1© The Author(s) 2020
A. M. Waade et al. (eds.), Danish Television Drama, Palgrave
European Film and Media Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40798-8_1
CHAPTER 1
Transnational Television Drama? Lessons
Learned from Danish Drama
Anne Marit Waade, Eva Novrup Redvall,
and Pia Majbritt Jensen
Introduction
When the Danish crime series Forbrydelsen (The Killing, 2007–2012) hit
the British market in the early 2010s, attracting a surprising amount of
interest from British viewers and critics, it became a global game-changer
that not only created opportunities for the new export of Danish television
drama to international markets, but also paved the way for subtitled and
foreign drama as a new trend on television channels and Subscription-­
Video-­on-Demand (SVOD) services (Redvall 2013; Bondebjerg and
Redvall 2015; Eichner and Esser in this volume). The popularity of the
A. M. Waade (*) • P. M. Jensen
Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
e-mail: amwaade@cc.au.dk; piamj@cc.au.dk
E. N. Redvall
University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark
e-mail: eva@hum.ku.dk
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2
Danish television drama series in the United Kingdom created opportunities
for their export to new markets around the world (Jensen 2016).
Danish broadcasters and producers experienced an increasing foreign
demand for new/fresh Danish content; and in the following years, series
such as Borgen (2010–2013), Bron/Broen/The Bridge (2011–2018), and
Arvingerne (The Legacy, 2014–2017) travelled worldwide. The international
success of Danish television drama interested and engaged the critics,
the broadcasters, the distributors, the viewers, and the fans.
In the 2010s, Nordic Noir emerged as a popular brand that built on the
global success of Scandinavian crime fiction (Hansen and Waade 2017).
Danish and other Nordic television drama and crime fiction have mobilized
transnational online fan communities and inspired Nordic Noir tourism.
In parallel with this, the growth of new and streaming services has led
to a significant demand for content, and made drama an excellent ‘driver
for sale’ (Lotz 2014; Steemers 2016). As a result of these trends, the
Nordic region has experienced a general boom in the production of television
drama series.
Not only has Danish television drama travelled globally, so has Danish
drama knowhow. For instance, producers from other countries have travelled
to Denmark to learn more about the Danish Broadcasting
Corporation (DR) ‘dogmas’ for making engaging television series (Redvall
2013; Hochscherf and Philipsen 2017). The Nordic Noir style travels as
well, for example in international series such as Fortitude (2015–2018),
Hinterland (2013–2016), Broadchurch (2013–2017), Shetland (2013–),
and The Kettering Incident (2016–) (Creeber 2015; Hansen and Waade
2017). Danish creators of drama productions (including producers, actors,
and screenwriters) are also in international demand, and international
broadcasters and producers are increasingly reaching out to Danish production
companies and broadcasters to co-produce, remake, and collaborate
with them, an example being the Danish-produced Netflix original
series The Rain (2018–) (Nielsen 2016).
Naturally, it is important to relate the international interest in Danish
television drama series to the general international popularity of anything
Nordic, be it food, fashion, architecture, landscapes, climate, candles,
crime series, gender culture, or even the welfare state (Syvertsen et al.
2014) and bestselling books on ‘hygge’, ‘lykke’, ‘lagom’, and ‘how to be
Danish’ (e.g. Kingsley 2013; Abrahams 2016). A reciprocal process is
involved: Nordic Noir series and Danish television drama series strengthen
the international interest in anything Nordic, and the international
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3
popularity of Nordic food, design, and culture makes it easier to sell
Danish television drama series to international markets.
The fact that Danish television drama series began to travel outside the
Nordic region challenged fundamental understandings of—and theoretical
approaches to—national and public service television drama production
(Redvall 2013; Bondebjerg and Redvall 2015; Jensen et al. 2016;
Jensen and McCutcheon 2020), as well as methodological approaches to
the study of production and reception across countries and continents
(Jensen and Jacobsen in this volume). This phenomenon called for a
rethinking of the theoretical centre/periphery complexity within global
television industries, in particular, cultural proximity and the role of small-­
nation screen production in a global media industry context (Straubhaar
2007; Jacobsen and Jensen 2016; McElroy et al. 2018).
This chapter introduces a large-scale research project that studied how
the international export of Danish television drama meets the challenges
described above. In the following pages, we elaborate on this research
project’s general findings and its theoretical and methodological contributions.
We also introduce the other chapters of this edited volume, which
analyse and explain specific aspects of the international success of Danish
television drama, from the development of ‘screen ideas’ to the sale, distribution,
and global reception of Danish series.
Researching the Many Reasons Why Danish
Television Series Suddenly Travelled
‘What Makes Danish TV Drama Series Travel?’ This question was the title
of, and the research question that underlay, a large-scale research project
funded by Independent Research Fund Denmark (2014–2019) and supported
by the Aarhus University Research Fund (2014–2015). The study
investigated why and how Danish television drama started travelling in the
2000s. The study comprised three principal sections: a production study
(interviews with producers, screenwriters, and distributors, an ethnographic
study of production processes and international television sales
markets, and various studies with distinct focuses, such as screenwriting,
international remakes, locations, international sales, and co-funding); a
textual study (examining genres, mood, audiovisual style, place, and historical
and cultural representation); and a reception study (examining
media coverage, including interviews with distributors, broadcasters, and
viewers in eight markets around the world: Argentina, Australia, Brazil,
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4
Germany, Japan, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States – as
well as Denmark itself). Our ambition was to shed light on the specific
transformations and value creations that took place at all stages of the
production system of Danish television drama series, from idea to production,
distribution, and reception processes (Fig. 1.1).
Our study was divided into four distinct sub-questions, each shedding
light on significant parts of this process, and including a particular set of
interviews, data collection, and theoretical approaches:
1) How can we consider Danish TV drama series as an international
brand?
2) What makes Danish TV drama series travel from a transnational production
perspective?
3) How are Danish TV drama series interpreted and valued by audiences
abroad, specifically in Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Germany, Japan,
Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Denmark itself?
4) How are small-nation drama series challenging the centre/periphery
complex of the global media industry and culture?
Economy
Policy Culture
Market
Production Audience
Production/text study
• Location study
• ‘One vision’ study
• International remake study
• Screen idea study (script)
• Distribution studies
• Regional TV drama series
• International co-productions
• The golden age of Danish TV
drama series
Transnational screen ecology &
small nations’ TV drama
• How does Danish TV drama
challenge the
centre/periphery complex?
• Case studies: Forbrydelsen,
Borgen, Bron/Broen,
Arvingerne, 1864, Norskov
• Spill-over study (nation
branding, tourism, export of
production culture)
• Small nations’ TV drama: PSB
policy, value chain,
production value.
Textual study:
• Danish TV drama 1994-2018
TV drama series &
paratexts
Audience Study
• Buyers
• Media Coverage
• Ordinary viewers
Markets: Germany, Turkey,
Brazil, US, UK, Australia,
Japan, Argentina, Denmark
Fig. 1.1  Research design for What Makes Danish TV Drama Series Travel? (DFF
2014–2019). The research project involved three research teams: the production
study team, the text study team, and the audience study team
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5
The Danish research team consisted of nine scholars from the fields of
media and screen studies and international business studies. The study was
carried out by three teams, each with the distinct methodological and
empirical ambition (production study, text study, and reception study) of
improving insights into travelling Danish drama as a cultural and industrial
phenomenon, and bringing together different theoretical perspectives and
sets of data. As part of our research, we followed Danish television drama
series around the world. We talked to producers, screenwriters, distributors,
broadcasters, viewers, fans, and critics. We studied the series, the
narratives, their aesthetics, and their production values. We also studied
the media coverage of these series in some countries in order to see which
of the series’ discourses and themes were touched upon in reviews around
the world. As part of this project, we worked closely with researchers and
universities connected to each of the specific markets that we were studying
and with internationally recognized scholars in the field of transnational
screen studies.
Transnational Screen Studies and Small-Nation
Television Cultures
The concept of ‘travelling television drama’ is related to theories of transnational
television and transnational culture. The definition of ‘transnational’
was negotiated and developed throughout the 2000s and 2010s,
and is linked to the rich field of academic theories on globalization and
mediatization. Jean Chalaby analyses television formats and argues that a
new order of local, national, regional, and global levels has emerged: ‘The
TV format chain may be global, the adaption process and transfer of expertise
may be transnational, but TV formats begin and end their lives as local
shows’ (Chalaby 2016, 187). Andrea Esser (2014) explains that transnational
television content, whether factual entertainment formats or television
drama, is an object of ongoing negotiation across national borders.
According to Elke Weissmann (2012), travelling television drama
should be regarded as two sides of the same coin: national and international.
Weissmann’s study of the relationship between British and American
television drama illustrates how television drama that travels between the
two countries and continents becomes essentially transnational, and ‘the
industries operate, consume, produce and think transnationally’
(Weissmann 2012, 6). The recent development of streaming services reinforces
this transnationalism in production, financing, and narratives:
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A review of the economic underpinning of almost any new European television
series will demonstrate that the financing of television has become at
once both local and international. Motivated by new funding practices, in
the space of two or three decades, TV series have become a financially glocal
phenomenon marked by local, national, regional and transnational players.
The most recent decade (2008–2018) has also seen the introduction of new
global streaming services into this mix (Hansen et al. 2018, 7).
Mette Hjort (2010) argues that the concept of transnationalism itself has
become trendy, and consequently that it has also become imprecise. She
suggests that a distinction be drawn between unmarked and marked transnationality
(Hjort 2010, 13), whereby marked transnationality foregrounds
the transnational elements of a given film or television drama, whether this
relates to production, distribution, reception, narrative, or cinematography
(for further discussion, see Weissmann 2012; Agger 2016; Bondebjerg
2016; Hansen and Waade 2017, 221).
The study of the international export of Danish television drama clearly
reveals that transnationalization—marked and unmarked—involves not
only production but also overarching themes and stories, aesthetics, audience
reception, and distribution (Agger 2016; Agger, this volume). The
instance of Danish television drama further demonstrates that local, non-­
Anglophone languages and places have become significant selling points in
a global media market (see Hansen in this volume). Moreover, the fact that
a small nation such as Denmark can produce content that is attractive to a
broader global media market, and influence cultural trends, challenges the
centre/periphery dichotomy that has dominated global media culture in
modern times (for further elaboration, see Jensen and Jacobsen, this volume).
Finally, the Danish case focuses on the role of public service broadcasters
(PSBs) in small nations and on how recent international attention
has resulted in significant changes in the production cultures in Nordic
countries, including among the Nordic PSBs (see Sundet, this volume).
Understanding Television Production in Terms
of Different Screen Idea Systems
In line with creativity researcher Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi’s statement that
creativity never develops in a vacuum (1999, 315), a fundamental understanding
that guided this research project is that screen production is
always shaped by the people involved and by the particular places and
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7
media systems from which new ideas emerge, and where they are produced
and distributed. We regard different production frameworks as various
forms of screen idea systems (Redvall 2013, 2016), with new series
being marked by the dynamics involved when people propose new ideas
based on the traditions, trends, and tastes of the existing domain. These
ideas must be accepted by the group of individuals who may be regarded
as gatekeepers to the domain in question, gatekeepers who are constantly
searching for a specific type of content (Fig. 1.2).
DR has been the primary producer of Danish television drama for many
years, so Danish television series are fundamentally based on a strong public
service tradition that has influenced the kinds of stories and the storytelling
strategies that emerged for particular time-slots and audiences. This
project studied the way in which this tradition was challenged in the 2010s
when, following the success of Danish series such as Forbrydelsen and
Borgen, new national players started to produce television dramas, and,
from 2012, when international players such as Netflix and HBO Nordic
entered the domestic market. The 2010s witnessed a number of remarkable
changes among the main producers of television drama and in terms
Tastes
Trends
Traditions
Mandate
Management
Money
Talent
Training
Track record
Selects
Novelty
Produces
Novelty
Stimulates
Novelty
Transmits
Information
Fig. 1.2  The Screen Idea System (Redvall 2013, 31)
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8
of the content produced, something that several chapters in this volume
address from various perspectives—comparing television drama traditions
with current trends and tastes.
Text and context are linked, and it makes sense always to regard production
as the interplay of the three main forces outlined in the screen idea
system: the people creating new series based on their particular talents,
training, and track record; the series that already exist in the domain, to
which all new ideas will be compared and with which they will have to
compete; and the gatekeepers with a certain mandate and specific managerial
ideas about what to produce, but with an often too-limited amount of
money at their disposal for financing expensive drama series. Many of the
chapters in this book explore these dynamics, for instance indicating the
way in which individual showrunners or commissioners have a huge impact
in specific small-nation screen idea systems.
The notion of ‘track record’ is always at work when commissioners and
financers decide whether to risk new ideas, often leading to a centralization
of power that makes it hard for new talent to emerge. Television
production is always high risk and always marked by the media industry
mantra that ‘nobody knows’, because there is no recipe for success.
Drawing on the interplay outlined in the screen idea system, this book
explores some of the systemic, creative, textual, and audience aspects that
may be regarded as important to the recent success of series that originate
in a small-nation production framework such as Denmark.
The Values of Television Drama
and the Transnational Value Ecosystem
By taking the transnational circulation of Danish television drama series as
its point of departure, this project explored the particular value creation
that emerged at all stages of drama development, from idea to production,
cross-sector collaboration, distribution, international reception, and fandom.
In a Nordic context, discussing the values of publicly funded screen
production has become more important than ever, because a media welfare
state with nationally subsidized media such as Denmark needs to
legitimize and embed the fact that it spends tax money on producing
media entertainment and drama series (Lowe and Martin 2013; Syvertsen
et al. 2014; Raats et al. 2016). We suggest a transnational value ecosystem
model that describes this value creation, which takes place at all stages of
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9
drama production and development. The underlying idea is that the transnationalization
of Danish drama series increases their value for both
domestic and international audiences.
Our model is based on Turnbull and McCutcheon’s idea of a ‘total
value model’ that frames a qualitative analysis of the cultural value generated
by crime series (Turnbull and McCutcheon 2017, 6). The authors
cluster the various financial values of television crime series into three main
groups: first, values related to the production process; secondly, values
related to the consumers (value to audience, including ratings and sales,
critic and fan responses); and finally, values related to society in general
(indirect benefits of the series that accrue to society as a whole). With
regard to the production process, Turnbull and McCutcheon further distinguish
values that may accrue for the creators and producers during
screen idea development, other creative personnel during production, and
sales intermediaries during distribution (Fig. 1.3).
In contrast to the common vertical supply chain for media production
and distribution (Doyle 2002; Turnbull and McCutcheon 2017), our
model is circular, thus pinpointing the fact that each drama series is part of
a larger cultural circulation of ideas and synergies. The circular value ecosystem
model was inspired by Filmby Aarhus (2013) and Månsson and
Eskilsson’s (2013) value-chain model for screen tourism, in which the
dynamics between industries (in this case tourism and the screen industry)
are emphasized. The fact that Danish screen production adds value to
other sectors, trends, and industries, such as nation branding, the Nordic
wave and tourism, and television channels and streaming services abroad,
Fig. 1.3  The
Transnational Value
Ecosystem of Danish
television drama
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10
is not captured by a traditional linear value-chain model. The cross-sector
added value may also be understood as a spill-over effect by which value
creation in one sector or industry creates value for other related sectors
and industries (Fleming 2015). To emphasize these circular, dynamic processes
and the spill-over effects of the transnational value creation of
Danish drama series, we call the model a value ecosystem model.
Location Studies and Nordic Noir
A central contribution to research that is informed by the study of travelling
Danish television drama series is the location study model (Fig. 1.4).
Kim Toft Hansen and Anne Marit Waade (2017) take the significant use
of locations in Nordic Noir series as their point of departure. Nordic Noir
is characterized by the remarkable use of landscapes, climate, mood, and
lighting (also see Jensen and Waade 2013; Creeber 2015; Agger and
Waade 2018). The authors analyse local colour in their research on Nordic
crime series, and apply it to their study of contemporary crime series and
crime fiction from Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, and Finland.
The location study model encompasses both on-screen features and
off-screen factors, relating the places that appear on screen to the production
site. The general idea is that off-screen factors influence and inform
the way on-screen features are displayed and received. Off-screen factors
include aspects such as production facilities, studios, and local professionals
(sites of production); local funding systems and screen industry strategies
(policies of place); the actual places used, including their historical
and physical character (geographical places); and finally the extent to
which the places and film locations are known and promoted as tourist
destinations (place as destination). The on-screen features encompass various
categories of setting: from urban/rural places, architecture and design,
and climate and weather conditions, to shore/island/inland settings, and
mobility and infrastructure.
Together, the off-screen and on-screen features influence the role
played by the setting of a series (visual, dramaturgical, and referential).
This model may be used in a textual–analytical approach to analysing
series, but also as a way to design and analyse an empirical study of production
that focuses on the settings. The overall idea is that there is a clear
link between the increasing transnationalization of Danish television
drama on the one hand and the significant use of Nordic settings, climates,
and cultural conditions in a television series on the other (also see Hansen,
this volume; Waade, this volume).
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11
Transnational Reception from a Three-Leaf
Clover-Model Perspective
Our approach has been influenced by the so-called ‘three-leaf clover’
model of audience groupings that we believe to be instrumental in explaining
how and why Danish television drama has travelled globally, or at least
to the eight territories we have examined: Argentina, Australia, Brazil,
Germany, Japan, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
This model arose in response to one of our central concerns, namely the
construction of a methodological lens that captured the multitude of
Off-screen
factors
On-screen
features
Geographicalplace
Ppliciesofplace
Cultural preconditions
Place as destination
Sites of production
Geographicalplace
Ppliciesofplace
Place as destination
Sites of production
Urban / rural
Shore,
inland, island
Climate,
weather, season
Architecture,
arts, design
Scene-
specific
locations
Mobility,
infrastructure
Urban / rural
Shore,
inland, island
Climate,
weather, season
Architecture,
arts, design
Scene-
specific
locations
Mobility,
infrastructure
Fig. 1.4  Location study model by Hansen and Waade (2017)
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12
players involved in viewing Danish television drama outside its immediate
geo-­linguistic region of Scandinavia and the complexity of their interrelationships,
while remaining as methodologically and theoretically explorative
as possible when analysing emerging data. This methodological lens
brought transnational audiences into focus in a novel way, revealing audiences
not only as regular audiences or as statistics extracted from television
ratings, but also as a ‘three-leaf clover’ of interacting players, each of which
is an audience in a different capacity and each of which plays a key role in
the transnational success of Danish television drama.
The three-leaf clover comprises (1) television industry distributors and
broadcasters who act as gatekeepers to international markets; (2) other
professional actors in the media industry, such as journalists, bloggers, and
television critics, who act as cultural intermediaries; and (3) regular audiences
who act by watching series on television or diverse online streaming
services. The metaphor of the three-leaf clover conveys a certain sense of
a paradoxical sameness and difference. The three leaves refer to all three
broad groups as ‘audiences’ that interact with, interpenetrate, and influence
one another. But there are also boundaries within and between them
that make each grouping distinct and separate. Secondly, each leaf is similar
to the other two, which means that no specific grouping is methodologically
privileged over another—they all exert influence in some ways,
and the nature and extent of this influence and their interdependence
must be empirically established within specific contexts. Thirdly, the metaphor
of the clover leaf conveys a fragility of relationships and arrangements,
which is a distinctive trait of sociopolitical and economic relations
in an age of globalization (see Jensen and Jacobsen 2017; Jensen and
Jacobsen in this volume). For the detailed account of the eight-country
global study in all its variety, we refer to the edited volume published previously
this year (Jensen and Jacobsen 2020).
Audiences are often somewhat overlooked when the analytical focus is
on production strategies or the content produced. However, apart from
this project’s extensive reception studies, one important aspect has been
the investigation of how certain ideas of audiences and concrete audience
feedback during production may inform the production processes and
help create stronger series. Consequently, there was a dialogue with media
researchers such as Lene Heiselberg (DR Media Research) during the
research project, leading among other things to an outline of how DR
media researchers have been involved in testing drama content for many
years, using traditional qualitative methods, such as focus groups, as well
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13
as new biometric methods, such as measuring skin conductance to learn
more about audience arousal and offering feedback to those developing
the series (Redvall 2017).
Recent years have seen an increased interest in trying to develop series
based on research into the intended target group, as was the case with the
Norwegian hit teenage drama SKAM (2015–2018), which was created
based on extensive research into the lives and thoughts of 16-year-old
Norwegian girls (Redvall 2018). There are exciting perspectives in bringing
production and audience studies closer together. The close collaboration
between the various research teams in this project led to a number of
interesting conversations that crossed research traditions and approaches,
and proved valuable in this regard.
Critical Perspectives on the Success of Danish
Series: Is Imitation the Sincerest Form of Flattery?
Danish television producers and broadcasters specifically and Denmark’s
cultural industries and global brand more generally have undoubtedly
benefited tremendously from the unprecedented international popularity
of Danish television drama. This is evident in many of the chapters in this
anthology. Internationally, Danish drama has unquestionably punched
above its weight, and in the process moved Denmark away from the
periphery of the global television market and closer to the centre—at least
for a while.
As Creeber (2015), Jensen (2016), and Turnbull and McCutcheon
(2017) have emphasized, the traditional (often Anglophone) centres have
not been slow to pick up on Denmark’s and Scandinavia’s success, producing
a large number of series heavily influenced by Danish series and the
general Nordic Noir trend: Fortitude, Broadchurch, Hinterland, The
Kettering Incident, and The Code, to name a few. There have also been
American and British–French adaptations of series such as Forbrydelsen
and Bron/Broen. As these productions originate from well-known and
fairly significant broadcasters and production companies in large, predominantly
Anglophone markets, they generate more revenue and capture
larger, more mainstream, global audiences than the original series. This is
because English-language series will be sold to larger broadcasters and
larger channels, and be given a more attractive time slot, resulting in significantly
higher audience ratings, thanks to the historical dominance of
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14
the American and British television markets in particular, and because
English, the global lingua franca, is used as the production language. In
this sense, these series operate in a global macro-market, in contrast to the
global micro-market in which the Danish series operate. One example of
these dynamics is found in the Australian market, where the original The
Bridge was broadcast by the second public broadcaster, SBS, which has an
average audience share of 4–5%, while the British–French adaptation (The
Tunnel) was broadcast by the main public broadcaster, ABC, with an average
share closer to 20%. Financially, this means that in the global market,
Danish series trade for considerably less than American and British series.
Moreover, Anglophone series are likely to be exported to more regions
worldwide, which also generates larger revenues.
Although imitation is said to be the sincerest form of flattery, we argue
that in the case of Nordic Noir, imitation has been the means by which
established global players exploit the trend, to a degree that may ultimately
dilute the very brand and thereby saturate (at the very least) the
global niche market for Danish and other Nordic broadcasters and producers.
This means that despite global export and creative accolades,
international prizes, and critical acclaim for Danish television drama—
which must not be underestimated—the already dominant markets have
also benefited considerably from its success. Indeed, financially speaking,
they have probably benefited even more than the Danish market itself.
The combination of increased digitization and convergence caused a
rapid shift in the business models of the audiovisual industry over the
course of this project. The television sector’s traditional revenue and
financing models are under pressure, which has increased competition
among legacy media and between legacy media and new players such as
Netflix and HBO (Evens and Donders 2018). For television drama produced
in small markets and by PSBs, three intertwining developments
have increased the pressure on domestic production (see Raats and
Jensen 2020).
First, television viewing is moving from a linear paradigm to a non-­
linear one via Video-on-Demand and SVOD, provided by national broadcasters
and distributors and international Over-the-Top (OTT) services
alike. The quality offerings of the latter—including Netflix and HBO—
mean that they can compete directly with series transmitted by PSBs such
as DR. Naturally, broadcasters and producers could (at least theoretically)
generate additional revenue by selling television drama on more platforms
and in more windows, as well as to different territories, and this is
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15
happening to a certain degree. However, the rise of new distribution platforms
has also increased the pressure on traditional broadcasters, which no
longer enjoy their previous exclusivity when it comes to television series.
Secondly, not only do new OTT streaming services challenge traditional
broadcasters, but they also invest in original content. The fact that Netflix
operates worldwide provides advantages related to economies of scale,
leading to investment in large-budget productions for the global market.
However, given their global business model, Netflix and HBO are less
likely to invest in other than token productions from smaller (language)
markets such as Denmark, as subscription numbers in small markets are
correspondingly far lower and therefore investments there are riskier than
in larger (language) markets. Thirdly, the past decade has seen a series of
significant public broadcasting cutbacks. In 2018, the European
Broadcasting Union (2018) reported a drop of 2.8% in real terms of
financing of European PSB, and DR is no exception, with their licence fee
being turned into a media tax and their budgets cut substantially for the
2019–2022 period.
The Structure of this Book
and the Individual Chapters
As mentioned previously, this book builds on research conducted as part
of the ‘What Makes Danish TV Drama Series Travel?’ project, in combination
with related research by scholars who were affiliated with it during the
four years that it ran. The chapters illustrate how the study of Danish
television series has been approached from a variety of analytical perspectives
by Danish scholars and those from other countries who explore the
nature of the series themselves, as well as the context surrounding their
production, distribution, and reception.
The first section of this book focuses on the dynamics between national
and transnational perspectives with respect to understanding the recent
success of Danish drama series. In the first chapter of this section, Chap.
2, Gunhild Agger approaches recent Danish series from a historical perspective,
outlining main developments in drama production from 1995
until 2015. Based on theories about golden ages, the chapter argues that
the main television drama developments in those 20 years are an example
of the emergence of a fruitful golden age in a small nation’s public-service
drama production, which inspired new developments in neighbouring
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16
countries, such as Norway. Agger makes the case that golden ages have
always travelled from one country and cultural context to another, and
emphasizes the value of exploring how golden ages emerge and develop
not only from a national perspective, but also from a transnational
perspective.
In Chap. 3, Janet McCabe uses a case study of the political drama series
Borgen to investigate how watching and debating television drama may be
regarded as a special kind of public sphere in the age of globalization, and
that PSBs in particular have an important part to play in this arena in terms
of putting certain topics on the agenda. McCabe draws on Pierre
Bourdieu’s cultural and sociological ideas to explore how a series such as
Borgen has been legitimated and its value accepted and circulated through
a widely distributed network of various agents and institutions. The chapter
uses this case study to discuss what happens when the productions of
national broadcasting cultures become part of transnational flows, and
how to think about cultural encounters like this in the current media
landscape.
Based on her extensive studies of media production in Wales, Ruth
McElroy, in Chap. 4, explores a transnational perspective to analyse what
Wales learned from the successful export of Danish television drama. The
focus of this chapter is on bilingual crime drama, investigating the cultural
mobility of Nordic Noir from the perspective of contemporary Welsh-­
language and bilingual television drama production. Adapting insights
from linguistics, postcolonial studies, and minority-language media studies,
this chapter examines how Nordic Noir operates in contemporary
transnational global television cultures, and how small-nation production
cultures naturally compare strategies and seek inspiration for successful
strategies in other small markets.
The second section of this book focuses on small-nation drama production.
In Chap. 5, Kim Toft Hansen looks at the ‘glocal’ perspectives of
Danish television drama. Drawing on case studies and qualitative interviews,
Hansen argues that theories of transnationalism do not fully explain
current trends in contemporary television production/funding practices.
Hansen suggests instead that the theoretical concept of glocalization contributes
fruitful perspectives that explain the co-existence of local, national,
regional, and global players in television drama production and the different
strategies chosen, for instance in relation to co-production.
In Chap. 6, Jakob Isak Nielsen focuses specifically on the Danish series
themselves, offering a visual-style analysis of the use of the colour green in
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17
the Swedish/Danish crime series The Bridge. Building on film scholar
David Bordwell’s work, Nielsen argues that overt style has an important
function in several Nordic series and, accordingly, is important for understanding
their international appeal. This chapter explores how overt style
has evolved and been transformed historically, with overt practices in
Danish mini-series from the 2000s reappearing in long-form series, where
they assume a less obtrusive but still stylized form.
In Chap. 7, Eva Novrup Redvall analyses The Team (2014–) as an
attempt to create a European crime series based on what were perceived as
effective Danish production practices. This chapter explores the difficulties
of trying to export a specific production culture and outlines some of
the clashes and conflicts that arise when one nation’s notions of best practices
encounter a transnational cast, crew, and setting. Although much
may be learned by adopting what seem to be effective production practices
from other broadcasting frameworks, this chapter illustrates that co-­
production inevitably entails new challenges, particularly in terms of communication
and translation across languages and cultures, in screenplays
and on set, and in many different and sometimes surprising aspects of
production.
In the last chapter in this section, Chap. 8, Vilde Schanke Sundet analyses
how the recent emergence of strong SVOD players, such as Netflix, in
the Scandinavian markets and their ambition of appealing to younger
audiences have challenged traditional ways of producing and distributing
national drama series. Using the first NRK–Netflix production, Lilyhammer
(2012–2014), and the NRK teen drama SKAM (2015–2017) as examples,
this chapter investigates how the intent to produce different kinds of
Norwegian flagship productions has been influenced by new production
set-ups, such as the collaboration between the PSB NRK and Netflix and
new distribution practices, such as the cross-media, real-time broadcasting
of SKAM. Sundet argues that this development has been facilitated by the
impact of Danish series and the general interest in Nordic content, but
that the Norwegian television production landscape has been marked by
remarkably different success stories and strategies.
The last section of this book focuses on a number of different perspectives
on distribution, reception, and audience engagement, ranging from
audience encounters with Danish series to audiences’ desire to visit the
actual locations and the countries where they were shot. Drawing on the
extensive audience studies of the project, in Chap. 9, Pia Majbritt Jensen
and Ushma Chauhan Jacobsen first outline different ways in which to
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18
think about proximities theory, and focus on the notions of remoteness
and closeness in an analysis of how emotional proximities connect individuals
at the level of perceived universal affect that transcends cultural
differences. They also discuss how cosmopolitan proximities connect individuals
with distant others through perceptions of stylistic and ethical/
political sameness, and how grapevine proximities connect individuals in
meshes of media industry and personal networks through viva voce, word
of mouth. This chapter illustrates how these three forms of proximity have
influenced the acquisition, viewing, and generally positive reception of
Danish television drama in many different ways.
In Chap. 10, Susanne Eichner and Andrea Esser focus on the distribution
and consumption of Danish television drama series abroad, offering a
comparative perspective on developments in the German and British markets.
Their analysis illustrates how Danish series entered these two instrumental
markets in very different ways, while considering the specific
German and British market dynamics alongside broader technological
changes and attendant market transformations. Their analysis reveals the
many factors related to programme import, and the increasingly transnational
character of television production, distribution, and consumption.
In Chap. 11, Ib Bondebjerg uses the crime series The Bridge to offer a
qualitative case study of a cultural encounter between a Danish series and
its international audiences. This chapter analyses the demographic profile
of the audiences of this series and the discourses surrounding it in selected
newspapers and social media. The reception study reveals the presence of
a fascination with Nordic Noir as a genre, but also demonstrates that the
reception of the series was marked by social, political, and cultural themes
and an exchange of different norms and lifestyles. Bondebjerg argues that
small-nation content such as Danish television series may lead to cultural
encounters that challenge established patterns of national understanding,
and that in this regard The Bridge is a remarkable example.
In the book’s final chapter, Chap. 12, Anne Marit Waade investigates
Nordic Noir tourism as an example of fan culture and long-tail marketing,
and as the result of strategic collaboration across industries with an interest
in screen production and tourism. The chapter outlines how Nordic Noir
tourism has developed since the early 2000s, and uses case studies of
Wallander, The Killing, The Bridge, and Dicte to explore the framing and
marketing of these series, as well as their distinct use of place. The analysis
demonstrates that Nordic Noir tourism is a transnational phenomenon in
the creative economy, which is often marked by deliberate market
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19
strategies and screen tourism initiatives. This chapter concludes that the
balance between factual and fictional places engages screen tourists, and
documents how Nordic Noir tourism has developed into small enterprises
that attract enthusiasts throughout the Nordic countries. This interest in
Nordic Noir tourism and location has reached such a level that it represents
a possible new source of funding for television drama productions, as
well as new cross-sector collaborations and strategic partnerships, thereby
underlining that the value created by television series may take many forms.
As the outline of this book’s chapters shows, the findings of the joint
research project contribute to a number of different fields and offer theoretical
and methodological perspectives that have implications beyond the
analysis of one particular small nation’s television culture. The global lesson
learned from the story of Danish television drama is that drama series
from a small, non-Anglophone country can travel worldwide and pave the
way for subtitled and foreign drama, thus feeding into the general Nordic
and Danish trend. Even though this trend may have peaked, and the
golden age of Danish television drama may be declining (Agger, this volume),
there are no signs yet that the international demand for Danish
television drama content, production knowhow, and creative employees
has decreased. And with the growing market for streaming services, the
demand for content and co-productions that position and market channels,
broadcasters, and platform providers will remain.
By focusing on the theoretical framework (theories on transnational
television drama and the screen idea system model) that informed this
research, and the general findings and theoretical and methodological
contributions to the academic field, the intent of this introduction is to
draw attention to the general lines, trends, and challenges of this study—
in particular, the transnational value ecosystem model, the location study
model, and the transnational three-leaf-clover audience studies model.
There are many other lessons in the following chapters that draw on the
rich empirical material of this research project.
Happy reading.
References
Abrahams, Charlotte. 2016. Hygge: A Celebration of Simple Pleasure, Living the
Danish Way. London: Orion.
Agger, Gunhild. 2016. The Development of Transnationality in Danish Noir:
From Unit One to The Team. Northern Lights 14 (1): 83–101.
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20
Agger, Gunhild, and Anne Marit Waade. 2018. Melancholy and Murder: Feelings,
Atmosphere and Social Criticism in Television Crime Series. In European
Television Crime Drama and beyond, ed. Steven Peacock, Kim Toft Hansen,
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Bondebjerg, Ib, and Eva Novrup Redvall. 2015. Breaking Borders: The
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Esser, Andrea. 2014. European Television Programming: Exemplifying and
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21
Hansen, Kim Toft, and Anne Marit Waade. 2017. Locating Nordic Noir: From
Beck to the Bridge. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hjort, Mette. 2010. On the Plurality of Cinematic Transnationality. In World
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Regional, or Born Global? Language Convergence in The Team. Northern
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Jensen, Pia Majbritt. 2016. “Global Impact of Danish Drama Series: A Peripheral,
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22
Raats, Tim, Tom Evens, and Sanne Ruelens. 2016. Challenges for Sustaining
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Danish Television Drama : Global Lessons from a Small Nation, edited by Anne Marit Waade, et al., Springer International
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