POPULAR MUSIC IN MILLENNIAL JAPAN Traditional Japanese music gagaku BASIC AESTHETIC PRINCIPLES AS RELATED TO TRADITIONAL JAPANESE MUSIC • Meditative and spiritual • Slow-paced music • Contemplative, intuitive • Imitating natural life sounds • Bypassing individuality • Individual ego must retreat at the expense of collective ego • One writes music in the spirit of artistic school he belongs to • Highly ritualized performance, strict compositional structure • Maintaining aesthetic principles • philosophical principle of naru: music as “becoming” (evolving through its own temporal movement) • poetic principle of jo-ha-kyū: art as “flow of nature” (structured by Introduction-Development-Conclusion) • sensory principle of ma: emphasizing the “space” of time (signified by silences between phrases or single notes) THE ORIGINS AND TRANSFORMATIONS OF JAPANESE POPULAR MUSIC • Nara period (553–794) • Japanese monks brought music from China • It became adopted as “refined music” (gagaku) • Gagaku introduced first musical instruments on Japanese soil: • percussion (taiko), string (biwa, koto, shamisen) and wind (hichiriki, shakuhachi, fue) • Tokugawa period (1603–1868) • Shoguns isolated the Japanese archipelago, but not entirely (e.g. the Dutch settlement on Dejima) • Rise of the “townsman culture” (chōnin bunka) with its strong passion for music and theatrical arts • Pleasure quarters (yūkaku) such as Yoshiwara were spaces where musical performance was flourishing • The kabuki theater introduced by Izumo no Okuni (1574–1640) – the first Japanese “celebrity-entertainer” THE ORIGINS AND TRANSFORMATIONS OF JAPANESE POPULAR MUSIC • Meiji period (1868–1912) • Traditional arts were (com)modified with the entry of foreign and Japanese capital • “embracing the West” (Fukuzawa) versus “expelling the barbarians” (Tokutomi) • Inculcating national sentiments through “national music” (kokugaku) • Adopting Western ceremonial music for military purposes • Taishō period (1912–1926) • Popular culture including music performance was gradually commercialized and censored • “modern girls” (moga) and their cosmopolitan “culture of taste” (e.g. devotion to jazz and dance) • Establishing music revue Takarazuka (1914): all-female, cross-dressing, cross-gender performances • Building new commercial ballrooms in the capital where moga can dance and entertain themselves THE ORIGINS AND TRANSFORMATIONS OF JAPANESE POPULAR MUSIC • Shōwa: (pre)war period (1926–1945) • The cultural and political zeitgeist of “falling into a dark valley” (Akutagawa) • Anti-Japan or anti-war music/lyrics avoided or heavily censored • Performances of American and British music banned (1942) • Steel guitars, ukuleles, and banjos outlawed (1944) • Shōwa: postwar period (1945–1989) • Japanese popular culture censored and Americanised during the US occupation (until 1952) • The earliest popcultural exports were not music, but film/anime (Gojira, Astro Boy, Ultraman) • Enka: sentimental romantic ballads in pentatonic minor scale (e.g. Kiyoshi Hikawa or Hibari Misora) • The annual NHK TV music show Kōhaku Uta Gassen: maintaining the conservative musical status quo ENKA ELECTRIFYING JAPANESE POP ELECTRIC GUITAR BOOM IN POSTWAR JAPAN: • The first “electric boom” (ereki būmu) occurred between 1964 and 1967 (more than half million electric guitars sold) • Japan’s first rock LB is released in 1964 (Korezo Surfing by The Blue Jeans), introducing a new guitar model (Mosrite Mark 1) • Playing guitar covers and forming bands became a new cultural phenomenon, shaping lives of Japanese high school/university students • The Japanese “guitar heroes” of this period were musically too tied to Japan’s hierarchically structured, largely conservative culture industry • Japan as the leading consumer and imitator of postwar British/American pop-rock: • 1960s: The Ventures, The Beatles (initiating a boom of “Beatlesque” copycat bands in Japan) • 1970s: Pink Floyd, Led Zeppelin, Deep Purple (introducing lengthy guitar solos when touring Japan) • 1980s: Kiss, Aerosmith, David Bowie (emphasizing both artistic performance and visual spectacle) EREKI BOOM THE DEVELOPMENT OF ELECTRIC BOOM IN POSTWAR JAPANESE POPULAR MUSIC • Origins of ereki būmu (1960s) • Guitarists Takeshi Terauchi and Yūzō Kayama: strict forms of composition, spectacular virtuosity • Coming from affluent/pedigreed families, studying at elite universities, even playing at military bases • Differing from their idols, i.e. the British-led music revolutionaries with lower/middle-class background • Emasculation of ereki būmu (1970s) • The “founders” dismissed new anti-mainstream/countercultural forms of music during student upheavals • Heavy-rock templates retreat at the expense of soft-rock and singer-songwriter pop (e.g. Yōsui Inoue) • Emergence of Japanese pop-oriented bands (e.g. Southern All Stars) and electronic projects (e.g. YMO) • Revival and retreat of ereki būmu (1980s) • “Visual Kei” (bijuaru kei): Japanese heavy metal groups visually influenced by glitter rock of Bowie or Kiss • Hide (from X-Japan) and Tak (from B’z) are among the most popular icons of Japanese pop-music history • Eventually, the commercial blend of rock, blues and synth pop prevailed, paving the way for millennial J-pop JAPANESE POP AND THE ROLE OF CULTURE INDUSTRY • The 1990s as the fundamental shift in Japanese popular music more toward dance-oriented “idol pop” • Preceded by the boy band Johnnys (1962–1967) which adopted the American style of good-looking adolescents who can dance while singing • Millennial J-Pop: • pop divas (Ayumi Hamasaki, Hikaru Utada) • boy bands (SMAP, Exile) • idol groups (Morning Musume, AKB48) • J-pop music and performance: basic features • Singers must both dance and act while retaining their youthful looks even when becoming adults • Songs are typical of short and repetitive refrains with minimalist and easy-to-follow lyrics • Dance movements are synchronized and specific to each song, albeit stemming from one root template • Managing entertainment agencies (jimusho) • Strict training and managing of Japanese adolescents based on American models of music performance • Agencies operate as hierarchical Japanese corporations (Kitagawa’s “Johnny and Associates” since 1962) • Kitagawa’s marketing strategy: promotion via television, exploitative business practices, homoerotic styling JAPANESE POP AND THE ROLE OF TRANSNATIONAL NETWORK • Japanese pop was created globally and perpetuated in the feedback of transnational circulation • The hybrid nature of Japanese pop-rock • 1920s: Japanese-American jazz performances grows popular (along with Filipinos) • 1960s: American-style musicals inform the performance of Japanese boy bands • 1970s: Consuming and emulating British/American pop-rock (cf. ereki būmu) • 2000s: Blending Japanese and American “cultures of taste” (e.g. Hikaru Utada) • 2010s: Korean idol bands start gaining popularity in Japan (cf. K-pop boom) • The issue of cultural exportation • Foreign receptions of Japanese popular music usually exhibit their own form of agency • “cultural feedback”: Japanese music as unintelligible-but-fascinating (cf. “Orientalism”) • “cultural flavor”: the amount of cultural traits that make a popular text somewhat Japanese • The process of cultural domestication • American concepts must be localized and repackaged for the Japanese audiences (and vice versa) • “reverse importation”: Japanese musicians become validated at home after gaining status abroad • The “big in Japan” syndrome: foreign bands losing their popularity at home but succeeding in Japan JAPANESE MUSIC IDOLS AND THE ROLE OF AFFECTIVE ECONOMICS • Contemporary Japan: structural dependency on idols, celebrities, and all things “cute” (kawaii) • Cultivating J-pop singers as “idols” (aidoru), where exceptional talent is not essential (cf. tarento) • Selling idols as “media darlings” that can generate income from both music and non-music sources • Cute female idols first noted in Japan in the 1970s (e.g. Saori Minami, Momoe Yamaguchi, Pink Lady) • The Japanese media were utilizing and popularizing the image of “(beautiful) young girl”, or (bi)shōjo • Japanese idols correlate with cuteness, innocence and sublime eroticism (cf. the 1980s’ rorikon boom) • “affective economics” • building and maintaining relationships to shape desires and impact purchasing decisions (Jenkins) • Affect (moe): change in body/mind resulting from encountering another body/mind (cf. maid cafes) • Moe usually represents an intensive affective response to fictional characters and/or factual celebrities • “suspension of disbelief” is essential for moe, while idol is a common object of affective desire (cf. otaku) THE DIVERSITY OF KAWAII IN J-POP Single-kawaii (Yuria Kizaki) Mass-kawaii (AKB48) Gothic-kawaii (Babymetal) Hyper-kawaii (Kyari Pamyu Pamyu) AKIHABARA AND AKB48 • Place: Akihabara • a space for hyperreal escapism, cuteness syndrome, information fetishism, and infantile capitalism • Originally an “electronic town” (denkigai), but since 2000s “the holy land of otaku” (otaku no seichi) • Now the ”showcase”” for the governmental project Cool Japan, and the birthplace of AKB48 • Band: AKB48 • On of the most successful J-pop acts ever • Originally an underground music act, whose members soon became “national idols” (kokuminteki aidoru) • Originally marginal subcultures, the AKB fans (otaku) are being (ab)used for political and commercial agendas • • Concept: AKB Business • The culture industry of capitalizing on relations between idols and fans (AKB shōhō) • Fans not observers, but participants who more or less directly interact with idols (cf. the “handshake events”) • Idols not stars but servants who appeal for further support (e.g. fans buying more copies of the same record) J-POP AND BEYOND: THE VIRTUAL IDOL • The shift of Japanese characters and idols from 2D to 2.5D, and eventually to 3D • The popularity of transhumanism in Japanese popular culture (androids, dystopia) • Miku Hatsune: Japan’s leading virtual idol • 2007: inventing a voice synth software (Vocaloid by Crypton) • 2007–2010: developing a dancing “vocal character” • 2010: First performance of Miku in Zepp Tokyo • The kawaii style was adapted from AKB48: between pure innocence and youthful eroticism • Miku as part of dōjin culture: fans create derivative works or send feedback to the producers • Miku as a socio-economic assemblage that emerges from both fan and business activities MIKU HATSUNE • Age: 16 • Height: 158 cm • Weight: 42 kg • Favorite genre: J-Pop, dance pop • Favorite tempo: 70-150 BPM • Best voice range: A3–A5 MIKU HATSUNE LIVE (cf. the Plato’s Cave metaphor)