Die Entführung aus dem Serail and the didactic aesthetics of the National Singspiel In the concluding vaudeville of Die Entfährung aus dem Serail, Mozart sets into motion an unprecedented disruption of contemporary operatic conventions. At the beginning of the finale, the Europeans take turns expressing gratitude to Pasha Selim, finishing their announcements with a recurring phrase that draws a generalized principle from Selim's act of mercy towards his (former) captives. The phrase is treated as a typical vaudeville refrain in that all characters repeat it in unison after each individual statement (see also Table 2.1):1 Wer so viel Huld vergessen kann, Den seh' man mit Verachtung an. Anyone who could forget such great a favor Should be regarded with contempt. The unanimity of sentiment is unexpectedly undermined by Blonde, who sings the refrain melody to a radically different couplet: Denn seh' er nur das Tier dort an, Ob man so was ertragen kann. Then take a look at that beast there And tell me whether anyone could put up with it. Although it is justified by Osmin's rough behavior toward her earlier in the opera, Blonde's statement clashes with the previous calls for forgiveness, and introduces a touch of irony into the vaudeville.2 Provoked by Blonde, Osmin debases the seemingly lofty idealism even further: he interrupts Blonde and expresses his anger to a distorted, agitated version of the refrain tune, from which a new idea emerges: the repetition of the coda from Osmin's first-act "rage" aria, including the appearance of the "Turkish" piccolo and percussion in the orchestra. It obliterates the humane plea for forgiveness in a passionate desire for violence ("first beheaded, then hanged, then impaled on red hot spikes, then burned, then bound and drowned, finally flayed.").3 Osmin's outbreak strengthens the ironic undertone insinuated by Blonde's hateful statement, and the irony of the situation further paralyzes the moral message of the opening. Die Entführung aus dem Serail 49 After the subversion and annihilation of the vaudeville refrain, another didactic announcement follows:4 Nichts ist so hässlich als die Rache; Hingegen menschlich gütig sein Und ohne Eigennutz verzeihn, Ist nur der grossen Seelen Sache! Nothing is so ugly as revenge, Whereas to be humane and kind And selflessly to forgive Is the mark of a noble soul! The statement no longer merely celebrates the Pasha's clemency but refers to more universally applicable modes of behavior: the ability to tame vengeful desires, to forgive one's enemies, and to overcome one's violent passions. Mozart's music clearly endorses this message (the following discussion will be more meaningful if the reader has access to a score). A fermata follows Osmin's departure (mm. 94-95), and then the music starts again in a new style. The slower tempo {Andante sostenuto, which contrasts both with Osmin's Allegro assai and the preceding vaudeville's Andante) and the sotto voce of the maxim section contrast with Osmin's violent and loud paroxysms (set in Allegro assai) and also with the forte presentation of the vaudeville. Moreover, the characters now sing a hymn-like melody in four-part harmony that detaches the maxim even further from both the folk-song-like features of the vaudeville and the exotic topos of Osmin's solo (see Table 2.1). Table 2.1 Mozart, Die Entführung aus dem Serail, third-act finale Formal divisions German text English translation STROPHE I Refrain Communal Ref. STROPHE II BELMONTE Nie werd' ich deine Huld verkennen, Mein Dank bleibt ewig dir geweiht! An jedem Ort, zu jeder Zeit Werd' ich dich groß und edel nennen. Wer so viel Huld vergessen kann, Den seh' man mit Verachtung an. ALLE Wer so viel Huld usw. KONSTANZE Nie werd' ich, im Genuss der Liebe, Vergessen, was der Dank gebeut, Mein Herz, der Liebe nun geweiht, Hegt auch dem Dank geweihte Triebe. Never shall I fail to appreciate your mercy; 1 shall always owe you gratitude; At all times and places I'll call you great and noble. Anyone who could forget such a favor Should be regarded with contempt! Anyone who could forget etc. Even in the delights of love, I shall never Forget the gratitude I owe; My heart, now dedicated to love, Will also cherish grateful thanks. (Continued) Forma! divisions German text Refrain Communal Ref. STROPHE III Refrain Communal Ref. STROPHE IV Refrain Debased STROPHE V— OSMIN Distorted Verbrennen sollte man die Hunde, Die uns so schändlich hintergehn; Es ist nicht länger anzusehn, Mir starrt die Zunge fast im Munde, Um ihren Lohn zu ordnen an: Angry Interlude Erst geköpft, Dann gehangen, Dann gespießt Auf heiße Stangen, Dann verbrannt, Dann gebunden Und getaucht, Zuletzt geschunden. (läuft voll Wvth ab.) English translation Wer so viel Huld vergessen usw. ALLE Wer so viel Huld usw. PEDRILLO Wenn ich es je vergessen könnte, Wie nah' ich am Erdrosseln war, Und all der anderen Gefahr: Ich lief, als ob der Kopf mir brennte. Wer so viel Huld usw. ALLE Wer so viel Huld usw. BLONDE Herr Bassa, ich sag' recht mit Freuden, Viel Dank für Kost und Lagerstroh. Doch bin ich recht von Herzen froh, Daß er mich läßt von dannen scheiden. (auf Osmin zeigend.) Denn seh' er nur das Tier dort an, Ob man so was ertragen kann. Anyone who could forget etc. Anyone who could forget etc. If 1 could ever forget How near 1 was to being throttled, And all the other dangers, I'd run away as if my brain were on fire. Anyone who could forget etc. Anyone who could forget etc. Lord Pasha, with joy I really say, Many thanks for the board and lodging, But I'm truly relieved to hear You're letting me leave. (pointing to Osmin.) Just take a look at that beast there, Whether anyone could put up with him. We should burn these dogs, Who have so disgracefully deceived us. It's no longer to be borne. My tongue goes almost rigid in my mouth To order their reward: First beheaded. Then hanged, Then impaled On red hot spikes, Then burned, Then bound And drowned, Finally flayed. (runs away full of anger.) Die Entführung aus dem Serail 51 Formal divisions German iext English translation STROPHE VI ALLE sublimated Nichts ist so hässlich, als die Nothing is as hateful, as revenge.; Rache; Hingegen menschlich, gütig Whereas to be humane and kind; sein; Und ohne Eigennutz verzeihn, And to forgive selflessly, Ist nur der grossen Seelen Sache. Is the mark of noble souls. Refrain— KONSTANZE transformed Wer dieses nicht erkennen Anyone who could forget this kann, Den seh' man mit Should be regarded with Verachtung an! contempt! Communal ALLE Ref.— Wer dieses nicht erkennen Anyone who could forget etc. transformed usw. Note: Boldface in the German text is mine. Mozart's disruption of musical procedures that many late eighteenth-century French and German composers used in their operas not only has a powerful rhetorical effect, but it also debunks the conventions of didactic vaudeville finales as mundane and hollow. Mozart could have easily followed Osmin's angry outburst with a return to the same tune that accompanied the previous strophes. Stephanie's libretto in fact invites such a procedure, since the stanza's length, rhyme pattern, and rhythmic structure are the same as those in the first part of the finale.5 In the original printed version of the libretto—issued in July 1782—the stanza has exactly the same visual appearance as the others. And yet, Mozart distinguishes the communal didactic statement from the rest of the finale through striking musical gestures. The sermonizing communal voice that speaks through the onstage singers during the maxim displays a higher level of rhetorical proficiency than the onstage characters did. Whereas the original vaudeville featured strophic repetition of song-like themes, the sermon music skillfully illustrates the meaning of the maxim through expressive madrigalisms that reflect the opposing concepts of vengeance and mercy introduced in the maxim; the three lines through which the maxim refers to mercy (set in mm. 101-109) acquire mellifluous melodies, whereas the opening line about vengeance (set in mm. 95-101) proceeds through half-steps, sforzandi, a diminished seventh chord on the second statement of the word "hässlich" ("hideous"), and an accented leap of a minor sixth on the third iteration of the same word. Mozart also features the line about vengeance three times, and differentiates each statement from the other two through changing harmonic resolutions (to the tonic, submedi-ant, dominant). Mozart's musical preacher, like a good rhetorician, repeats the first part of the maxim as if to ensure that the audience commits it to memory, yet, at the same time, the preacher varies the repetitions, thereby holding the listeners' interest. Mozart's intense musical moralizing and particularly the act of distancing his finale from conventional procedures goes well beyond the moralistic revisions I 52 Die Entführung aus dem Serail affecting the 1780 adaptation of Gluck's La Rencontre imprevue (as Die unver-muthete Zusammenkunft) for the National Singspiel, discussed in the previous chapter. A crucial difference between the two operas' approach to their models is that whereas Die unvermuthete Zusammenkunft retained Gluck's original music, Die Entführung was set to music anew by a composer commissioned by the National Singspiel. As this chapter shows, the opportunity to write new music to the didactically intense librettos and adaptations by Viennese authors and revisers prompted some of the National Singspiel composers to emphasize the idea of moral instruction through innovative musical means. Mozart's explicitly didactic preoccupations in Die Entfuhrung (both in the third-act vaudeville, but also in the second-act finale) were to a large extent incited by the debates and new approaches to reformed German theater developed by Viennese intellectuals, bureaucrats, composers, librettists, and adapters associated with the National Theater. The intense didacticism served both as a means of distinguishing the Viennese works from their foreign models and as a link to the aesthetics of national theater propounded by German aestheticians throughout the late eighteenth century. Viennese vaudeville didacticism Mozart's departure from typical vaudevillian didacticism expands upon the attempts of the librettist Stephanie to increase the didactic import of the opera's ending in his revisions of Christoph Friedrich Bretzner's north German libretto Belmont und Constanze, oder Die Entführung aus dem Serail for the Viennese National Theater. In Bretzner's original, Selim turns out to be Belmonte's long-lost father, and his decision to pardon the Europeans thus coincides with his emotional investment in his own son. The north German work, moreover, concludes with a simple, sentimental chorus:6 Oft wölkt stürmisch sich der Himmel; Nacht und grausendes Getümmel Zeigt sich schrecklich unserm Blick: Doch ein Strahl der milden Sonne Kehrt den Jammer schnell in Wonne, Bringt die Freuden bald zurück. Often the sky is threatening and stormy; Night and furious tumult Appear menacingly to our sight: Still a ray of the beautiful sun Tunis grief into bliss, And brings back happiness. All that Bretzner offers is a summary of the previous plot and an expression of joyous sentiments in response to the happy turn of events. Stephanie, by contrast, introduces the more explicitly "educational" finale with a story according to « hich Sclim had to leave his native Spain due to some evildoings of Belmonte's father. When he pardons the son of his archenemy, Stephanie's Selim displays a great strength of character that remains unarticulated in Bretzner's tale—the ability to control his vengeful feelings. This injects a prominent didactic component into the ending of the opera; as Jessica Waldoff put it, "the recognition of persons takes a place of secondary importance to the discovery of the Enlightenment tenets and principles."7 Stephanie's transformation of a sentimental into an educational outpouring might also reflect warnings by some contemporary Viennese critics againsi excessive emotionality in theater, which they perceived as effeminizing.8 Die Entführung aus dem Serail 53 Stephanie's intensely moralistic ending of Die Entführung, together with Mozart's unconventional and emphatic musical setting, parallels procedures that authors of court-sponsored Viennese operas employed since at least the mid-eighteenth century. The revision of the vaudeville from the 1726 Les Pelerins de la Mecque into the concluding number of Gluck's 1764 La Rencontre imprevue illustrates how radically Viennese adapters could transform the final message of an opera. The 1726 vaudeville contains five stanzas that present ribald accounts of various characters' pilgrimages, mostly to the goddess of love (Cythere). These accounts do not relate to the plot of the opera except through the theme of pilgrimage and conclude with satirical or sexual jokes:9 Vaudeville Air 98. (De M. ľ Abbé.) Premier Couplet Un mari sexagenaire, Et sa Femme de vingt ans, Vont tous les deux á Cythere, Pour demander des Enfans: Mais Us n'ont dans ce voyage Point d'Ami, point de Voisin, Digue, digue, diguedin, Diguedin, din, din, din, din: Le mauvais Pélerinage! II. Pour une pareille affaire, Un vieux Gouteux de Paris ■ Confia sa Ménagere A deux de ses bons Amis. II ne fut pas du voyage; Elle en alia meilleur train, Digue, digue, diguedin, &c. Le joyeux Pélerinage! III. On voit sans cesse aux Guinguettes Des Pélerins tant & plus, Avec d'aimables fillettes, Sacrifier á Bacchus: L'Amour recoit leur hommages, Ainsi que le Dieu du vin, Digue, digue, diguedin, &c. Ah! Les bons Pélerinages! Vaudeville Air 98. (From M. l'Abbe.) First Couplet A husband of sixty something, And his twenty-year-old wife, Go to see Cythere, To ask her for children: But on the road They find no friend or neighbor, Digue, digue, diguedin, Diguedin, din, din, din, din: What an awful pilgrimage! n. For the same reason, An old taster from Paris Entrusted his housewife To two of his good friends. It was not the voyage; It went better now, Digue, digue, diguedin, etc. What a happy pilgrimage! III. We often see in Guiguettes [popular taverns] Pilgrims over and over again, With some pretty girls, As they sacrifice to Bacchus: The god of love receives their tributes, As well as the god of wine, Digue, digue, diguedin, etc. Ah! What great pilgrimages! 54 Die Entführung aus dem Serail IV. Pour Cythere jeune fille Se mit un jour en chemin; Mais, passant par la Courtille, Elle y rencontre un Blondin: Elle finit le voyage Chez un gros Marchand de vin, digue, digue, diguedin, &c. Ah! Le doux Pelerinage! V. Un bourgeois d'humeur gaillarde A Cythere un jour alia, Avec certain Egrillarde, Qui favoit ce chemin-lä; La Matoise, en ce voyage, Redrcssa le Pelerin, Digue, digue, diguedin, &c. Le coüteux Pelerinage! VI. Quand le Public prend ia peine De nous venir voir ici, S'il sort avec la migraine, Ma foi, nous Pavons aussi: S'il est content du voyage, Pour notre Opera badin, Digue, digue, diguedin, &c. Quel hcureux Pelerinage! IV. For Cythere a young girl One day took the road; But, as she was passing the Courtille [tavem], She met a blond boy: She finished her journey At a large wine merchant's Digue, digue, diguedin, etc. Ah! What a sweet pilgrimage! V. A bourgeois of a chirpy mood Went to Cythere one day, With a certain ribald woman. Who was making the same journey; The sly one, during the journey, She robbed the pilgrim, Digue, digue, diguedin, etc. What an expensive pilgrimage! VI. Since the audience took the pain, To come and see us tonight, If you leave with a migraine, Well, we will have one as well: If you are content with the voyage, With our playful opera, Digue, digue, diguedin, etc. What a happy pilgrimage!. The 1764 Viennese opera replaced the original vaudeville with a choral finale. The finale opens with a communal expression of relief at the happy turn of events. In the middle section, the Sultan exhorts the noble lovers to become a model for others, and Rezia and Ali wish happiness to the Sultan and hope that he, too, will become the model for other rulers. This ending therefore directly exhorts the audience to follow the exemplary actions presented in the plot, and explicitly addresses both the monarchs and their subjects. The adapters, librettists, and composers of the National Singspiel company distanced their products from pre-existing French operas in similar ways (for a list of new operas written or adapted for the National Singspiel from preexisting French, Italian, and north German works, see Tables 2.2a-c). In his adaptation of the 1776 Parisian opera Les Souliers mors-dores into the 1779 Vienna Die schöne Schusterin {introduced in Chapter 1), for example, Stephanie omitted several risque passages from the original French vaudeville finale and Die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail 55 replaced them with stanzas that contemplate the moral implications of earlier actions. Particularly conspicuous is the revision of the vaudeville's third stanza, in which the 1776 Parisian Baron de Piecourt narrates a ribald story of marital infidelity 10 Damis, que l'inconstance měne, Vivoit chez la femme d'autrui; Un soir il revient chez la sienne, Croyant que ľ on songeoit ä lui: II s'endort, ce mari crédule; Mais s'éveiUant au crepuscule, II voit qu'on a change sa mule, II n'étoit rien moins qu'oublié ... Damis, led by [his own] inconstancy, Slept with someone else's wife; One night he comes back to his own [wife], Thinking that she dreamt only of him: He falls asleep, this credulous husband; But waking up at dusk, He sees that she has changed her mule, He was nothing less than forgotten ... The stanza obliquely refers to earlier experiences of the cobbler Sock and his wife Odile, the opera's main middle-class protagonists; in Act I, scene 7, the cobbler discusses his adulterous encounters with the actresses of the local theater company, not knowing that his wife, who herself was flirting with the Baron before Sock's arrival, is hiding in the same room behind a curtain. The Viennese finale transforms the Baron's stanza into a statement in defense of military honor:11 Baron, (zu Lehne und Sock) Kinder! Merkt euch diese Lehren, Ohngestraft' entkommt der nicht Der von uns verächtlich spricht. Alle. Soldaten wißen sich schleunig zu rächen, Bleiben bcy keinem Schimfe still; Drum muß man mit Achtung von ihnen sprechen, Wenn man vor ihnen Ruhe will. The Baron, (to Lehne and Sock) Children! Take note of these teachings, No one escapes unpunished Who speaks about us with contempt. All. The soldiers take revenge quickly, They do not stand any mocker}'; Therefore speak about them with reverence, If you wish to be left in peace. Not only does Stephanie's adaptation of the vaudeville avoid the risque narrative about adultery, but it also contributes to a reconfiguration of the relationship between the Baron and Lehne (as the Viennese Odile is called). In the French libretto, Piécourt sets the plot into motion when he invite.s Odile into his apartment pretending to be Sock's customer. When Odile casually complains that her husband does not allow her to wear stylish shoes, the Baron decides to make fun of her and her husband. He secretly sends for Sock, and when the cobbler arrives, the terrified Odile hides behind a curtain. The Baron pretends that she is a mistress of his and asks Sock to make a pair of shoes for her. Odile has to show her feet to the men below the curtain, and Sock measures them by sight. Throughout the French libretto, there are hints that the Baron devises the plan for Sock to measure his "mistress" because he himself wants to see Odile's naked feet—he Table 2.2a New adaptations of French operas produced company, 1778-83 by the National Singspiel Year of production Original title (Vienna title) Librettist/composer Vienna adapter 1778 Rose at Colas {Röschen und Colas) L 'Ami de la maison {Der Hausfreund) La Fausse magie {Die abgeredte Zauberey) Silvairl {Silvain) Sedaine/Monsigny Johann Böhm Marmontel/Gretry Böhm Marmontel Gretry Stephanie the Younger Marmontel Gretry Stephanie 1779 Julie {Julie) Zemire et Azor (Zemire und Azor) Le Deserteur {Der Deserteur) Monvel 'Dezede Franz von Heufeld Marmontel/Gretry Stephanie {'!) SedainTMonsigny Stephanie 1780 L 'Amant jaloux {Der eifersüchtige Liebhaber) d'Hele. Gretry Stephanie 1781 Les Ěvénemems imprévtis {Die unvermutheten Zufälle) Iphigenie en Tauride (Iphigenia in Tauris) d'Hele/Gretry Stephanie Guillard/Du Roullet/Gluck Johann Baptist von Alxinger Table 2.2b New adaptations of Italian operas produced by the National Singspiel company, 1778-83 Year of production Original title (Vienna title) Librettist/composer Vienna adapter 1779 IIfinto pazzo per amore {Der verstellte Narr aus Liebe) L 'amore artigiano {Die Liebe unter den Handwerkslcuten) Mariani/Sacchini Stephanie Goldoni/Gassmann Stephanie 1780 L incognita perseguitata (Die verfolgte Unbekannte) Petrosellini/Anfossi Stephanie 1781 1 filosofi immaginari {Die eingebildeten Philosophen) La schiava rkonosciuta {Die Sklavin und der großmutige Seefahrer) Bertati/Paisiello Stephanie Zanetti/Piccini Stephanie 1783 La notte critica {Die unruhige Nacht) Goldoni/Gassmann Stephanie Table 2.2c New original Singspiele produced by the National Singspiel company, 1778-83 (some of these were based on pre-existing works, but received new musical settings by Viennese composers) Year of Title (original title and author[s] if Librettist production adaptation) Composer 1778 Die Bergknappen Diesmal hat der Mann den Willen (Le Maiire en droit by Le Monnier and Gretry) Die Apotheke Die Kinder der Natur Da ist nicht gut zu raten Frühling und Liebe Der Liebhaber von fünfzehn Jahren 1779 Die schöne Schusterin, oder Die puecefarbnen Schuhe (Les Souliers mors-dores, ou La Cordonnier allemande by Ferrieres/Fridzeri) 1780 Der adelige Taglöhner Was erhalt die Männer treu Claudine von Villa Bella 1781 Adrast und Isidore, oder Die Nachtmusik Der Rauchfangkehrcr, oder Die unentbehrlichen Verräter ihrer Herrschaft Das Irrlicht, oder Endlich fand er sie (Der Irrwisch, oder Endlich Fand er sie by Bretzner) 1782 Der blaue Schmetterling Die Entführung aus dem Serail (Belmont und Constanze, oder Die Entführung aus dem Serail by Bretzner) Welche ist die beste Nation ? Die betrogene Arglist Rose, oder Pflicht und Liebe im Streit Paul Weidmann Ignaz Umlauf Johann Friedrich Schmidt Carlo d'Ordonez Schmidt Umlauf Johann Josef Kurz Franz Aspelmayer Stephanie Josef Bárta Schmidt Maximilian Ulbrich Stephanie J. P. E. Martini-Schwartzendorf Stephanie Umlauf Weidmann Barta Ludwig Zehnmark Martin Ruprecht Johann Wolfgang von Goethe Ignaz von Beeckc Christoph Friedrich Bretzner Franz Adam Mitscha Leopold von Auenbrugger Antonio Salieri Stephanie Umlauf Maximilian Ulbrich Ulbrich Stephanie Mozart Cornelius Hermann von Ayrenhoff Umlauf F. L. Schmidel Joseph Weigl Stephanie Johann Mederitsch Gallus 58 Die Entführung aus dem Serail fetishes female feet and keeps a collection of shoes from women with whom he has been involved, and his interest is also symbolized by his French name that is close in meaning to "foot-lover."12 Stephanie's Viennese adaptation, by contrast, emphasizes the idea that the Baron sets the scheme into motion to punish Lehne for her irreverent statements about the honor of military officials early in the first act, an idea that is clearly supported in the revised vaudeville. Not surprisingly, Stephanie also transformed the Baron's name from the fetishist Piccourt to the neutral Pikourt. In those operas of French origin that, unlike Die schöne Schusterin, were produced at the National Singspiel with an original vaudeville, the Viennese adapters often executed more minute changes that improved the vaudeville's didactic import. In his 1778 adaptation of Marmontel and Gretry's La Fausse magie (titled Die abgeredte Zauberey), for example, Stephanie added a didactic element into the concluding vaudeville. In the original opera, Lucette and her young lover Linval dupe Lucette's older suitor Dalin, who furiously rushes off the stage before the concluding vaudeville in which a comically poetic moral is presented: "Chacun de nous a son devin, qui ne repond jamais en vain" ("Everyone has his own soothsayer who never responds in vain").13 In Stephanie's rendition, Dalin (called Dalberg) stays on stage to sing his own instructive stanza to the repeating vaudeville melody (boldface is mine):14 Ich würde mich umsonst bestreben Daß sah ich wohl; es ahnte mir, Ein Etwas saß, und sprach stets hier: "Geh heim, und laß nun andre leben." Es spricht bey Alten ein Prophet Viel deutlicher als ein Planet. All my efforts would be in vain I see that now; I have suspected it all along, Something stood and urged me here: "Go home, and let the others live [in peace]." The elderly should take note of a prophet's word More than of any planetary constellations. By making Dalberg reflect on his own folly in trying to get a younger bride, Stephanie makes the ending of the Viennese opera more exemplary than the original (where Dalin never overcomes his wounded self-esteem). As in the French text, however, Stephanie is unable to overcome the awkwardness and vapidity of the repeating refrain (the final two lines of Dalberg's stanza correspond to Sedain's moral); both the French and German versions of the refrain are poetic and catchy but do not impart a clear-cut didactic message—an issue that Die Entfiihrung's vaudeville would take up a few years later. Mozart and Lessing's theory of maxims The roots of Mozart and Stephanie's approach to moralizing in Die Entfiihrung's third-act finale touch on many issues that German theater reformers were debating for several decades. The debunking of certain kinds of quasi-didactic statements Die Entführung aus dem Serail 59 as meaningless in Die Entfiihrung's vaudeville, for example, connects to the fears felt by many German intellectuals that theatrical and, more specifically, operatic didacticism was ineffective and insincere. In several chapters of his Hamburgische Dramaturgie, a collection of 52 reviews critiquing the performances by the Hamburg National Theater between 1767 and 1769, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing criticized the playwright Johann Friedrich von Cronegk for filling his pieces with meaningless maxims: "Unfortunately he [Cronegk] often tries to persuade us that colored bits of glass are gems and that witty antitheses are common sense."15 Lessing further chastised Cronegk for putting into his characters' mouths maxims that promoted misleading principles, and he demanded that playwrights use maxims only if they expressed truths that he and his contemporaries would have considered proper and universal.16 A few years before Lessing, Johann Friedrich Löwen expressed similar concerns about Cronegk's drama Codrus: Cndrvs has often been criticized for being too rich in maxims. It is true, Cronegk expresses these maxims always very nicely; but he does so, unfortunately, in the wrong place. Such a way of writing is seductive. ... One cannot give enough warning to the young poets who want to follow the tragic muse to take care to shield themselves from [incorporating] these shimmering beauties in a tragedy.17 Löwen here implies that Cronegk overused maxims simply to show off his poetic skills. Certain Viennese critics, especially Sonnenfels, also warned that the overuse of maxims, especially badly constructed ones, would kill off the audience's interest.18 Other eighteenth-century commentators focused more specifically on opera and criticized librettists for misusing maxims. The main opponents of the idea that opera could be educational originally came from Gottschcd's circle. In a 1734 article published in Gottsched's journal Beyträge zur critischen Historie der deutschen Sprache, Christian Gottlieb Ludwig claimed that a sung theater piece could not present a clear moral message, since the audience cannot understand a text that is sung.19 Also Christoph Martin Wieland commented on the idea that operas only present meaningless morals in his satirical novel Geschichte der Abderiten (published in installments in the journal Der leutsche Merkur beginning in 1774 and aimed at the cultural and political situation in Germany, especially Mannheim): But the critiques of operas always ended with the unchanging Abderitic Refrain: it still is a nice piece—and it shows a lot of morality. "Nice Moral Lesson!" the short, fat councilor used to say—and it always happened that the pieces that he praised the most because of their wonderful moral lessons were precisely the most [artistically] impoverished ones. Operatic didacticism, Wieland humorously implies, contained an element of empty pretentiousness that either disguised the audience's lack of taste or masked the self-serving interests of the librettists. This does not mean, however, that 60 Die Entführung aus dem Serai! Wieland was absolutely opposed to explicit presentations of didactic ideas in opera; in his 1775 treatise Versuch über das deutsche Singspiel und einige dahin einschlagende Gegenstände, he postulated that the ideal German Singspiel should "offer the audience numerous opportunities to be captivated by beautiful moral ideals and bring forth a large amount of insightful maxims."21 Thus maxims were viewed as immensely beneficial for the worthiness of German opera but only if used appropriately. Mozart's setting of Stephanie's maxims indirectly engages with these theatrical debates. Certain maxims (such as the vaudeville refrain) are debunked as unsubstantial and fake, thus evoking the fears of Lessing, Wieland, Sonnenfels and others. At the same time, by creating his sublimated, communal voice for the presentations of the more important educational announcements (such as the anti-vengeance maxim in the vaudeville), Mozart belies his desire to use operatic didacticism as a means of transforming the audience into more upright citizens.22 Mozart's setting of the anti-vengeance maxim also resonates with Lessing's theory of gestures used in the presentations of maxims. In chapters 2-4 of the Hamburgische Dramaturgie, Lessing lists various rules that, as he believes, would help actors bring out the meaning of maxims more emphatically to the audience. Lessing bases these rules on the acting skills of Konrad Ekhof, one of the most famous actors in the Hamburg National Theater troupe. Several of these principles call for the application of proto-Brechtian alienation effects.23 Lessing demands, for example, that moral sentences be expressed with a mixture of enthusiastic conviction ("Begeisterung"), a relaxed manner, and a certain coolness ("mit Gelassenheit und einer gewissen Kälte")24 The proportion of enthusiasm and tranquility should differ according to the situation in which the maxim is uttered; in placid situations, the manner of presentation should have more enthusiasm than tranquility, whereas in more turbulent situations the actors should strive to calm the passions. In other words, Lessing prescribes that the gestures used by actors to present maxims should be starkly different from the gestures with which they accompany the utterances that surround these maxims. Lessing proceeds to various types of gestures that actors should use to successfully impersonate a character who delivers a maxim: When, in a frantic situation, the soul seems suddenly to gather itself, to throw a reflective glance at the situation at hand; then it is natural that it will take command of all the bodily movements. Not only does the voice become calm, the limbs also achieve a state of tranquility, in order to express the inner composure, without which the eye of reason cannot look around and contemplate. At once, the striding feet stand still, the arms sink down, the whole body moves into the horizontal position; a pause—and then the reflection. The man stands there, in a solemn stillness, as if he did not want to disturb himself from hearing what he is saying. The reflection is over— another pause—and then he starts once more either moving around at once or he puts his limbs into motion gradually, depending on whether the reflection is aimed at taming his passions or at invigorating them.25 Die Entführung aus dem Serail 61 A successful enactment of a moral maxim therefore requires a mental and physical transformation from the actors that allows them to create the impression of a radical shift in the impersonated character's emotional state—a rupture, stressed by the pauses that surround it. Lessing's image of the onstage character listening to his own voice as he announces maxims, moreover, introduces the notion that the character's personality splits into two, and that a new transcendental voice emerges during moments of moral instruction. Lessing's admiration for Ekhof suggests that in a play it was often the actors and their skills in using specific parenthesizing techniques that moved the audience to perceive a maxim as a transcendental truth rather than a wearisome digression from the plot. Playwrights of his day possessed few devices to estrange maxims from the rest of the dramatic material or to direct actors to present maxims ■jffectiyely. Sometimes they would set the maxims off with dashes, as Lessing often docs in his dramas. At other times, they could write the whole play in a rhythmic pattern and then interrupt this pattern for a maxim. The shifting, contrasting styles in Mozart's setting of Die Entführung^ maxims work towards a similar goal, though arguably in a more effective way; in many productions of Die Entführung, Mozart's music in fact prompts stage directors to have the performers strike a relaxed and static pose; in response to the earnestness of Mozart's music, the performers also often turn towards the audience during this moment. Through the suddenly elevated musical style and the communal mode of presenting the anti-vengeance message, Mozart also creates the impression that a transcendental narrator makes use of the bodies of the onstage singers, which connects to Lessing's idea of a solemn, partially disembodied voice of an actor announcing a maxim. Lessing's ideas on theater and didacticism became widespread throughout the German-speaking theatrical community in the late eighteenth century, and they clearly also made a strong impression on the theater establishment in Vienna, as can be seen in numerous Viennese treatises on German theater discussed in Chapter 1. More specifically, the censor Hägelin cites a passage about maxims from Lessing's Hamburgische Dramaturgie in his handwritten "Guidelines" of 1795: The aesopic fables contain moral teachings, and so should the fable of a drama. Lessing says: "The moral [teaching or maxim] is a generalized sentence drawn out of the special circumstances of the characters in the drama; through its generalizing tone it [a moral teaching] become somewhat alienated from the subject of the drama, it is marked by an excessive quality, and the less attentive or less astute spectators will not understand or perceive its connection to the present subject [of the theater play or the life outside of theater]."2 Clearly, the ideals of didactic German theater were pursued both by the authors of new German works and by the state authorities designed to control them. The most direct indication that Mozart himself was strongly invested in the ideas of German theater reform in the period of Die Ent/Uhrung's inception (apart from the music itself) is the remark he made in the famous letter to his father from September 26, 1781. Mozart describes that he changed a line in the text 62 Die Entführung aus dem Serail of Konstanzen first aria ("Ach, ich liebte," No. 6) from "Doch im Hui schwand meine Freunde" to "Doch wie schnell schwand meine Freude" (both mean "But how quickly my happiness disappeared," though the original is more informal due to the phrase "im Hui"). Mozart takes particular issue with the colloquialism "im Hui" that appeared in Bretzner's text and that Stephanie must have originally kept in his adaptation: "I really don't know what our German poets are thinking of;—Even if they do not understand theater, [at least] as far as opera is concerned, they should not make the people [i.e., the onstage characters] talk as if they were addressing a herd of swine."27 Mozart's remarks resonate with the concerns of Viennese censors and aestheticians about proper language and more broadly with the line of thought according to which the theater should educate and cultivate German audiences.28 In his Briefe über die Wienerische Schaubühne, for example, Sonnenfels outlined the importance of using German-language comedy to develop "proper" conversational German language skills in the population.2 Some contemporary commentators, moreover, viewed the founding of the National Theater as highly influential in the attempts to regulate spoken German in Vienna. In his 1781 report from Vienna, for instance, the well-known journalist Wilhelm Ludwig Wekhrlin (1739-1792) wrote that "these days people [in Vienna] not only speak German ... but also want to ... speak it nicely" although "once the spoken German in Vienna was atrocious," and that this change was "perhaps indebted to the influence of the theater."30 Absolutist vs. Bourgeois31 Stephanie's new plot twist in Die Entführungen denouement in which Selim grants mercy to the son of his arch-enemy parallels procedures typical for opera seria and therefore has been viewed as reflecting the absolutist political system in Austria.32 Bretzner published his original Belmont und Constanze in Leipzig, and the musical settings of this North German libretto by various composers would therefore be produced by commercial theater companies catering to middle-class patrons, interested in sentimental plots rather than celebrations of noble heroes and wise rulers typical for the courtly opera seriaP The Viennese adaptation, by-contrast, was written for an imperial theater, and Pasha Selim's decision to break the customs of his land and forgive those who broke the rules serves as a symbolic school of conduct for and represents the power of absolutist monarchs. The differences between Bretzner's and Stephanie's librettos, in other words, mirror the divergent social and political functions of Viennese and north German operas. Two other National Singspiel operas with librettos by Stephanie contain moments where a ruler uses his absolute power to promote a moralistic viewpoint, just as in Die Entführung: Da ist nicht gut zu rathen ("There Is No Good Advice") and Das Irrlicht, oder Endlich fand er sie ("Will o' The Wisp, or He Finally Found Her"—see Table 2.2c). Yet, the moments of mercy in all three operas in fact go beyond the absolutist, seria-like viewpoints and pay intense attention to the concerns of German theater's non-aristocratic audiences. Some of the messages presented in Die Entführung* finale, particularly the one about taming one's passions, Die Entführung aus dem Serail 63 seems to be directed to a much larger segment of society than monarchs and nobles. Pasha Selim, the actual absolutist figure, does not even participate in the celebration of his own merciful decision and remains quiet throughout the vaudeville (this mainly due to the fact that his is a spoken role); it is the two couples of more orless lower rank that present the praises of the Pasha's decision.34 The manner in which various didactic messages are presented in Mozart's vaudeville, moreover, seems to grow out of a concern to lay out the moralistic lesson clearly and emphatically and to as wide an audience as possible. This relative disregard for the absolutist figure already appears in Da ist nicht gut zu rathen, where a beneficent governor of a Chinese province rules in favor of a couple of lovers threatened by the intrigues of an old, lecherous man and a corrupt priest. Yet, the concluding vaudeville celebrates not the governor's noble decision but the idea of age-appropriate marriage for love, typical for eighteenth-century German bourgeois drama and comedy.35 Das Irrlicht, oder Endlich fand er sie emphasized absolutist viewpoints even more emphatically than Die Entführung and Da ist nicht gut zu rathen, yet its authors also foiled the celebration of a ruler with a more general, anti-seria message reminiscent of eighteenth-century German bourgeois theater. Stephanie based his libretto on Bretzner's 1779 Der Irrwish, oder Endlich fand er sie, and the differences between the two works reflected specifically Viennese sensibilities. The plot of both Bretzner's and Stephanie's versions centers on Alwin, the prince of a fairy-tale island, who turns into a will-o'-the-wisp every night due to a curse and needs to find an innocent bride to break the spell. Eventually, Alwin meets Blanka, a long-lost daughter of his own courtier Fabriz, found and reared by the fisherman Berthold and his wife Rosa. Alwin asks Blanka to come to court, but Rosa decides to pose as Blanka and become Alwin's wife herself. The treachery is revealed at the end of the second act, and this is where the north German and the Vienna versions differ significantly. Whereas in Bretzner's version Alwin promises to pardon Berthold and Rosa if they bring Blanka to him, in Stephanie's version he grants mercy to the evil couple without any condi-. tions and in spite of the objections by his court officials. Unlike Pasha Selim or the Chinese governor, Alwin is an actual prince, and the absolutist viewpoint is therefore more prominent in Das Irrlicht than in Die Entführung and Da ist nicht gut zu rathen. Into the ending of the second act of the Viennese Das Irrlicht, however, Stephanie also newly incorporated an exemplary transformation of the non-aristocratic Rosa from a covetous and perfidious villainess into a penitent who humbly acknowledges her crimes, reflects upon them critically, and expresses concern about the well-being of her foster-daughter. It would seem logical that the depiction of Rosa's penitence originated in the north German original, because it would have appealed to the bourgeois audiences of Leipzig and Berlin. Yet, in Bretzner's Der Irrwisch Rosa in fact remains greedy and self-centered throughout the end of the act. The mixture of absolutist and bourgeois didacticism in the National Singspiel operas corresponded to the diversity of the institution's real and imagined audiences.36 Joseph IPs National Theater had a hybrid social and cultural status that merged the preoccupations of an ancien regime court theater with the concerns of a literate theater movement that subscribed to bourgeois values and tastes. Similar cross-pollination of social and political agendas that might seem as socially 64 Die Entführung aus dem Serail Die Entführung aus dem Serail 65 incongruous marked operatic repertoire elsewhere in Europe. Martha Feldman has described a gradual transformation of opera seria in late eighteenth-century Italy into a genre that resonated more and more with the concerns of the middle class.37 As is well-known, Joseph II had an aversion to opera seria. and in Vienna it was therefore Singspiel (and to some extent also opera buffa) that combined absolutist worldviews with bourgeois ideologies. The moralistic messages of operas such as Die Entführung and Das Irrlicht therefore expressed the social and political concerns of multiple groups and institutions. On the one hand, these "national" operas represented the imperial family and their cultural policies as progressive and abreast of the latest trends in European culture—in a 1779 letter to his friend Friedrich Nicolai, for example, Joseph II's state councilor Tobias Philipp von Gebler thought that the newly established National Singspiel "could measure up to any Italian court theater in terms of musical perfection and beauty."38 On the other hand, the National Singspiel also reflected the achievements and interests of the German theater reformers that stretched beyond the concerns of the aristocratic courts and represented the ideals of the emerging bourgeoisie.39 The concern of Joseph II's theater administration about non-aristocratic audiences is clear from the 1779 renovation of the Burgtheater, which, in Dorothea Link's estimation, increased the number of single seats and standing room for non-aristocrats in the so-called second parterre on the ground floor and on the third level of the auditorium from 630 to at least 770.40 The presentation of the reformist morals, furthermore, responded to the calls by Joseph II's officials and numerous intellectuals to use theater as a means of educating the illiterate 1 ower c lasses. As Otto Schindler has pointed out, ticket prices went down markedl y after the founding of the National Theater, but the drop was particularly significant for the cheapest seats on the fourth level of the Burgtheater, viewed by most eighteenth-century observers as the place for the "Pöbel," the least sophisticated audiences and ones that theater reformers viewed as most urgently in need of moral and cultural instruction.41 It was this ability to bring together diverse social groups of late eighteenth-century Vienna, reflect upon their purportedly superior morals, but also introduce these morals to those still in need of cultivation that made Joseph II's National Theater and the works produced there truly "national." Italianate finales and German morals Whereas in the third-act vaudeville finale Mozart and Stephanie point out the way in which German artists can improve upon the potential weaknesses of French operatic conventions, Die Entfiihrung's second-act finale comments on the didactic potential of opera buffa. Although full-blown buffo finales became established as a common feature of Viennese German opera only through the German works of Dittersdorf of the later 1780s, modest multi-sectional finales appeared already in six out of the fifteen original German operas produced by the National Singspiel, including the second act of Die Entführung.42 Stephanie himself emphasized the importance of Italianate finales in his handwritten evaluation of the libretto for the opera Der Sylphe, submitted to the directors of the National Singspiel in 1779; he advised the librettist to employ "more duets, trios, and also seemlier and more extensive concluding ensembles" ("mehr Duetten, Terzetten und auch schicklichere und vollständigere Schlußgesänge").43 Conspicuously, Stephanie wrote the note in the same year in which he completed his own very first multi-sectional finale in Die schöne Schusterin. John Platoff explained that one of the most common features of buffo finales is the alternation between passages of action and moments of reflection 44 It is during the moments of reflection that didactic generalizations occasionally appear.45 An example of buffo moralizing that is roughly contemporary with Die Entfuhrung can be found in the first-act finale of Giovanni Paisiello and Giovanni Bertati's 1779 Ifilosofi immaginari ("The Imaginary Philosophers")—an opera the German translation of which became one of the most popular works produced by the National Singspiel (it was one of eight new adaptations of Italian operas for the company, see Table 2.2). At the end of the finale Cassandra and Clarice, two daughters of the pseudo-philosopher Petronio, contend for the attention of Clarice's lover Giuliano (who pretends to be a student of the made-up scholar Argatifontidas) and start insulting one another. Petronio and Giuliano attempt to stop the quarrel at first, but in the finale's concluding stretto the four characters contemplate the situation communally and self-prescribe patience, silence, and prudency:46 TUTTI Ecco per niente affatto Che si altera il cervello, E nascer puö un flagello, Da farci beffeggiar. This is how for nothing, The reason can be clouded, And a storm can be born, And make us seem ridiculous. Silenzio qua si faccia: Si adopri la prudenza: Bisogna aver pazienza, Per non precipitar. Let there be silence here, Let's learn to be prudent, It is necessary to have patience To avoid a fall. Paisiello detached the maxim from the earlier quarrel music by a fermata and brought down the dynamic level. He also had the characters repeat the maxim several times, often in canonic imitation. The fast tempo of delivery, which often slips into patter, lends a cheerful, tongue-in-cheek character to the maxim presentation. Similarly lighthearted maxims appear in many buffo works performed in Vienna in the Italian original or in German translation throughout the 1780s (other famous examples come in the second-act finales of Paisiello's // barbiere di Siviglia and // re Teodoro in Venezia, premiered in the Burgtheater in 1783 and 1784). Maxims also play an important role in the second-act finale of Die Entfuhrung, though in Mozart's opera they are much more prominent and serious than in the works of Paisiello. The whole finale consists of three action-reflection cycles, two of which conclude with explicit didacticism. In the first cycle, Belmonte and Con-stanze express joy at meeting after a long separation, while the servants plan the details of the escape, and then all four characters reflect about their hopes for a happy future. The quartet could end right then, since no further issues need to be resolved—no imbroglio builds up, unlike in many buffo finales. Instead, Mozart 66 Die Entführung aus dem Serail and Stephanie have Belmonte and Pedrillo question the fidelity of their beloveds.47 Constanze and Blonde are offended by their suspicions, and Belmonte and Pedrillo take the women's angry reactions as proof of their faithfulness. The characters ruminate about the situation in an expressive section that concludes with two maxims: ľ Constanze und Blonde: Wenn unsrer Ehre wegen Die Männer Argwohn hegen, Verdächtig auf uns sehen, Das ist nicht auszustehen. Belmonte und Pedrillo: So bald sich Weiber kränken, Wenn wir sie untreu denken, Dann sind sie wahrhaft treu, Von allem Vorwurf frei. Constanze and Blonde: If men harbor mistrust About our honor And regard us with suspicion, This is not to be borne. Belmonte and Pedrillo: As soon as women fret If we think them unfaithful, Then they are really true And free from all reproach. The arrival of the maxims initiates a series of musical ruptures (starting with the Andantino in m. 192) analogous to that introducing the anti-vengeance maxim in the third-act finale (see Example 2.1). u.. -1... >KI)HII.I.U häll y Hi