CHAPTER 1
The Dangwai Setting
When the Chinese Nationalist Party or Kuomintang succeeded the Japanese colonial rulers (1895-1945), they in turn established a new colonial regime dominated by Chinese Mainlanders who systematically discriminated against the majority Taiwanese. Under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, this Chinese colonial regime massacred up to 28,000 Taiwanese following the February 28, 1947 Uprising. It then instituted "White Terror," under which many thousands were imprisoned and executed during the 1950s and 1960s.1
Chiang Kai-shek arranged for his son, Chiang Ching-kuo, to succeed him. This succession process began most clearly in 1969, when Chiang Kai-shek was already 81 years old. Partly as a result of such external pressures as the Diaoyutai Movement and Taiwan's leaving the United Nations, pressure for reform also built up within Taiwan. Chiang Ching-kuo, already somewhat of a reformer though not a democrat, used "reform" to increase his own political support, especially after his father nominated him to become Premier on May 20,1972. Chiang Ching-kuo doubled the small numbers of Taiwanese in his cabinet where he also appointed younger and better educated ministers. As part of his reform, Premier Chiang Ching-kuo clamped down on corruption and even publicly arrested and sentenced important officers of the Taiwan Garrison Command, one of Taiwan's then most repressive security agencies, for corruption.
These reform efforts began a first phase of "liberalization" in Taiwan that lasted until the Kaohsiung Incident of December 10,1979. Sometimes authoritarian regimes allow an increase in the scope of speech or the press. They may allow opposition politicians to win office in elections, but they do not relinquish ultimate control. It must be stated very clearly that such "liberalization" is not democratization.2 Chiang Ching-kuo, right up to his death, never intended to relinquish control to any opposition.3 He maintained his power
1 For details, see Jacobs, Democratizing Taiwan.
2 The present writer began to draw this distinction in 1981, see J. Bruce Jacobs, "Political Opposition and Taiwan's Political Future," The AustralianJournatof Chinese Affairs, no. 6 (July 1981), p. 21.
3 J. Bruce Jacobs, "Chiang Ching-kuo Was No Democrat: The Difference between Liberalization and Democratization," in Zhonghua minguo Liuwang Taiwan 60 nian ji Zhanhou Taiwan guoji chujing ^^KH^t o/lf 60 ^WW£t3MM$gMM [The Republic of China's Sixty Years of Exile in Taiwan and Taiwan's Difficult Postwar International Situation], ed. Taiwan jiaoshou
©   KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2016   |   DO I 10.1163/9 78 9 0 04315921  0 02
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through controlled elections as well as through his many security agencies and a controlled media.4
In order to maintain his colonial control in Taiwan following his forced retreat from the Mainland in 1949, Chiang Kai-shek arranged that the central parliamentarians in the Legislative Branch, the Control Branch and the National Assembly retained their power. With the Communist takeover, Chiang Kai-shek's regime could no longer hold elections on the Mainland, so it arranged for the Council of Grand Justices to give Constitutional Interpretation No. 31 on January 29,1954, which extended the terms of the central parliamentarians initially elected on the Mainland during 1947 and 1948 until they could "be elected and convene according to law..."5
By 1969, the numbers of central parliamentarians had declined. The kmt used the excuse of Taiwan's growing population to have limited supplementary elections in 1969. Taiwan (including Taipei) elected fifteen additional National Assemblymen and eleven additional legislators on December 20, and on December 29 the Taipei Municipality Council elected two members of the Control Branch.6 These additional central parliamentarians, like the original central parliamentarians elected on the Chinese Mainland, all had indefinite terms.
By 1972, only half of the original National Assemblymen and Legislators and only one-third of the Control Branch members remained and their average ages had gone up to 63 in the National Assembly, 67 in the Legislature and 73 in the Control Branch. The twenty-eight new central parliamentarians elected in 1969 only accounted for one-seventieth of the membership. Thus, in 1972, after considerable debate, the kmt agreed to have further supplementary elections for the central parliamentary organs. Most importantly, these new central parliamentarians would have the three and sixyear terms fixed in the Constitution.7 However, this reform did not end Mainlander control. When the system was
xiehui o)iil^Sfflflllr [Taiwan Association of University Professors] (Taibei: Qianwei HtJlij, 2010), pp. 435-480. See also Jacobs, Democratizing Taiwan, pp. 47-68.
4 For Taiwan's press at this time, see J. Bruce Jacobs, "Taiwan's Press: Political Communications Link and Research Resource," China Quarterly, no. 68 (December 1976), pp. 778-788.
5 The text of Constitutional Interpretation No. 31 can be found in Zhongyang ribao B $S [Central Daily News), January 30,1954, p. 1 and Lianhebao ff f tn $5 (United Daily News), January 30,1954, p. 1.
6 Taiwan Province was not given any new Control Branch members; see J. Bruce Jacobs, "Recent Leadership and Political Trends in Taiwan," The China Quarterly, no. 45 (January-March 1971), P-133-
7 J. Bruce Jacobs, "Taiwan 1972: Political Season," Asian Survey xm, no. 1 (January 1973), pp. 106-107.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
5
finally abolished in mid-1990, during Lee Teng-hui's presidency, the "old thieves" (laozei still occupied 76 per cent of the central parliamentary seats.8
The death of Chiang Kai-shek on April 5,1975 provided some further opportunities for liberalization. On April 20, Premier Chiang ordered the Minister of Justice to prepare to shorten the sentences of criminals in accord with the "will" of the late President Chiang to "humanely and virtuously love the people." On May 30 the legislature passed a law "To shorten the sentences of criminals," to be implemented on July 14, the hundredth day after the passing of President Chiang,9 and preliminary estimates suggested 9,000 criminals would benefit.10 According to a modern source, 7,000 criminals were released as a result of their shortened sentences, but less than 200 political prisoners received shorter sentences and less than half of these were released.11
Later, in August 1975, Huang Hsin-chieh fsffg^h and Kang Ning-hsiang J§t^P
two of the pioneers of the democracy movement, established a new magazine, The Taiwan Political Review (Taiwan zhenglun i^MMtm)- Huang, born in 1917, had been elected a Taipei Municipality Councilman in 1961 and was reelected in 1964. In 1969 he was elected as one of the new legislators with a permanent term. Kang, born in 1938, was elected a Taipei Municipality Councilman in 1969 after Taipei Municipality was raised to provincial status and in 1972 he won a three-year term to the legislature with the highest number of votes of any candidate in Taipei.12
Taiwan Political Review "was the first opposition magazine to raise the banner of'Taiwan' since the Kuomintang had arrived in Taiwan."13 As an opposition magazine it followed Free China Fortnightly (Ziyou Zhongguo § e£| ^ SI), Apollo
8 The "old thieves" held 88% of the National Assembly seats, 52% of the Legislative Branch seats and 38% of the Control Branch seats. Statistics from table in Zhongyang ribao guoji ban ^^Bf^HPilftJx [Centrat Daily News International Edition], June 23,1990, p. 1.
9 Zhongyang ribao tf=< ^ B     May 31,1975, p. 1.
10 Zhongyang ribao tf1-^ B May 31,1975, p. 3. This page also has the text of the provisions for shortening prison sentences.
11 Renquan zhi lu: Taiwan minzhu renquan huigu Affi^fi^ • S>lf K^AffitlKI [The Road to Human Rights: Looking Back on Taiwan's Democracy and Human Rights] (Taibei: Yushan, 2002), p. 29; The Road to Freedom: Taiwan's Postwar Human Rights Movement (Taipei: Dr Chen Wen-chen Memorial Foundation, 2004), p. 29.
12 Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^ and Qiu Wanxing |$^J1|, Liise niandai: Taiwan minzhu yun-dong 25 nian, 1975-1987 tf^^ft : d/^KÜS© 25 ^ > 1975-1987 [The Green Era: Twenty-Five Years of Taiwan's Democratic Movement, 1975-1987], 11 vols., vol. 1 (Taibei: Caituan faren lüxing wenjiao jijinhui I^'H/zlAI^'feJßfT^C^S^1^', 2005), p. 26.
13 Ibid.
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CHAPTER 1
(Wenxing ~3CM)> and The Intellectual (Daxue zazhl A^HIc^)- With articles like "Can't We Criticize the Constitution and National Policy?" by Yao Chia-wen and "Let's Remove Martial Law As Soon as Possible" by Chen Ku-ying, the magazine clearly challenged the ruling party The magazine published 50,000 copies for its fifth issue in December 1975. However, with the December 1975 legislative election looming, the authorities clearly felt the magazine had gone too far and they closed it.14
The excuse for closing the magazine was an article by Chiou Chui-liang, an academic at the University of Queensland in Australia.15 Chiou wrote about his discussions with two people from the People's Republic of China. In fact, the content was mild. Probably the government used Chiou's article as an excuse to close down Taiwan Political Review because Chiou was overseas and did not need to be arrested.
The movement that led to the Kaohsiung Incident developed further as a result of the December 20, 1975 Legislative election. Although the key nonpartisans who had won in 1972—Kang Ning-hsiang JftSp^, Hsu Shih-hsien jrf tffjU and Huang Shun-hsing mIUMPI—all won re-election,16 another prominent non-partisan, Kuo Yu-hsin f PMif, lost. Kuo officially obtained over 80,000 votes, but in his home Ilan County an additional 80,000 of his votes were declared invalid and he was defeated.17
In early 1976, Kuo launched a case against the election results led by two young lawyers, Lin I-hsiung #ftl;|£ also from Ilan County and Yao Chia-wen M'SC, both of whom would lead the opposition movement.18 In addition, several other key people became deeply involved in the opposition movement at this time including Chen Chu (who was Kuo's secretary) and Tien Chiu-chin EB^CM, both also from Ilan, as well as Chiu I-jen JjPigfll, Fan Sun-lu >eH H, Wu Nai-jen %7hK Wu Nai-te ^7M1, Chou Hung-hsien M§AH and Lin Cheng-chieh #IE^ among many others.19 Kuo himself left Taiwan for the United States in 1977, where he died in exile in 1985, but he left a burgeoning
14 Ibid., pp. 26, 29.
15 Qiu Chuiliang fj^ü^n, "Liangzhong xinxiang Mflt^l^I [Two Ways of Thinking]," Taiwan zhengtun t^'MMCtm [Taiwan Political Review], no. 5 (1975), pp. 31-34.
16 Zhongyang ribao        S$S, December 21,1975, p. 3.
17 Zhang Fuzhong       ^ and Qiu Wanxing |$^J1|, Liise niandai 1,1, p. 29.
18 Their book provides many details of these battles, see LinYixiong^^^ andYaoJiawen Mlfl>C, Huluo pingyang? Xuanzhan guansi Guo Yuxin 1^11 ^PßJ§ ? M^W^?I^Plf0T [Has the Tiger Descended to Pingyang? Election Battles, Court Battles and Kuo Yu-hsin] (Tai-bei: Gaoshan iHjUJ, 1977).
19 Zhang Fuzhong    g    and Qiu Wanxing J$||J1|, Liise niandai 1,1, p. 30.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
7
opposition movement that would come together in 1977. At this time, the Presbyterian Church re-entered politics declaring on August 16,1977:
We insist that the future of Taiwan be determined by the 17 million people who live there ... In order to achieve our goal of independence and freedom for the people of Taiwan in this critical international situation, we urge our government to face reality and to take effective measures whereby Taiwan may become a new and independent country.20
The Election of November 19,1977
The term dangwal M^h, literally "outside the [Nationalist] Party," gained new and ongoing currency as the name of the opposition during the campaign for the local elections of November 19,1977.21 In fact, the term was first used in the "Fifteen Demands" of March 18, i960 during the movement that led to the aborted rise of the China Democratic Party headed by the Mainlander democrat, Lei Chen if U, and several Taiwanese politicians including Li Wan-chu ^ Mjfi, Wu San-lien i^Hji, Kuo Yu-hsin #PM§T, Hsu Shih-hsien tWK, Kao Yu-shu (Henry Kao) m^M and Yu Teng-fa #c^#.22
The elections of November 19,1977 were "local" in that they chose sub-central level officials including provincial assemblymen and women, county executives and equivalent mayors, county assemblymen and women and township executives. In Taipei Municipality, city councilmen and women were elected.
These elections took place at the same time that the Kuomintang was making an important push for greater roles in local politics. Previously, under Chiang Kai-shek, the Kuomintang did not play a strong role in township-level
20 Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, "A Declaration on Human Rights," in The Future of Taiwan: A Difference of Opinion, ed. Victor H Li (White Plains, ny: M.E. Sharpe), pp. 186-187. This is also available on the web, see Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, "A Declaration of Human Rights," <http://www.taiwandocuments.org/pct04.htm>.
21 Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^ and Qiu Wanxing |$^J1|, Liise niandai 1, 1, p. 38. This source incorrectly states that this was the first use of the term "dangwai."
22 See Jacobs, Democratizing Taiwan, p. 39. For the text of the Fifteen Demands, see "Zaiye-dang ji wudang wupai renshi duiyu ben jie difang xuanju xiang Guomintang ji zhengfu tichu de shiwudian yaoqiu &WMJkMMMMA±^fä^MfäJjM^fäM&M]k iSi^i§LBfi^I~hES£^>R [Fifteen Demands from Opposition Parties and from Nonpartisans Addressed to the Kuomintang and the government concerning the Current Local Elections]", ZiyouZhongguo [=| BÖ^H 22, no. 7 (April 1, i960), p. 30.
8
CHAPTER 1
elections. Higher levels controlled funds and, thus, the actual functioning of government, so the Kuomintang allowed local factions considerable electoral leeway in the township. However, about April 1975, the Kuomintang began to push for greater power at the local level and began to intervene in local elections and decision-making. Party membership also increased substantially during this period.23
This pressure created dissension within the kmt and contributed to the Kuomintang's unparalleled "loss" in the November 19,1977 election.24 In the county executive and equivalent mayoral elections, non-partisans defeated kmt nominees in four of twenty elections. Non-partisans also defeated fourteen of sixty-nine kmt nominees for provincial assembly. In addition, they won an additional seven provincial assembly seats that the kmt had allocated to non-partisans.
During the campaign for these elections, Huang Hsin-chieh and Kang Ning-hsiang, the two non-partisan legislators respectively elected in the supplementary elections of 1969 and 1972 (and again in 1975) and who also founded Taiwan Political Review, travelled up and down the island seeking support. The resulting dangwai movement proved to have considerable success. However, not all successful non-partisans belonged to the dangwai. Huang Hsin-chieh, who classified the non-partisans into "genuine" and "false" categories, claimed only thirteen of the twenty-one non-partisans elected to the provincial assembly were "genuine."25 Interestingly, the right-wing opponents of the dangwai from Gust (Jifeng) Magazine claimed only eleven of the non-partisan provincial assemblymen belonged to the "Black Fist Gang."26 In addition, interviews conducted in 1979 suggested that Huang Hsin-chieh's figures included a couple of non-political non-partisans.27 So about half of the non-partisan provincial assemblymen and even fewer of the non-partisan county executives and Taipei Municipality Councilmen belonged to the dangwai.
23 Jacobs, Local... Democracy, pp. 32-34,37-39, 216-217, 222-246.
24 On the November 19,1977 election, see Jacobs, "Political Opposition," esp. pp. 27-34. See also J. Bruce Jacobs, "Taiwan 1978: Economic Successes, International Uncertainties," Asian Survey xix, no. 1 (January 1979), pp. 20-23.
25 Zhen Boya MSfQi^1, "Linshi wuju, bumou wucheng ggif^lffit'fff > ^g^te]^ [If One Does Not Plan, One Cannot Successfully Approach a Crisis without Fear]," Da Shidai ^Hlpf^ [GreatEpoch] April 5,1980, pp. 13-14.
26 Ziliaoshi j8t$4ii[ [Reference Office], "Baifen zhi sa xuanpiao de shuzi moshu W5^^lftf MMffiW&MM [The Wizardry of the Thirty Per Cent Vote Figure] "Jifeng [Gust] April 4,1980, p. 49.
27 Jacobs, "Political Opposition," p. 34.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
9
As noted above, Huang Hsin-chieh only included thirteen of the twenty-one non-partisan provincial assemblymen as "genuine." These were Chang Chun-hung of Nantou County Lin I-hsiung #ftl;|£ of Ilan County Chiu Lien-hui f$;H;t!p of Pingtung County Tsai Chieh-hsiung ^kiYWt of Tainan Municipality Huang Yu-chiao of Taoyuan County Sung Hung Yueh-chiao P^^M of Yunlin County Chou Tsang-yuan M>jT>)?ff of Keelung Municipality Chao Hsiu-wa of Kaohsiung Municipality Fu Wen-cheng i$-j£Mt of Miaoli County Lin Lo-shan ftf^^§ of Chiayi County Chen Chin-te W.skW- of Taipei County Ho Chun-mu {d]"^7|v of Taichung Municipality and Yu Chen Yueh-ying of Kaohsiung County28 Su HungYueh-chiao, the wife of long-term political prisoner Su Tung-chi, asked voters during her campaign, "Am I guilty?" (wo you zul ma? ^c^ffPJ§ ?)29 Yu Chen Yueh-ying had married into the powerful Yu Teng-fa family Many of these names will appear repeatedly throughout this book.
Among the four county executives, Huang Hsin-chieh only included Hsu Hsin-liang jrffg % of Taoyuan County. About Su Nan-cheng l^fj^ of Tainan Municipality, Huang said, "He is very busy and we are also very busy, so we rarely see him." With regard to Tseng Wen-po tfj^Ctj^ of Taichung Municipality, Huang simply said, "He is not with us." And with regard to Huang Yu-jen ill of Kaohsiung County, Huang said, "We can communicate with him." Huang only included two of the eight non-partisan Taipei Municipality Councilmen as "genuine" non-partisans, Kang Shui-mu J§t7JC7[v and Wang Kun-ho zElb^D.30
The county executive election in Taoyuan County led to the famous Chungli Incident. Citizens feared that the government was stealing the election from Hsu Hsin-liang, leading to a series of demonstrations and the ultimate burning down of a major police station as well as six adjoining houses for police. According to an important book, "this was Taiwan's largest [incident of] violence since the February 28,1947 Uprising."31 However, it was not true to say that Taiwan's media did not cover the incident.32 In fact, short stories appeared in the three privately-owned newspapers that the writer received at the time.33 In the end, the authorities conceded the election to Hsu Hsin-liang. Fortunately,
28 Zhen Boya ltl{&5f, "Linshi wuju," p. 14.1 have obtained locality from Taiwan shibao S/lf B|fl§ [Taiwan Times], November 20,1977, p. 1.
29 Jacobs, "Taiwan 1978," pp. 21-22.
30 Zhen Boya ltl{&5f, "Linshi wuju," p. 14.
31 Zhang Fuzhong MMand Qiu Wanxing J$^i|JS|, Liise niandai 1,1, p. 46. For the whole incident, see ibid., pp. 44-47.
32 Ibid., p. 46.
33 See Lianhebao Iff tn $5 (United Daily News), November 20,1977, p. 3; Taiwan shibao S/lf B|fl§ [Taiwan Times], November 20, 1977, p. 3; and Taiwan ribao S/ifBSj [Taiwan
10
CHAPTER 1
the Kuomintang under its then "liberal" leadership decided not to repress the violence at the time. However, on April 17 the next year, a court sentenced eight defendants to terms ranging from two years and four months to twelve years.34
The Provincial Assembly election also had consequences. On December 20,1977, during the election for Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Provincial Assembly, Lin I-hsiung demanded the withdrawal of administrative officials in order to facilitate a secret ballot.35 On March 30,1978, Lin I-hsiung proposed a motion "allowing the use of Chinese languages including Mandarin, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui, Tibetan, Miao and this province's aboriginal languages when the Provincial Assembly is in session." Seven provincial assemblymen and women supported the resolution, while forty-three opposed it and five abstained.36 Then, on April 18,1978, Chang Chun-hung, Lin I-hsiung and Lin Lo-shan all fiercely attacked the police during interpellation.37 On September 11, 1978, twelve-non-partisan provincial assemblymen and women refused to participate in the six normal committees of the Provincial Assembly and instead established a "Seventh Committee" and elected Chen Chin-te as convenor and Chang Chun-hung as deputy convenor.38 Clearly, the relatively large number of non-partisans in the Provincial Assembly was changing the dynamics of that institution.
The regime did not ignore these challenges. In the middle of the night on March 18,1978, the authorities confiscated ten thousand copies of an important, but still unbound, book on the November 19, 1977 county executive election in Taoyuan County and the subsequent Chungli Incident.39 On March
Daily], November 20,1977, p. 3. A small additional item appeared in Taiwan ribao S/lf B [TaiwanDaily], November 21,1977, p. 3.
34 Taiwan lishi nianbiao (1966-19/8) o/liMS^^-S [Chronology of Taiwan History], vol. 11 (Taibei: Guojia zhengce yanjiusuo ziliao zhongxin, 1990), p. 342. Details can be found in the lead article,, Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) Iffens ( H^Hf/LjSftJx) [United Daily News (Overseas Edition)] April 18,1978, p. 1.
35 Taiwan lishi nianbiao (1966-1978) o/liMS^^-S [Chronology of Taiwan History], 11, P- 336.
36 Lianhebao (Guowai hang kong ban) Iffens ( H^hf/LjSftJx ) [United Daily News (Overseas Edition), March 31,1978, p. 2.
37 For two news articles and a commentary, see Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) Iff 1=i"$§
( H^hffCjSftJx )  [United Daily News (Overseas Edition), April 19,1978, p. 2.
38 Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) fff'olij ( H^hf/L^^jS ) [United Daily News (Overseas Edition), September 12,1978, p. 3. The twelve included all of the thirteen mentioned by Huang Hsin-chieh as "genuine" non-partisans except for Chiu Lien-hui.
39 See Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^ and Qiu Wanxing |$^J1|, Liise niandai 1, 1, p. 53-54. This book was Xuanju wansui M^Mj^ [Long Live Elections] by Lin Zhengjie ^IE^ and Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
11
25,1978 the Ministry of the Interior wrote to the Taiwan Presbyterian Church to "warn it to correct" the Taiwan Independence attitudes of a small minority of members following the Church's August 16, 1977 Declaration mentioned above.40 The Ministry's letter came ten days after a United Dally editorial calling for clarification of the Presbyterian Church's political viewpoints.41 In June, the Director of the Bureau of Investigation told the legislature that supporters of "Taiwan Independence" were "domesticated lackeys" (huanyang ylngquan Ip^ljj^;) of the Chinese Communists.42 In September, the government forced the owners of the Taiwan Dally News (Taiwan rlbao JE^IHliO, an outspoken independent paper based in Taichung that had given excellent coverage of the Taiwan Provincial Government and the Taiwan Provincial Assembly, to sell to a new owner with close links to the Ministry of Defense.43
The security agencies took even stronger action against Chen Chu, who did not hold an elected public office. Chen had been Kuo Yu-hsin's secretary and still handled his affairs even after he left for the United States. She was also one of the key young dangwal leaders. In the early hours of June 16, 1978 police without a search warrant came to her residence, checked her identification card and confiscated some fifty items. That morning Chen left Taipei and stayed with an American Catholic priest in a Catholic Church in Changhua County. On June 23, the police surrounded this church and arrested Chen Chu. She was taken back to Taipei and subjected to four days of intensive interrogation and deprivation of sleep. Many people expressed concern as did the American embassy.
On July 5,1978, the kmt Secretary-General Chang Pao-shu ^Miltffif called a meeting with the Director of the Security Bureau Wang Yung-shu zE^RHf, the Commander of the Taiwan Garrison Command Wang Ching-hsi }JiMl^M> Minister of National Defense Kao Kuei-yuan [#]M7n> and Minister of Foreign Affairs Shen Chang-huan ^H^H to discuss how to deal with the situation. The meeting decided to release Chen Chu the next day.
On July 6 the Taiwan Garrison Command called a press conference and forced Chen Chu to "confess." In fact, Chen Chu was not released but taken on
40 Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) fff'olij (H^hffCjSftJx) [United Dally News (Overseas Edition), March 26,1978, p. 1.
41 Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) fff'o (H^hf/LjSftJx) [United Daily News (Overseas Edition), March 16,1978, p. 1.
42 Lianhebao (Guowai hangkongban) fff'o (H^hf/LjSftJx) [United Daily News (Overseas Edition), June 27,1978, p. 1.
43 Jacobs, "Taiwan 1978," p. 29.
12
CHAPTER 1
a tour of the "Ten Great Projects" and Kinmen Island. Only on July 24 did the Garrison Command call her father to come and get her.
In late October, Chen Chu met Harvey Feldman, a senior State Department official then visiting Taiwan, at the Taipei Hilton Hotel. Feldman told Chen Chu that she had been released in exchange for the United States selling weapons to Taiwan.44
The Aborted December 23,1978 Election
In preparation for the December 23, 1978 legislative election, on October 6 Huang Hsin-chieh established a "Taiwan Dangwai Personages Election Assistance Group. {Taiwan dangwai renshl zhwcuantuan), which released twelve common political viewpoints for dangwai candidates on October 31 including "respect the Constitution and re-elect all central parliamentarians, directly elect the provincial governor, nationalize the military [instead of having a military loyal to the party]... end martial law... oppose discrimination on the basis of provincial origin and language ... have a major amnesty for political prisoners."45 Huang Hsin-chieh was the liaison person, Shih Ming-teh, released in June 1977 after serving fifteen years in prison for "Taiwan Independence," was the general manager, and Chen Chu was the secretary.46
On December 5, more than forty candidates and seven hundred people met in the Chungshan Auditorium in Taipei for a campaign rally and press conference, the first organized meeting in over thirty years of opposition on the
44 Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^ and Qiu Wanxing Jj|5^t|Jl|, Liise niandaii, 1, pp. 55, 57. For a useful English summary of the case, see International Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in Taiwan (icdhrt), "An Account of Chen Chü's June 23rd Arrest, Detention and Release," in A Borrowed Voice: Taiwan Human Rights through International Networks, 1960-1980, ed. Linda Gail Arrigo and Lynn Miles (Taipei: Social Empowerment Alliance, 2008), pp. 317, 319. For an account by a foreigner involved in the case, see Rosemary Haddon, "The Sky-blue Backpack: My Experience with Taiwan's Human Rights," in A Borrowed Voice: Taiwan Human Rights through International Networks, 1960-1980, ed. Linda Gail Arrigo and Lynn Miles (Taipei: Social Empowerment Alliance, 2008), p. 295. For another foreign account, see Linda Gail Arrigo, "Three Years and a Lifetime: Swept Up in Taiwan's Democratic Movement, 1977-79," in A Borrowed Voice: Taiwan Human Rights through International Networks, 1960-1980, ed. Linda Gail Arrigo and Lynn Miles (Taipei: Social Empowerment Alliance, 2008), pp. 314, 316.
45 Zhang Fuzhong    g| U> and Qiu Wanxing Jj|5^t|Jl|, liise niandai 1,1, pp. 60-62.
46 Ibid., p. 62. For Shih Ming-teh's release, see ibid., p. 54.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
13
island.47 In preparation for this meeting, Huang Hsin-chieh told Shih Ming-teh that in singing the national anthem, the word "party" [dang WP) should be changed to "people" (mln ^). As a result, everyone was happy and no one protested singing the national anthem.48 After two hours, when the meeting was about to close, some "anti-Communists" created a disturbance and protested the amended word of the national anthem. Chairman Huang Hsin-chieh said, "This meeting is a meeting protected by the Constitution. These are bad people sent by the Communist Party to disrupt the meeting. If someone beats these bad people to death, I will not be responsible!" The disrupters fled.49
During the campaign, various candidates raised issues relevant to Taiwan and to democratization. Annette Lu SfflU in Taoyuan discussed "the Taiwan Question," "The Community Concerned with Taiwan's Fate," and "Taiwan's Past and Future." In Changhua Yao Chia-wen talked about the constitution, martial law and the complete re-election of the legislature.50
On November 1, 1978, two former members of the Kuomintang, Chen Ku-ying ¥>MWiM, a Mainlander professor of philosophy at National Taiwan University running for National Assembly, and Chen Wan-chen |5jfi^i|L, a former reporter for the China Times running for the legislature, issued a joint statement denouncing the Kuomintang's thirty years of rule in Taiwan.51 In addition, they established a "Democracy Wall" near the gate of National Taiwan University, where conservatives also launched a "Patriotism Wall."52 Their actions were colloquially summarized as "From within the Party, they hit their way out, joined with the dangwal and hit their way back in."53
At least twenty-seven candidates actively ran for the legislature and National Assembly with the support of the Dangwal Election Assistance Group.54 On December 16, 1978 in Taiwan, the American government announced it was establishing formal diplomatic with China as of January 1. This naturally raised concern in Taiwan and led to the government postponing the central parliamentary elections scheduled for December 23. In response, twenty-seven dangwal personages issued a statement calling on the government to quickly
47 Ibid., pp. 62, 64,66.
48 Ibid., p. 64.
49 Ibid., pp. 64, 66.
50 Ibid., pp. 66, 68.
51 Ibid., p. 68. This source reprints their joint statement.
52 Ibid., pp. 66-71.
53 Ibid., p. 68.
54 Ibid., p. 71.
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CHAPTER 1
restore the elections and to "bravely oppose the lures and oppression of military rule."55
Dangwai Political Activities in 1979
With the indefinite postponement of the December 23,1978 election, the dangwai continued its activities in an effort to stay in the limelight for the forthcoming election. Because of a conflict between Huang Hsin-chieh and Kang Ning-hsiang, several dangwai leaders went to Kaohsiung County to ask Yu Teng-fa, a founding member of the "China Democratic Self-Government Research Association" in i960, who won election as Kaoshiung County Executive that year, to become the national "spiritual" dangwai leader. Yu Teng-fa agreed, though the leader of the Black Faction in Kaohsiung County had never participated in dangwai activities in the 1970s. Under his chairmanship, a Dangwai National Affairs Meeting {Dangwai guoshl hulyl M^hM/kis HI) met on December 25 at the Ambassador Hotel in Taipei with 73 people despite attempts of the security agencies to inhibit the meeting.56
But divisions soon appeared in the dangwai. Some, like Yu Teng-fa, Huang Shun-hsing fsrjlljfjisl (who later went to China), Wang Tuoh 3£|5, Chen Ku-ying and Su Ching-li M-MW,57 the editor of China Tide (Xla Chao MM\)> a leftist magazine that began publishing on February 28,1976,58 advocated unity with China. Others, including Shih Ming-teh, Lin I-hsiung, Hsu Hsin-liang, Yao Chia-wen, and Chang Chun-hung, favored a separate Taiwan.59
On January 21, 1979, the authorities arrested Yu Teng-fa and his son and charged them with "knowing a Communist and not reporting it." Yu Teng-fa was sentenced to eight years in prison on April 16. In a sense, the Yu Teng-fa case in itself is not important to Taiwan's democratization and I have analyzed it elsewhere.60 More importantly, on January 22, the day after the arrest, Taoyuan County Executive Hsu Hsin-liang and other prominent dangwai leaders61 went to Yu's home village and to Kaohsiung City to protest. In April, in
55 For this quote and full text, see ibid., p. 72.
56 Ibid., pp. 73-74.
57 Ibid., pp. 72-74
58 Ibid., p. 55.
59 Ibid., p. 74.
60 J. Bruce Jacobs, "Taiwan 1979: 'Normalcy' After 'Normalization'," Asian Survey xx, no. 1 (January 1980), pp. 90-91.
61 A list of about twenty-five other leaders appears in Zhang Fuzhong ^"g^ and Qiu Wanxing Jj|5^t|Jl|, Liise niandaii, 1, p. 79.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
15
order to impeach Hsu, the Control Branch announced an investigation into Hsu's "taking leave without permission," participating in an illegal demonstration and signing leaflets that libeled the government.62
To support Hsu Hsin-liang as well as Yu Teng-fa, on May 26,1979 the dangwal opposition organized a massive "birthday party" for Hsu Hsin-liang in his hometown of Chungli, the very location of the Chungli Incident eighteen months previously. Naturally, both the government and the opposition felt concern about the sensitive nature of the location. Between ten thousand and thirty thousand people attended to show support for the dangwal and to listen to the speeches, but the uniformed police and military stayed well away from the crowd. As the largest non-government sponsored, non-electoral peaceful political gathering in Taiwan's history, Hsu's birthday party was very important for the development of democracy in Taiwan. Unfortunately, the Committee on the Discipline of Public Functionaries suspended Hsu from office for two years. Hsu left for "study" overseas and promised to return to finish the final six months of his term in June 1981.63
On June 1,1979, key members of the dangwal established Formosa Magazine (Meilidao zazhl As Shih Ming-teh told this writer in May, the
opposition would establish a political party without using the term "political party." The magazine established county offices around the island, offices which they called "service centers" (Juwu chu Ml^ltD- Ironically, this was exactly the same term used by the Kuomintang in its external nomenclature for its county party headquarters, though interviews several years later indicated the dangwal leaders did not realize this.64 Naturally, this organization, as well as the language, scared the Kuomintang which had consistently prevented the establishment of any organization that could threaten Kuomintang rule.
In the meantime, as it could not gain publicity for the forthcoming elections in the Kuomintang-controlled media, the dangwal continued its public demonstrations throughout 1979. Two key demonstrations, the Taichung Incident of July 28 and the Chungtai Hotel Incident of September 8, deserve special analysis both for their importance in Taiwan's democratization movement and because they illustrate the difficulties that the dangwal faced in this struggle.
62 Jacobs, "Taiwan 1979," p. 91.
63 More details can be found in ibid., pp. 91-92.
64 At the township level, the Kuomintang used the external nomenclature of "Service Station" (Juwu fenshe IKJSj^tt) rather than the internal nomenclature of "District Party Office" (qudangbu ISJJLn]5). However, at the county level, the kmt generally used the internal nomenclature of County Party Headquarters (xlan dangbu rather than the external nomenclature of Service Center (fuwuchu JKSIfliD-
16
CHAPTER 1
In comparative terms, the Taichung Incident was relatively small. The twenty-odd dangwai demonstrators did not even have a microphone. They were met by "a group of super-patriots" who banged on their cars and shouted two sets of slogans, "Communist Party! Communist Party! Kill the Communist Party!" and "Taichung's citizens do not welcome you! Get out! Get out!"65 The Fire Department also gave the demonstrators a "baptism" with fire hoses.66 A picture of the event shows some twenty people in Taichung Park peacefully seated in a circle listening to Chiu Chui-chen ]5Plll j=f play his guitar while singing Taiwan folksongs.67
On September 8, the newly formed Formosa Magazine held a cocktail party to celebrate the magazine's founding. The location was the Kowloon Room at the Chungtai Hotel (also known in English as the Mandarin Hotel) on Tunhua North Road in Taipei. In applying for permission to hold the cocktail party, the Formosa Magazine had met many obstructions. Originally, the Formosa Magazine had tried to book the Hilton Hotel, but had been rejected. They then were able to book the Chungtai Hotel and paid a deposit. The Chungtai Hotel also got cold feet and tried to return the deposit, but the Formosa Magazine refused. Finally, the Formosa Magazine told the authorities that if they did not receive permission to hold the cocktail party indoors, they would hold it outdoors either in a park near the presidential office or in front of the international airport in Taoyuan. The Deputy Secretary-General of the Kuomintang's Policy Committee, Kuan Chung li^3, then came forward and the cocktail party went ahead at the Chungtai Hotel as planned.68
When the five hundred guests for the cocktail party started to arrive in the afternoon, they were met by several hundred demonstrators organized by Gust Magazine {Jifeng zazhi ^JHHIc^) who had put up signs proclaiming such
65     Fan Zhengyou "Qi erba Taizhong naoju zhi wo guan: gei Taizhong shimin de
gongkai xin t—A^^OTJ^^H : In^^K^lflfs [My Views on the Tai-
zhong Farce of July 28: An Open Letter to Taizhong's Citizens]," Me'didao jitlHl!) [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), p. 74.
66 On the Taichung Incident, see ibid., pp. 74-76. See also He Wenzhen {5J>CfM, "Qi erba Taizhong shijian zhenxiang t—J\ tn ^^fT" JCffl [The Truth about the Taichung Incident of July 28]," Me'didao jPtjflll [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), p. 73. In their overseas editions, neither the Lianhebao nor the Zhongyang ribao reported on the Taichung Incident.
67 Zhang Fuzhong MMand Qiu Wanxing Jj|5^t|Jl|, Liise niandai /, 1, p. 88.
68 Wu Zhengshuo j?|7Kffi[, "Zhongtai binguan shijian shimo ^W^fLtMW'-i^tn^- [The Chungtai Hotel Incident from the Beginning to the End]," Da shidai ^Hlpf^ [Great Epoch], no. 4 (October 5, 1979), p. 9. This article is the classic account of the Chungtai Hotel Incident.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
17
things as "Grand Meeting to Condemn the National Traitor Chen Wan-chen." In addition, when guests went into the function, the demonstrators shouted such things as "Various compatriots are prepared to destroy you at any time," "Kill him!" and "Destroy the Black Fist Gang!" Less violent shouted slogans included "Long Live the Republic of China!" and "Long Live President Chiang!"69
About 3.20 pm the formal part of the cocktail party began with Annette Lu as master of ceremonies. Led by the publisher of the Formosa Magazine, Huang Hsin-chieh, several people spoke. Kuan Chung, the kmt Deputy-Secretary of the Policy Committee, came and shook hands with several people before departing. Shih Ming-teh went outside to have a look and was called "Linda Arrigo's sex tool." There were also shouts of "Taiwan Independence!" "National Traitor!," and "Get Out!"70
The Formosa Magazine had booked the Kowloon Room until 5pm. At that time, Hsiao Yu-ching f|f zE^, one of the Gust leaders, yelled: "Taiwan Independent elements, get out. It is already five o'clock. Please go out under police protection with your tail between your legs and get out!" Others in the crowd responded, "Get Out! Get Out! Get Out!"71
Clearly the Gust demonstrators posed a threat to the guests of the Formosa Magazine. The police sent three buses to the Chungtai Hotel and asked the dangwal guests to leave in the buses. The dangwal guests refused as they believed the demonstrators outside were those who were acting illegally. Around 7 pm it had already become dark and the police again sent buses and again the dangwal guests refused to board the police buses. The Gust demonstrators continued to hurl abuse. The riot police arrived and some used electric prods on some Gust demonstrators who fell down. Hsiao Yu-ching yelled, "Lie Down! Sit Down! Lie Down! Sit Down!" The demonstrators did as instructed. The riot police back off and surrounded the demonstrators.72
Around 7.40 pm, Lao Cheng-wu ^MtMi, another Gust leader, spoke to the demonstrators, "We have already won. Now we must respect the requests of the police and go home and have a happy weekend." Finally, the crowd dispersed. About 8 pm, the dangwal organized about one hundred men into two lines who protected the elderly, women and children between the two lines. The dangwal participants proceeded to march out under police guard as well. Some yelled "Beautiful Island" and some yelled "One, two, one, two." A taxi drove into the crowd, but no one was hurt. By the time the dangwal marchers
69 Ibid., p. 8.
70 Ibid., p. 11.
71 Ibid., p. 12.
72 Ibid., p. 13.
18
CHAPTER 1
reached Changchun Road, they were no longer in order. Other incidents took place like the sound of an explosion and people throwing rocks breaking windows.73
The Chungtai Hotel Incident was important for several reasons. First, it showed the dangwal could convene an orderly meeting. Second, it demonstrated that the threats to public order came from such right-wing "patriotic" groups as the Gust Magazine. According to the police, it was the Gust demonstrators, not the dangwal, who threatened public order.74 The reports of the Chungtai Incident varied greatly among Taiwan's daily newspapers.75 For example, some newspapers did not report the numbers attending the Formosa Magazine cocktail party, while other reported from several hundred to even a thousand people participating.76
The Formosa Magazine published four issues on August 16, September 25, October 25 and November 25,1979. Many of those involved in the dangwal in 1979 were involved in the magazine according to the list published on the back cover of the first issue: Huang Hsin-chieh iffs/p", Lin I-hsiung #f||;|£, Yao Chia-wen $kW;~5C, Chang Te-ming ^WiMi^i, Huang Tien-fu if ^fH, Lu Hsiu-lien (Annette Lu) Sffll, Hsu Hsin-liang jrffg %, Chang Chun-hung Shih Ming-teh MWiM, Wei Ting-chao W£M, Wang Tuoh EEIB, Su Ching-li WSM, Hsieh San-sheng HfH^, Hsieh Hsiu-hsiung Wi3§We, and Huang Huang-hsiung if JUm. Many others were also involved as committee members including such people as Kang Ning-hsiang JftSp^, Huang Shun-hsing if)llffjl| and Hsu Shih-hsien f^tff Jf. The first issue had 100 pages including the two covers and each issue expanded until the fourth issue had 132 pages. Circulation increased until it reached about 100,000 for the fourth issue,77 about one per cent of Taiwan's population.
The first issue of Formosa Magazine began with a statement launching the magazine by the publisher, Huang Hsin-chieh, entitled "All work together to push a political movement of the new generation!" Huang said that the break in relations with the United States "announced the bankruptcy of the kmt government's foreign policy for the past thirty years" and created the greatest political crisis for the kmt since it began to rule Taiwan. One political response
73 Ibid., p. 14.
74 Ibid., pp. 8,13,18.
75 Wen Chaogong ~SC$!pi&, "Ni kan de shi shenme bao? ge bao dui Zhongtai shijian de bao-
dao       ^Jgff Jgfg ? -^Igtf ^SWWIg^ [What Newspaper Do You read? The
Reports of Different Newspapers on the Chungtai Incident]," Mellldao =^WlMj [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25,1979), pp. 83-87.
76 Ibid., p. 83.
77 Katherine Lee, "Taiwan's dissidents," Index on Censorship 9, no. 6 (December 1980), p. 54.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
19
has been to stop the elections. But "democracy will not die. Long live elections."78 The statement also emphasized Taiwan: "This beautiful island (meilizhi dao H M^lH) is our homeland where we have grown up. We deeply love this piece of land and its people, who have drunk its milk as they have grown. And we have concern about our future joint fate."79
In 1979 Formosa struck its readers as radical and new. Today, over thirty years later and after more than two decades of democracy, Formosa seems milder. The first issue had a six-page commentary entitled "Long Live Democracy,"80 Two pages of legislative interpellation by Huang Shun-hsing81 and five pages of Cabinet response.82 With regard to the provincial level, the issue had a commentary on "What can the 'provincial chairman' do?"83 and an article on the "ten best provincial assembly members" chosen by twenty-two relatively young observers of the provincial assembly. Of the fourteen finally chosen (five provincial assembly members tied for the tenth position), eight— including the first three place-getters—were non-partisans.84 As previously discussed, the first issue also had two articles on the Taichung Incident of July28.85
78 Huang Hsin-chieh flr{g/f~, "Fakan ci: gongtong lai tuidong xinshengdai zhengzhi yun-dong! #f(JM : ^MMMM±lXWhWW]l [Words on Launching Magazine: All work together to push a political movement of the new generation!," Me'didao [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), inside front cover.
79 Ibid., p. 1.
80 Ben she 2Jv%fc [Formosa Magazine], "Dangwai zhenglun: minzhuwansui Jif^xBtira : ^ 3iMj^ [Dangwai Commentary: Long Live Elections]!' Me'didao jitjtlll [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), pp. 4-9.
81 Huang Shun-hsing fl|J[[JtJl|, "Xiang xingzhengyuan zhixun san ze l^fT^I^Mt^J^llLl [Three Interpellations of the Cabinet]," Me'didao jPtjflll [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16, 1979). PP-10-11.
82 Xingzhengyuan frBCl^ [Cabinet], "Fulu: dui Huang weiyuan Shunxing zhixun zhi shu-mian dafu fi : f^M#MJIiHMt^1lffiilrlt [Appendix: Written Answers to the Interpellations of Legislator Huang Shun-hsing]," Me'didao jitjtlll [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), pp. 12-16.
83 Huang Huang-hsiung iUJUHi, "'Sheng zhuxi' neng zuo shenme?' ^^L$$ ' fbif&fHI! ? [What can the 'Provincial Chairman' Do?]," Me'didao jitlHl!) [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16, 1979). PP- 34-36.
84 Zhou Qingyuan M>m )M, "Shi da shengyiyuan ~\"^ki^W.M. [Ten Great Provincial Assembly Members],"Me'didao jPtjflll [Formosa], no. 1 (August 16,1979), pp. 37-39.
85 Fan Zhengyou liSEfc^fi, "Qi erba". He Wenzhen {njj^fjjf, "Qi erba."
20
CHAPTER 1
The second issue of Formosa had two articles on the Chungtai Hotel Incident of September 8 discussed above.86 In addition, the second issue had the text of three dangwai legislators interpellating Premier Sun Yuan-suan,87 two responses to the article in the first issue on "Ten Great Provincial Assembly Members"88 and the transcript of a long forum on the draft election and recall law89 among other items.
The third issue contained an extensive interpellation of Premier Sun by Legislator Huang Shun-hsing on behalf of Taiwan's farmers.90 Another extended article raised the very sensitive issue of Taiwanese/Mainlander relations.91 The article began by pointing out that Taiwanese account for 87.8 per cent of Taiwan's population, while Mainlander account for 12.2 per cent. Of the Taiwanese, about two per cent are aborigines, Hokkien account for 83.1 per cent and Hakka account for 15.6 per cent. Among the Hokkien, those originating from Chuanchou account for 44.8 per cent while those from Changchou number 35.2 per cent.92 Publishing these figures right at the front of the article broke many taboos.
86 Ben she 2Jv%fc [Formosa Magazine], "Dangwai zhenglun: Shaoshu pai yu baoli, ping Zhongtai binguan qian de naoju MMZjm ■ AiMHH^ ' W^BMUM^MM [Dangwai Commentary: The Minority Faction and Violence, A Critique of the Farce in Front of the Chungtai Hotel]," Meilidao =E=Wi&3 [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25, 1979), pp. 4-5. Wen Chaogong AJ1> A, "Ni kan."
87 Fei Xiping Jl^fSjZ, Huang Hsin-chieh fl|{g A\ and Kang Ning-xiang |§|3p^, "Jiu women suo mianlin de san xiang zhengzhi wenti xiang xingzhengyuan Sun yuanzhang tichu
zhixun wtmwmWnm^mmtmmfaftmmMKmu&mm [interpellating
Premier Sun about Three Political Questions which We Face]," Meilidao ^Wtffj [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25,1979), pp. 7-8.
88 Chen Qiude l^ficM, "Feichangjumianxia, shengyiyuan suowei heshi? ^r^fMjfil h ' lit nitMPif tlH^flP- ? [Under Unusual Circumstances, What are Provincial Assembly Members to do?]," Meilidao =E=Wi&3 [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25,1979), pp. 20-23. Ye Feng-sheng MWL^t, "'Shida shengyiyuan' xuanba yup'. AA^'itM ' M%SM)J& [Trouble After Selecting the Best 'Ten Great Provincial Assembly Members']" Meilidao [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25,1979), pp. 24-25.
89 Ben she 2Jv%fc [Formosa Magazine], "Xuanju bamianfa cao'an zuotanhui jilu M^Sl^^S ^^jMs£llr!5!f; [Record of Forum on Draft Election and Recall Law]," Meilidao jUJH I| [Formosa], no. 2 (September 25,1979), pp. 34-41.
90 Huang Shun-hsing Tpjrffljt JS|, "Wei nongmin quanyi xiang xingzhengyuan Sun yuanzhang zhixun MM.^W.^^ff&M-BM-WMWj [Interpellation of Premier Sun on the Rights andlnterests of Farmers ]" Meilidao =^WlMj [Formosa], no. 3 (October 25,1979), pp. 35-42.
91 Liu Fengsong HJ^fefA "Yiqian babaiwan ren de Taiwan shi —AVVWMAS^J p>(f5£ [The Taiwan History of Eighteen Million People]," Meilidao jHHlJ!/ [Formosa], no. 3 (October 25,1979), pp. 69-76.
92 Ibid., p. 69.
THE DANGWAI SETTING
21
Next, the article asked who is Taiwan's zhuren i£A, a term meaning "master" or "lord" in this context. These are the aborigines who came many centuries before the Hokkien, but the Hokkien, Hakkas and Mainlanders do not discuss this.93 After discussing the reasons Hokkien and Hakka came to Taiwan 200-300 years previously, the article gives statistics on Mainlander males and females arriving from 1947-1951.94 In terms of modern scholarship, the article declines a bit. It divides Taiwan's history into period of unity with the mainland (216 years) and separation (139 years),95 periods of rule by Chinese (56 years) and by others (299 years), and then subdivides the rule by Chinese into 4 years of unity (with China) and 52 years of separation.96 In the last paragraph, the article concludes, "Lastly, this article raises democracy, because only with democracy can we change our unclear destiny. Only with democracy can the people here stand on this land and genuinely protect themselves."97
The fourth issue of Formosa Magazine covered a variety of areas including commentary of the 1979 coup against Park Chung-hee in Korea,98 three discussions of matters relevant to provincial politics,99 several articles on human rights and overseas human rights organizations such as Amnesty International,100 and the transcript of a long forum on labor unions.101 Shih Ming-teh had a detailed account of the demonstrations in support of Yu Teng-fa in January 1979.102
Formosa Magazine never published again. Three weeks later, on December 10, 1979, the Formosa Magazine sponsored a demonstration in Kaohsiung in celebration of Human Rights Day. Originally, this Kaohsiung demonstration was one of several planned until the legislative election. It was to be surpassed by a planned demonstration in Taipei on December 16, exactly one year after the United States broke diplomatic relations with Taiwan.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid., p. 70.
95 Ibid., p. 73.
96 Ibid., p. 74.
97 Ibid., p. 76.
98 MeiUdao PÖflll [Formosa], no. 4 (November 25,1979), pp. 4-5, 6, 70-77, 77-78.
99 Ibid., pp. 7-11,13-16, 30-34
100 Ibid., pp. 40-44, 51.
101 Ibid., pp. 52-69.
102 Shi Mingde WßMW», "Taiwan minzhu yundong huashidai de yitian: dangwai renshi wei
Yu Dengfa an youxing kangyi jishi ^>i^^SSjffiH|Pft^J-^ : M^hX±UM^ Sf^^SfTl/LoRoBW [An Epoch-Making Day in the Taiwan Democratic Movement: A True Account of the Dangwai Personnages Marching to Resist the Yu Teng-fa Case]," MeiUdao jPtjflll [Formosa], no. 4 (November 25,1979), pp. 82-88.