetan in the Mongol period
62
Buddhismin TurkishCentralAsia 63
(13./14. cent.). Thus we have a Tantric ritual text explaining the
creation of and meditation of a mandala,to mention only one example.63
In this connection, magical texts of different kinds are also to
be referred to.64
A text in a category of its own is the Insadi Sutra.65It probably
stems from the 13th or 14th cent. The copy we have is of the 17th
or 18th cent. The text deals with the origin of and the course of
events in the Pravarana-ceremony, which concluded the rainy
period in India. The document is Mahayanistic in character, since
it mentions various Mahayana texts. Yet this is a text written,
originally, in Turkish. It stems from a time when Islam was making
inroads into East Turkestan. The hope for the appearance of
Maitreya is voiced and figures of West Asian religions, like
"Mother Mary" and Mohammed, are mentioned critically.
Further classical and secondary sutras are mentioned by A. von
Gabain in her survey of 1964.66 Since that time, a number of further
texts of his category as well as of Buddhist Agamas have been
published.67 This also applies to the Buddhist stories and narratives
enumerated by her.68
A noteworthy category of Turkish literature consists of confessions
of sins.69 A major text of this type, translated from Chinese,
is the Ksanti qi'lyuluqnom("Sutra of Confession").70 By reciting this
text, one acted as a Bodhisattva, taking influence on the fate of
"suffering beings" in samsara, which due to their own bad karma,
could not attain salvation by themselves. When the Uighur translation
of this text was made from Chinese, we do not know. Beside
this text, a number of confessional formulae exist in Uighur. Some
of them partly agree with Manichaean confessional formulae.71
There seems to have been mutual influence, since confessional texts
for laymen, as we have them here, were not known in India. A
characteristic feature of these Uighur texts is that on the one hand
they are formalized, whereas on the other hand names of laymen
are inserted, i.e. names of people who gave donations for having
such texts copied. The question arises why confessional formulae
have such a big significance in Turkish Buddhism. It seems to me
that this is not only a matter of foreign influence. Rather, the
notion of sinfulness expressed here reflects a feeling of helplessness
over against the outward powers of nature and history. In the oasis
Hans-J. Klimkeit
towns of Central Asia, ever endangered by nomad and foreign
powers, there was a feeling of being not the subject, but the object
of events. This expressed itself religiously in terms of sinfulness.
Having regarded in general the main categories of Turkish Buddhist
literature, it becomes obvious that this literature is, to a great
extent, translated. As pointed out, translations were made from
Indian languages (Sanskrit, Prakrit) but also from Tocharian and
increasingly from Chinese. In Mongol times, Tibetan literature
was also translated into Uighur. What, then, is specifically
Turkish? Beside a text like the Insadi Sutraand the range of confessional
texts, are there indigenous Turkish works?
The question is to be answered in the affirmative. Mainly two
fields are to be mentioned in this connection. Firstly, there is a considerable
poetic literature in Turkish.72 Certainly many of the
poems give to a classical content a new form. Thus the text on the
expiation of sins in Chapt. V of the "Sutra of Golden Light" is
rendered in verses.73 But there are also poems composed independent
of classical texts, including many praises. Other poems deal
with different aspects of religious and secular life. In the poetical
texts edited and translated by P. Zieme, the subjects are most
varied. Thus there is a poem exhorting laymen to give alms, one
on death and intransiency, several on Buddhist philosophical
issues, ect.74
Furthermore there are the colophones, sometimes written in vers
form.75 They reflect indigenous Turkish Buddhism as no other
literary genre. These colophons are often extensive. Since they
stem, to a great extent, from lay donors, they express, in the main,
a popular type of religiosity. In this Buddhistic folk belief, various
notions, clearly distinguished by "theologians", could be identified.
Thus Nirvana, the "realm of the gods" (tdngriyiri), the
Western Paradise of Amitabha and the encounter with Maitreya
were all regarded as images of salvation that were freely interchangeable.76
The most striking feature of the colophones is, of
course, their personal character. They reflect a religiosity in which
general Buddhist notions gained meaning for the individual.
As only a small portion of Turkish Buddhist literature has been
preserved, and since even this is often in a fragmentary state, the
basis for our assessment is narrow. Yet, what we have points to the
64
Buddhism in Turkish CentralAsia
fact that Turkish Buddhist literature must have been encompassing.
What is preserved points to the fact that the Turks of Central
Asia did have a contribution to make to Buddhist literature.77
Universitat Bonn, Hans-J. KLIMKEIT
Religionswissensch. Seminar
1
For the appearance and the history of the Turks in Central Asia cf. B. Spuler,
"Geschichte Mittelasiens seit dem Auftreten der Turken", HO I, 5,5 (LeidenKoln,
1966), pp. 123-310.
2 For a sketch of the early religion of the Turks cf. A. von Gabain, "Inhalt und
magische Bedeutung der alttiirkischen Inschriften", Anthropos48 (1953), pp. 537-
556; J.-P. Roux, "Les religions dans les soci6tes Turko-Mongoles", Revue de
l'histoire des religionsCCI (1984), pp. 393-420; J.-P. Roux, La religiondes Turcs et
des Mongols. (Paris 1984). (Bibliotheque Historique, Collection d'Histoire des
Religions). J.-P. Roux, "Turkic Religions", in: The Encyclopediaof Religion, ed.
M. Eliade. Vol. 15. (New York-London, 1987), pp. 87-94.
3 T. Tekin, A Grammarof OrkhonTurkic. (The Hague, 1968). (Indiana University
Publications, Uralic and Altaic Series, Vol. 69), p. 232 (Turkish text) and 263
(English trans.). For the early history of the Turks cf. Spuler, op. cit., pp. 127ff.
and K.-H. Golzio, Kings, Khans and otherRulers of Early CentralAsia. (K6ln, 1984).
(Arbeitsmaterialien zur Religionsgeschichte 11), pp. 60f. Golzio names four rulers
before Bumin.
4 A. von Gabain, "Buddhistische Tiirkenmission", Asiatica. FestschriftFriedrich
Weller. Zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und
Schulern. (Leipzig, 1954), p. 166.
5 Ibid.
6 von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 4), p. 167.
7
Spuler, op. cit., p. 129.
8 von Gabain, op. cit., p. 162f.
9 von Gabain, op. cit., p. 163.
10 von Gabain, op. cit., p. 164.
l von Gabain, op. cit., pp. 164f. The role of the Sogdians in early Turkish Buddhism
is pointed out byJ.P. Laut, Derfrihe tirkischeBuddhismusundseineliterarischen
Denkmaler. (Wiesbaden, 1986). (Ver6ffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica,
Bd. 21), pp. lff.
'2 von Gabain, op. cit., p. 165.
13 Cf. Spuler, op. cit., pp. 136ff.
14 T. Tekin, op. cit., pp. 216f. and 285. Cf. also Spuler, op. cit., pp. 139ff.
5 For the rise of the Uighurs cf. Spuler, op. cit., pp. 148ff.
16 Cf. S.N.C. Lieu, Manichaeism in theLaterRoman Empireand Medieval China. A
Historical Survey. (Manchester, 1985), p. 193.
17 Cf. G. Schlegel, Die chinesischeInschrift auf dem uigurischenDenkmal in Kara
Balgassun. (Helingfors, 1896). (Memoires de la Soci6te Finno-Ougrienne IX), p.
61. Cf. p. 58: "Wiederholt bedauerten wir dass ihr friiher unwissend wart und
die Geister G6tter [lit. Buddhas] nanntet."
18 Cf. Laut, op. cit., (n. 11).
65
66 Hans-J. Klimkeit
19 S.G. Kljastornyj and V.A. Livsic, "The Sogdian Inscription of Bugut
Revised", AOH 26 (1972), pp. 69-102. The significance of this inscription is
pointed out by Laut, op. cit., pp. 3ff.
20
Kljastornyj/Livsic, op. cit., p. 86.
21
Cf. T. Tekin, op. cit., (n. 3), pp. 273 and 275.
22
E.G. Pulleyblank, "A Sogdian Colony in Inner Mongolia", T'oung Pao 41
(1952), pp. 317-356. Cf. also S.G. Kljastornyj, "Sur les colonies sogdiennes de
la Haute Asie", UAJb 33 (1961), pp. 95-97.
23 Liu, Mau-Tsai, Die chinesischenNachrichtenzur Geschichteder Ost-Tirken (T'ukiie).
Vol. I. (Wiesbaden, 1958). (G6ttinger Asiatische Forschungen, Bd. 10), p.
10.
24
Pulleyblank, op. cit., pp. 318f.
25
Pulleyblank, op. cit., pp. 317f.
26
Liu, op. cit., p. 87.
27
Liu, op. cit., p. 351; Spuler, op. cit., p. 149.
28 Cf. K. R6hrborn, "Zum Wanderweg des altindischen Lehngutes im Altturkischen",
Studienzur GeschichteundKulturdes VorderenOrients.Festschrift fiir Bertold
Spuler zum siebzigsten Geburtstag. (Leiden, 1981), pp. 337-343. Of course,
beside the Sogdian and Tocharian as well as Indian influence on Turkish Buddhist
terminology there is, increasingly, a Chinese one. Cf. K. Rohrborn, "Zur Terminologie
der buddhistischen Sekundar-Uberlieferung in Zentralasien", ZDMG
133 (1983), pp. 273-296; K. Rohrborn, "Zur Rezeption der chinesisch-buddhistischen
Terminologie im Altturkischen", WZKS XXX (1986), pp. 179-187.
29
Laut, op. cit., pp. 9f.
30 Cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, Die Begegnungvon Christentum,GnosisundBuddhismusan der
SeidenstraJfe.(Opladen, 1986). (Rheinisch-Westf. Akad. d. Wiss., Vortrige G 283).
For Buddhist influence on Manichaean texts cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, "Buddhistische
Ubernahmen im iranischen und turkischen Manichaismus", W. Heissig and H.J.
Klimkeit (ed.), Synkretismusin denReligionenZentralasiens.(Wiesbaden, 1987), pp.
58-75.
31 Cf. for references Klimkeit, op. cit., (n. 30), (1986), pp. 46ff.
32 Cf. UigWb, s.v. arig. Prof. Schmithausen makes me aware of the Indian
term mentioned. The term "pure law" is reminiscent of the Psalms. In Ps. 12,7
we read, in Luther's translation, "Die Worte des Herrn sind lauter wie Silber"
(The English Revised Standard Version has (Ps. 12,6), "The promises of the Lord
are promises that are pure..."). Cf. also Ps. 18,31 which reads, according to
Luther, "die Worte des Herrn sind durchliutert". (Revised Standard Version
(18,31): "...the promise of the Lord proves true").
33
W. Bang, A. von Gabain and G. R. Rachmati, "Turkische Turfantexte VI:
Das buddhistische Sutra Sdkizyukmdk". (Berlin, 1934). (SPAW 1934), pp. 93-192.
Cf. pp. 125f.
34
Cf. Laut, op. cit., p. 11.
35 D. Maue and K. Rohrborn, "Zur alttiirkischen Version des
Saddharmapundarika-Sutra", CAJ 24 (1980), pp. 251-273.
36
J. R. Hamilton, Le Conte Bouddhiquedu Bon et du Mauvais Prince en Version
Ouigoure,Manuscrits ouigoursde Touen-Houang. (Paris, 1971). (Mission Paul Pelliot,
Documents conserves a la Bibliotheque Nationale 3).
37 F.W.K. Muller, Uigurica II. (Berlin, 1911). (APAW 1910, Nr. 3), pp. 4-7;
J. P. Laut, "Ein Bruchstuck einer altturkischen Buddhabiographie", UAJb, N.F.
3 (1983), pp. 88-101.
Buddhism in Turkish CentralAsia 67
38
D. Maue and K. Rohrborn, "Ein 'buddhistischer Katechismus' in alttiirkischer
Sprache und tibetischer Schrift". Teil I: ZDMG 134 (1984), pp. 286-
313; Teil II: ZDMG 135 (1985), pp. 68-91.
39
Bang, von Gabain and Rachmati, op. cit., (no. 33).
40
?. Tekin, Maitrisimit nom bitig. Die uigurischeUbersetzungeines Werkesder buddhistischen
Vaibhasika-Schule.2. Vols. (Berlin, 1980). (Berliner Turfantexte IX);
Geng Shimin and H.-J. Klimkeit, in collaboration with H. Eimer and J. P. Laut,
Das Zusammentreffenmit Maitreya. Die ersten finf Kapitel der Hami- Version der
Maitrisimit. (Wiesbaden, 1988). (Asiatische Forschungen 103). Cf. also: Geng
Shimin/H.-J. Klimkeit/J. P. Laut, " 'Der Herabstieg des Bodhisattva Maitreya
vom Tusita-G6tterland zur Erde.' Das 10. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der
Maitrisimit", in: AoF 14 (1987), pp. 350-376; Geng/Klimkeit/Laut, " 'Das
Erscheinen des Bodhisattva.' Das 11. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der
Maitrisimit", in: AoF 15 (1988), pp. 315-366.
41 S. Tekin, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 7.
42 The Nirvana-Sutra, named above, was already translated in the 6th cent.
43 Cf. P. Zieme, "Singqu Sali Tutung - Ubersetzer buddhistischer Schriften
ins Uigurische", TractataAltaica. Denis Sinorsexagenario... dedicata. Ed. W. Heissig
et al. (Wiesbaden, 1976), pp. 767-773. Cf. also: P. Zieme, "Xuangzangs
Biographie und das Xiyuji in alttiirkischer Uberlieferung", in: J. P. Laut and K.
Rohrborn (edd.), Buddhistische Erzdhlliteratur und Hagiographie in tirkischer
Uberlieferung.Wiesbaden 1990. (Veroffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica,
Vol. 27), pp. 75-107.
44
This pertains mainly to Tantric texts translated in Yuan times, e.g. G. Kara
and P. Zieme, FragmentetantrischerWerkein uigurischerUbersetzung.(Berlin, 1976).
(Berliner Turfantexte VII). However, some Mahayana texts were translated from
Tibetan earlier, e.g. the introduction of the "Sutra of Golden Light". Cf. von
Gabain, op. cit., (n. 4), p. 171.
45 0. Franke, Eine chinesischeTempelinschrlftaud Idiqutsahribei Turfan. (Turkistan).
(Berlin, 1907). (APAW 1907, Anhang: Abhandlungen nicht zur Akademie
geh6riger Gelehrter: Philosophische und historische Abhandlungen), pp. 1-92.
46 von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 4), pp. 169ff.
47 Cf. M.A. Stein, InnermostAsia. Vol. II. (Oxford, 1926, repr. Delhi, 1981),
pp. 582ff.
48 Cf. J.R. Hamilton, Manuscrits Ouigoursdu IXe-Xesieclede Touen-Houang. Vol.
I. (Pairs, 1986). (Fondation Singer-Polignac), pp. ix-xxiii.
49 W. Scharlipp, "Kurzer Uberblick iiber die buddhistische Literatur der
Tirken", Materialia Turcica6 (1980), pp. 37-53; cf. also the following surveys by
A. von Gabain: "Der Buddhismus in Zentralasien", HO 1,8,2 (Leiden-Koln,
1961), pp. 496-514; "Zentralasiatische turkische Literaturen I: Nichtislamische
alttiirkische Literatur", HO 1,5,1 (Leiden-K6ln, 1963), pp. 207-228 (repr.
Leiden-Koln, 1982, pp. 207-228 with a supplement pp. 469-471); "Die altturkische
Literatur", Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta II, ed. P.N. Boratav.
(Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 211-243.
50 Cf. bibliographies in P. Zieme, BuddhistischeStabreimdichtungender Uiguren.
(Berlin, 1985). (Berliner Turfantexte XIII), pp. 14-21, in Laut, op. cit., (n. 11),
pp. 213-228, and in UigWb.
51 von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1963), p. 221.
52 Cf. Scharlipp, op. cit., p. 43.
53 W. Radloff and S.E. Malov, Suvarnaprabhasa(St. Petersburg, 1913-1917).
(Bibliotheca Buddhica 17). German trans. (up to beginning of chapt. 14): W.
68 Hans-J. Klimkeit
Radloff, Suvarnaprabhasa(Das Goldglanz-Sutra), ed. S. Malov. (Leningrad, 1930).
(Bibliotheca Buddhica 27). Cf. also K. Kudara and K. R6hrborn, "Zwei verirrte
Blatter des uigurischen Goldglanz-Sutras im Etnografiska Museum, Stockholm",
ZDMG 132 (1982), pp. 336-347.
54 Cf. A. von Gabain, "Die altturkische Literatur", Philologiae TurcicaeFundamentaII,
ed. L. Bazin et al. Wiesbaden 1964 (211-243), pp. 225f.; P. Zieme,
Die Stabreimtexteder Uigurenvon TurfanundDunhuang. Studienzur alttirkischenDichtung.
["Dissertation", i.e. Habilitationsschrift Berlin 1983]. In the press (to appear
1990), Ch. I B 14 (MS p. 36).
55 Cf. J. Nobel, Suvarnaprabhasottama-Sutra.Das Goldglanz-Sutra ... Vol. I.
(Leiden, 1958), p. xxxiv.
56
H.-J. Klimkeit, "Buddha als Vater", Fernostliche Weisheit und christlicher
Glaube. Festgabe fur Heinrich Dumoulin SJ zur Vollendung des 80. Lebensjahres.
(Mainz, 1985), pp. 240ff.
57 G. Hazai and P. Zieme, Fragmenteder uigurischenVersiondes 'Jin'gangling mit
den Gathas des Meister Fu". (Berlin, 1971). (Berliner Turfantexte I).
58
Scharlipp, op. cit., (n. 49), p. 45.
59
Scharlipp, op. cit., p. 46.
60 A. Temir, K. Kudara and K. R6hrborn, "Die alttirkischen AbitakiFragmente
des Etnografya Muzesi, Ankara", TurcicaXVI (1984), pp. 13-28. 0.
Sertkaya and K. Rohrborn, "Bruchstucke der alttirkischen Amitabha-Literatur
aus Istanbul", UAJb N.F. 4 (1984), pp. 97-117.
61 G. Hazai, "Fragmente eines uigurischen Blockdruck-Faltbuches", AoF III
(1975), pp. 91-108.
62 W. Bang and A. von Gabain, "Turkische Turfan-Texte V. Aus buddhistischen
Schriften". (Berlin, 1931). (SPAW 1931), pp. 340-356 (Text B).
63
Kara and Zieme, op. cit., (n. 44).
64
von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 228-230.
65
S. Tezcan, Das uigurischeInsadi-Sutra. (Berlin, 1974). (Berliner Turfantexte
III).
66 von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 225-227.
67 Cf. bibliographies referred to above (n. 50), furthermore J.P. Laut and K.
R6hrborn, Der tiirkischeBuddhismus in derjapanischenForschung(Wiesbaden, 1988).
(Veroffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica, Bd. 23), where R6hrborn gives a
survey of Turkish Buddhist studies in Japan.
68 von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 221-228.
69 Cf. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 227-228.
70 K. R6hrborn, Eine uigurischeTotenmesse.(Berlin, 1971). (Berliner Turfantexte
II); I. Warnke, Eine buddhistische Lehrschrift iber das Bekennen der Siinden.
(Unpublished thesis, Berlin (GDR), 1978).
71 Cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, "Manichaische und buddhistische Beichtformeln aus
Turfan. Beobachtungen zur Beziehung zwischen Gnosis und Mahayana", ZRGG
29 (1977), pp. 193-228.
72 Zieme, op. cit., (n. 50); P. Zieme, Die Stabreimtexteder Uigurenvon Turfan und
Dunhuang. Studien zur alttirkischen Dichtung. The so-called "vyakarana-poems",
expressing the promise of future Buddhahood, also belong to the poetic literature
of the Uighur Buddhists. Cf. J. P. Laut/P. Zieme, "Ein zweisprachiger Lobpreis
auf den Bag von Koco und seine Gemahlin", in: J. P. Laut and K. Rohrborn
(edd.), Buddhistische Erzdhlliteratur und Hagiographie in tirkischer Uberlieferung.
Wiesbaden 1990, pp. 15-36.
Buddhism in Turkish Central Asia 69
73 Zieme, o. ci., (n. 50), pp. 86ff.
74Zieme, op. cit., (n. 50), pp. 106ff.
7 Zieme, op. cit., (n. 50), pp. 155ff.
76 H.-J. Klimkeit, "Der Stifter im Lande der Seidenstrafgen. Bemerkungen zur
buddhistischen Laienfrommigkeit", ZRGG 35 (1983), pp. 289-308.
77 Thus, for instance, accounts of the Buddha's life, the foundings of the order
of nuns, etc. can be presented in quite an indigenous manner. Cf. H.-J. Klimkeit,
Der Buddha. Leben und Lehre. Stuttgart 1990, pp. 55f., 77, 83f.; J. P. Laut, "Die
Grundung des buddhistischen Nonnenordens in der alttiirkischen
Uberlieferung", in the press (to appear 1990).
Additional note.
After completing the above manuscript, the following article came to my
notices: P. Zieme, "Das Pravarana-Sutrain alttiirkischer Uberlieferung", in: A
Green Leaf. Papers in Honour of Professor Jes P. Asmussen. Leiden 1988
(Homages et Opera Minora, Vol. XII)., pp. 445-453. Here the author shows that
the Pravarana-Sutrais quoted in the above-mentioned Insadi Sutra.
I thank Dr. J. P. Laut, Marburg, for making me aware of some new
publications.
Abbreviations
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen
AOH Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
APAW Abhandlungen der (Koniglich) Preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Berlin
CAJ Central Asiatic Journal
HO Handbuch der Orientalistik, ed. B. Spuler
SPAW Sitzungsberichte der (K6niglich) Preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften (Phil.-hist. Klasse), Berlin
UAJb Ural-Altaische Jahrbiicher
UigWb Uigurisches Worterbuch. Sprachmaterial der vorislamischen tfirkischen
Texte aus Zentralasien. Lieferung 1-4. Wiesbaden 1977-1988
WZKS Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sidasiens
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlindischen Gesellschaft
ZRGG Zeitschrift fur Religions- und Geistesgeschichte