CHAPTER 2 admitted to the Christian faith (Acts 10:1-48); in the center, a sleeping bishop; and, at right his two guards, one of whom is equipped with a lance and a shield. The bishop is probably Saint Peter himself, imprisoned in Rome by Herod (Acts 12:3-19). The angel shown descending to free I'eter reassures him with the words: 'may you not be disheartened', according to the inscription running over the central arch and across the horizontal band that separates the upper and lower registers. Herod's death will follow soon after (Acts 12:20-25). The program of images sets the Three Kings and King Herod into opposition, not only in terms of their relation to Jesus but also of their relation to the institution of the Church. This institution is represented by the Virgin enthroned—which often evoked the ecclesia—and by Saint Peter, but above all by the architectonic structure whose various elements—pediment, roofs, arches, colonnettes—organize the relations of meaning among the figures. The handing over of the gift from the first magus is highlighted by the exaggerated size of his hands and those of Christ, and further by the unfolding of this action against the base of a prominent round tower that belongs to the main building. On the opposite side of the object as a whole, an isolated, broken, and angular tower stands at the right edge of the Massacre of the Innocents. In a similar contrast, whereas the Three Kings are bound together underneath a continuous and ascending architectural band, a monstrous mask emerges from an angle in the structure just above Herod and seems to crush him. The bearded man, upright beneath a large arch decorated with rinceaux next to the arch that supports the facade, seems to serve as a sort of guardian of the Law. At Reims, these images would certainly have recalled the baptism of the king Clovis by the bishop Remi around 498, a foundational moment for the Prankish kings. With this, Saint Remi had repeated for the Franks what Saint Peter, by baptizing Saint Cornelius, had done for all the non-Jewish—that is, all the pagan—nations. The architecture evokes both the church in general and a localized edifice such as the cathedral at Reims.212 If a sovereign can act negatively, ordering massacres and imprisonments like Herod, or positively, by recognizing Christ and accepting baptism, the object itself already expresses a clear position—a game piece that stands for a secular king is transformed into a support for i mages and very probably also for a rel iquary. The high quality of the carvings suggest that this may have been a gift from the king of France to the church of Reims, pointing to the circumstances and dynamics of a royal coronation. Closer consideration allows us to identify a more precise context. The kings Henry I and Philippe 1 were respectively crowned at Reims in 1027 and 1059. Coronations had taken place there in 922 and 954, and again in 1129 and 1131, followed by a gap until 1179.211 That the chess piece was realized in the contentious context of the 1129 and 1131 coronations seems to provide the best explanation.214 The coronation of Louis VI at Orleans in 1108 had effectively called into question the exclusive right of Reims to crown the kings of France, and Suger sought to use this to the profit of Saint-Denis during the 1120s, before Reims regained the upper hand. It was probably in the 1130s that a monument was realized in stone for the abbey of Saint-Remi, intended as a surround for a royal throne (fig. 39). At its center, enthroned beneath a pediment decorated with rinceaux, was a ligure holding a church in one hand. This figure was flanked to its right by three clerics oriented inwards, their attitude resembling that of the Three Kings, and to its left by five other figures, the first of whom was consulting a book. These images are primarily known through an MEMORY AND HISTORIES VOYAGE LITTER AIRE. S. on voir un eveque qui rient line fainte ampoule , 8c qui ,n roy. II eft a rcmarquer que la mirrc de ces eveques n'eft hmblable a celles des eveques d'aujourd'hui, ni meme celles que Ion voir dans Ics ancienncs figures des eveques :itc, cinq & fix cens ans ; mais qu'elle refleinble plutoc i L/fe qu'a une mitre ; ce qui fait croire que ce combeau IS aucien que Raoul-le-Verd. Ceux qui le lui artribuent dent,que 1c prince qui prefenre une eglife a un areheveque lit, eft lc comte de Recel, qui reflirue a I'archeveque qucl-etl qu'il avoir ufurpc. Mais outre qu'on ne reprefenceroic prince babillc a la grccque , on ne rcprefenceroir pas non genua* a fes pieds I'archeveque de Reims, dont il etoic Arin que les fcavans & les antiquaires puiffent en porcer men: plus certain, nous rcprcfenteraiis Lei le tombcau. ľari. H.ľn,, , K a r"val ""WW.s"™. 1130» (?). Formerly at the abbey of Saint-Remi at Reims. Edmond Martene and llrein Durand, ■ **wrirtiginaUuMkllne tie In migrtjpitioH * Saml-Maur I...1,2 vols (Paris; Dolaulne, 1717-24). II, p. SI CHAPTER 2 eighteenth-century description with an engraving, and must be interpreted with caution since only a few fragments have been preserved.-15 But the resemblance to the Marian scene on the chess piece is striking. There, the most pronounced visual element is the star guiding the Magi to Christ, which is represented just above the pediment: a recessed area, still bearing traces of copper alloy, was carved into the ivory to accommodate a small piece of gilt metal, fixed in place through the hole. This celestial body has the unusual form of a droplet, which, if one considers the anthropomorphism of the chess piece, shines out from the forehead of the king. Its shape thus recalls the oil with which the archbishop of Reims anointed the king during the coronation. The competition with Saint-Denis had effectively sparked the revival of a Carolingian legend according to which a miraculous dove had descended from the heavens bearing a vial of oil to be used in the coronation of Clovis by Remi. And indeed, the coronation of 1131 is the first in which the use of this oil is attested. Perhaps to reinforce this allusion, the dove alighting on Christ at the moment of his baptism is very clearly featured on the chess piece. One final question concerns the plant form that rises from the back of the piece, worn in such a way as to suggest that it was regularly used as a handle. Its design in the form of a tree or flower, perhaps a lily, may evoke an element of the crown: although associated with Mary since the eleventh century, it was precisely during this period and under the influence of Abbot Suger that the lily or fleur-de-lis became an emblem of Capetian royalty, which was thus placed under the sign of the Virgin2"'—just as it is on this object. Chivalric Histories The study of chess pieces offered to churches between the tenth and the twelfth centuries reveals a widespread practice that must have drawn its potency from the rapid success of the game, it staged a range of actors, from the lords of regions at the margins of Christianity seeking to stabilize their authority to the imperial or royal powers undergoing a process of institutionalization. Certain usages, such as the mounting of chess pieces on reliquaries, seem to have recurred over the decades, while some particular objects stand out for their conceptual and formal complexity. From the simple donations of Islamic pieces around the year 1000 to the fine objects carved in ivory in the early twelfth century, a development had taken place. Du ring the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as social relationships evolved, the game of chess progressively entered into literature. Chansons degestc and courtly romances portrayed it as an art to be mastered by nobles, sometimes resolving interlacing narrative situations using scenes in which the game wasplayed.2l7The attribution of the Saint-Denis chess pieces to Charlemagne participates in this broader interest. At the abbey of Saint-Arnoul in Metz, chess pieces were similarly attributed to queen Hildegarde, the wife of Cha rlemagne, and are mentioned in a poem that was installed in front of her tomb during the fourteenth century.21" At the collegiate church of Sainte-Marie at Roncevaux in Navarre, a key site for the Carolingian gestae, a fourteen™ century reliquary made up of alternating squares of rock crystal and enamel, though never intended to serve in play, was presented as 'Charlemagne's chessboard'.31" From I lie thirteenth century, the game of chess gave rise to moralizing interpretations. Sometime before 1330, its! structure was notably used by the Italian Dominican Jacobus de Cessolis in his Book of tltt Customs of Men and the Duties of Nobles, or the Hook of Chess, a compilation of sermons that was 120 MEMORY AND HISTORIES 11 translated I rum Latin into many vernacular languages and witnessed an enduring success right to the the Middle Ages.2*1 This new literary and moral conception of the game of chess is apparent in the final offering I i, luirch that I will discuss here. This is a chessboard that in 1339 was transformed into the front l„ ,ard of a b ind ■ ng for a copy of the gospels at the behest of the duke of Brunswick Otto the Mild, who subsequently offered it to the collegiate church of the same town (fig. 40).22' The squares f this chessboard were made from red jasper and rock crystal, the latter encasing miniatures with a gold I - ■und. This combination of materials was employed in Venice between the mid-thirteenth and the late fourteenth centuries. The chess pieces were moved over images depicting by turn hybrid creatures, armed knights, a dubbing ceremony, a musician playing for a ladv, and even a royal couple absorbed in a game of chess. The Brunswick chessboard thus wsociated th •• with an epic and courtly adventure, without determining in advance how the story would unfold as the game was played. The fact that the act of playing was in this way rendered an allegory for the unfolding of life perhaps contributed to the decision to convert the chessboard into a gospel binding,-2 which entailed several significant modifications. The number of sqi was reduced from sixty-four to thirty-five in order to adapt the square gaming table to the rectangular format of the book. The fifteen central squares were set slightly deeper inlo th .....-ien support compared to the twenty that surrounded them. This support is 25 centime: i nearly one inch) thick and contains under each of the squares a cavity one centimeter in diameter, for the storage of relics. The list of the contents was inscribed on a sheet of parchment and glued to the inside of the front cover, thus sealing these tiny reliquaries, the placement of which can still be glimpsed through the transparent parchment.2-1 The binding board preset - structure of the chessboard, but transforms the adventure story evoked by the miniatures into a path toward salvation: the course no longer simply leads from courtly scene to heroi o unbat but also from one saint to another.224 The recession of the central section of squares i? emphasized by the brilliance of the plates of rock crystal that this configuration ( lusters together in contrast to the surround where they continue to alternate with the duller texture of th. ,•. Echoing the colors of the border, the white pearls and red gems dotted among the crystal of the central section reinforce this contrast. In this brilliant field, certain tures 1 .ode way for other elements. At the very center, a relic of the True Cross is presented in the form of a small wooden cross whose arms are extended into the adjacent gjuares by nhols of the evangelists, also in slight relief. This central point attracts the gaze, as if encouraging the beholder to move beyond the gaming table and enter into the book "' 'be gos] This chessboard is in fact without chess pieces: it is its individual observers that the binding. :, to enter into the play of images or to meditate on the Cross, appealing to """agin -apacifies and thereby shaping them as responsible subjects. The implications of this tr.in. i .i mation are clearly revealed when one examines the back board of the volume, '"' "ied fn im a ..lab of punched copper. There, the duke Otto and his wife Agnes of Brandenburg ?"''11 '1ing on ei ther side of the patron saint of the collegial church, Saint Blaise. The gjessboard i , „ «| |ikL.|y belonged to the duchess Agnes, who died in 1334, and the gospel 11" was dr 11 necl for a funerary chapel that was consecrated in 1346, two years after the death Bne object thus had a strong personal dimension: the act of converting the gaming table signaled II, I of earthly and profane Ii fe and opened an eschatological perspective. 121 CHAPTER 2 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 Chessboard transformed into the front cover of a binding for the gospels, c. 1300-39. From the collegiate church .it BrurWWW Sbnt&etu! Museert zu Berlin, Kin^stgewerbemuseiirn ke obi •«'<■• Klaus Gereon Beuckers, 'Schatz und Stift Allgemeine Bemerkungen zu SHfrungsmo .onen im Früh- und Hochmittelalter'. ? P,t Cr?;: 'n llitcr Schatz im Vergleich: Zur int Präsentation von Kircliensciuilzeii, STby Hedwig Rockelein (Regensburg: Schnell and Steiner, 201 . 21-34. For an introduction to'relics' Ind wi'|qiKi 1 Philippe Corde*. 'Die Reliquien, *,|n (;,„., ield. Traditionslinien und neue jftundiin ^tchmnik. 2007. no. 7, PP. 271-82 [original^1 -•--•reliques, unehampde recherche. Problem'.-- ■ nuuvcllea perspectives', 2007]; Inh.! \|. K. Smith, 'Relics: An Evolving Tradition in I _|t|ll i in Saint?-a thi Sue rati Malter:The Cull ofRalfe?in '-■■"» ti'iil tifi/imit, cd. by Cynthia Hahn and I lolger I' Washington, P.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Kose.iivh Iii itI Collection, 201ü>, pp. 41-60. ftjra relied • luv^dticunients from the perspective Of the hUi'." ■ ■■■■ writing and of proof, see Paul Bertmnd, 'Authenriquesde reliques. Authentiques ou ieUques?'. Li' i . ige Reime d'histoireel deplulotogie, ii (2006), pp 363-74. An initial version of what follows was -1ii_-lI in Philippe Corde/., 'GeStion et meilialion d. ■. i.'I lections de reliques au Mayen Age. Lv temoigi •'* authentiques et des inventfiires', m 'Reliques tri sainted dans 1'espace medieval', ed. by Jean 1_in -, special issue. Peck, Ressources eu mMhi't+titji« i '1.11)3), pp. 33-63. For a more recent jitenunt, see Julia M. H. Smithy 'Portable Christianity: Relics in the Medieval West (c, 700-1200)', Proceedings oftlw British ■ in/. 1H1 (2010-11), pp. 143-67;Smith, Relics: V:-. i ; Tradition*. On tin - ■. I ni/ation, see Andreas Hartmann, Zwischen ■ und Reliquie. Objcktbezogenv triniieiiing ,;/ in antiken Gesellschaften (Berlin: Afeflag Antike, 2010), pp. 593-660. Luigi Cam : ■ Mquie, martirio e anatomia. Culto dei santi e !ir dissettorte fra tarda Antichita e primo M" ! in 'Le eadavre. Anthropologic, ^rcheologie, imnginaire social (Moyen Age, Renaissance) ed by Jacques Chiffoleau and Agostinä ^Hjcfali Bflgliani, special issue, Micrologus, 7 (1999), .pp. 113-53. l-l. .rility toward these practices is explored Ih Arnold MO|, 'Dei "ganze" und "unverweste" Leib-i'iiv I v-dt'i-ReliquienverehrungbtjiGregor u1 da Venerahilis', in Aus Archiven t'tiid BMfolhekcn ..Jn-ift fir Raymund Kvttje zum 65, G,'''"^'','".,', I luberl Mordek, 'Freiburger Beiträge m ntltteUilterliehen Geschichte', 3 (Frankfurt am Main:lVl, I'^2). pp. 3.1 50. Slh'' P •■ Bruno Reudenbach, T.vca soncia. rur m,lt€'n Übertragung der heiligen Stätten', *".[m',",,;;' •"'""/;• Vonlclhmgcn mui Bilder einer Sv'' s'- 1 b\ Bruno Reudenbach, 'Vestigia bibli.v> "ctrr Lang 2008). pp. 9-32. M "uh. The Cult of Relics in the Wtcis an. ;i„. nt Pope Gregory the Great: ^pwgrapineal Study', Traditio: Studies in Ancient ami Medieval History. Thought and Religion, 32 (1476), pp. 145-84; Petef. Brown, Relics and Social StatUB in the Age of Gregory of Tours (Reading; University of Reading, 1977). Cynthia Hahn, 'Collector and Saint: Queen Radegund and Devotion to the Relic of the True Cross', in 'The Language of the Object: Essays in Honour of Herbert L. Kessler',yd. by Martina Bagnoli and Peter W, Parshall, special issue, Word & image, 22, no. 3 (2006), pp. 268-74; las Eisner, 'Replicating Palestine and Reversing the Reformation: Pilgrimage and Collecting at Bobbio, Monza and Walsingham', Journal of the History of Collections, 9, no. 1 (1997), pp. 117-30, Sulpicius Severus, Wh? Smell Martini, eh, 3, 1-3, ed., trans., and intr. by Jacques Fontaine, Vie de saint Martin, 3 volts, 'Sources ehre tie ones', 133-35 (Paris; Cerf, 1967-69), 1, pp. 256-59; trans., intr., and notes by Richard J, Goodrich, The Life of St. Martin,in Sulfiicius Severin: The Complete Works, 'Ancient Christian Writers', 71) (New York: Paulist Press, 2015), pp. 23-54 (p. 27). On the symbolic range Of this use of the cloak, see Dominic Janes, Cod and Gold in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1998), p. 159. Hervé Oudart, -he mnnteau partage. Un echo de ['episode d'Amiens dans les ceuvres de Grégoire de Tours', in 'Le partage du mnnteau et le rayonnt-ment martinien', ed.. by Christiane Deluz, special issue, Memoire*, de ta Sociélé nrcltt;olo$iqite de Touraine, 63 (1997), pp. 207-15. Olivier Guillot, 'Les saints des peuples et des nations danöl'O^cidentdesvi'-x'siecles. Unapercud'ensemblo illustre par le cßS des Francs en Gaule' [1989); repr. in Olivier Guillot, Arcana Imperii (\\--\ť stéclc) (Limoges: Presses universitaties de Limoges, 2003), pp. 95-138. On what follows, see Johannes van den Bosch, Capo, basilica, monnsterium et le cuitt it Sttittt Martin de Tours. Etude lexicologique el sětiiasiologiquť (Nijmegen: Dekker & Van de Vegt, 1959), pp. 7-35;and Joseph Fleckenstein, Die Hofhipelle der deutschen Könige, 2 vols, 'Schriften der MGH', 16 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1959-66), I, pp. 11—16 and 28-30. See also Luce Pietri, 'La capa martini. Eösni d/identilitation de La relique martinienne', in Ronianité et citě clirětieune, Perninnences el mutation*, integration et exclusion du ier an ví siecle. Melanges en rimnneurd'Yvelte Duval, ed. by Francoise Prévot(Paria De Boccaxd, 20ÜÜ), pp, 343-57. See the synthesis provided in Matthias Untermann, 'opere tnirabili constructa. Die Aachener "Residenz" Karls des Großen', in 799. Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzcit, IM, pp. 152-64 One of the manuscripts is composite, the other is n cartulary. On this subject, and for the discussion that follows, see Heinrich Schiffers, Karls des Großen Rclii]uiensehatz und die Anftlngc der Aaclieufahrt (Aachen: Volk, 1951), with an edition of the list at pp. 01-83; Klaus Herbers, 'Die Aachener Marienschrein-ReHqulen und ihre karolingische Tradition', in Der 123 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 Aachener Míirienschrein, Eine festschrift, ed. by Dieter P. J, Wynands (Aachen; Einhard) 2000), pp. 129-34; Julia M. H. Smith, 'Rulers and Relics c. 750-c. 950: Treasure on Earth, Treasure in I leaven', in 'Relics and Remains', ed. by Alexandra Weisham, mfiöial issue, Post and Present.206, sirppl.5 (2010), pp. 73-96 (particularly pp. 77-88 on the relics of the Carolingiiin monarcha arid pp. 80-81 on Charlemagne). 14 Norbert Wil-iim I,'Alttirorl und A liaiviahl. Bemerkungen zu Aachen, York und Centula', Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 54 (2005), pp. 39-60 (p. 46). 15 Helga Giersipen, ed., Die Inschriften des Aachener Doms, 'Die Deutschen Inschriften', 31, 'Düsseldorfer Reihe', 1 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1992), no. 12. 16 On the transfers of relics of Roman saints at this time in order to supplant local cults, see Patrick J. Geary, 'The Ninth-Century Relic Trade: A Response to Popular Piety?' [1979]; repr. in Patrick J. Geary, Living toith the Demi in the Middle Ages (Ithaca / London: Cornell University Press, 1994), pp, 177-93;Julia M. 11. Smith, 'Old Saints, New Cults: Roman Relics in Carolinian Francia', in Early Medieval Rome unci the Christian Wei/: Bsaays in Honour of Donald A. bullougli, ed. by Julia M. H. Smith, 'The Medieval Mediterranean; Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400-1453", 28 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 317-39. 17 Recucil des netes de Charles li le Chauve, ] I, no. 425, pp. 448-54 (p. 451). Charles the Bald saw Compiegne as a substitute for Aachen, to which he no longer had access. See May Vieillard-TroiiAounjff, 'La chapelle du palais de Charles le Chauve ä Compiěgne', Colliers árch&logiquM, 21 (1971), pp. 89-10ň (pp. 94-95 and 103, note 77 on the relics). 18 This undertaking was n great success, and Barbarossa reused the text in the freedom charter that he granted to the town on January 8,1166. See Walter Kaemmerer, ed., Aachener Quellen texte, 'Veröffentlichungen des Stadtarchivs Aachen', 1 (Aachen: Mayer, 1980), pp. 196-201 (p. 198). 19 Erich Meuthen, 'Karl derGroße-ßarbarossa -Aachen. Zur Interpretation des Karlsprlvilegs für Aachen', in Karl der Große. Lebenswerk und Nachleben, ed. by Wolfgang Braunfels and Percy Ernst Schramm, 5 vols (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1966-68), IV, Di7s Nachleben (1967), pp. 54-76 (pp. 73-74). 20 See the notice drawn up at this Hrne by the dean to announce the presentation of the relics, preserved in fifteenth-century copies: Schiffers, Karls des Großen Reliquiensduitz, pp. 83-84, and 43-44. On the new chest, see Wynands, Der Aachener Maricnsclnvin. Eine Festschrift. 21 Jean-Pierre Laporte, it' Tresor des saints de Chelles (Chelles: Societě archěologique et historique, 1988), p, 118. 22 Angilbertus Centulensis, Deecdcsin Cenlulensi iibeilus, ed. by Georg Wait*. 'MGH, SS', 15,1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1887), pp. 173-79. 23 Dominique lugna-Prat, La Maison Dien, Hue histoiri monumentale de 1'F.gHse au Moi/en Áge (Paris: Seuil 2006), p, 142, see also p, 200, 2-1 Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle ihr deutschen Könige, I pp. 106 and 108. 25 This comparison was established in Heinrich Schiffe^ Kulturgeschichte der Aachener tieiUgtum$fiihrt (Cologne: Gilde, 1930), pp. 101-05 and 195-99; with a synthesis in Schiffers, Kurl a Jen Großen Relhpheiischatz, p. 14. 26 Wibiral, 'Altarort und Altarzahl', p, 57. 27 On this point, see Francois Héber-fsuffrin and Anne Wagner, 'Anteils, reliques et structuratiun de I'espace monastique. L'exemple de Saint-Riquier', in Le programme. Line notion pertinentc en hisloire de Vart medieval?, ed. by Jean-Marie Cuillouet and Claudia Kabel. 'Cahiersdu Leopard d'Or', 12 (Paris: Le I Oopard d'Ov, 2011), pp. 27-55. 28 This could even extend beyond the altars, as relics were also placed at the tops of pillars, bell towers, and so on; see Nicole Herrmann-Mascard, Les reliques den saints. Formation coutituliere rf'mi droit (Paris: Kline ksieck, 1975), pp. 169-73, and more generally Jean-Pierre Caillet, 'Reliques et architecture religieuse aux époques carölingienne et romane', in Les reliqtm, Objťts,cultes,spriboles, cd, by Edina Bózóky and Anne-Marie Helvetius (Turnhoul: Brepols, 1999), pp, 169-97, 29 The differences between the two list? have yel to be identified and precisely interpreted in the context of the architectural projects and reliquaries at Satnt-Riquier. For a general study, see Susan A. Rahe, 1 'aith, Art, and Politici at SainťRiquicri The Symbolic Vision of Angilbert (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995). 30 Josef Andreas Jungmann, Missnnim sollemuia. Fine genetische Erklärung der römischen Messe, 2 vols (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1948; repr, 1962), 11, pp. 213-25. 31 Altgilbert himself recommended the liturgical use of various litanies in his Instittilio de diversi tote offieiorum, which he compiled as abbot of Saint-Riquier. See Astrid Krüger, Litanei-Handschriften der Karolingerzeit, 'MGH, Hilfsmittel', 24 (Hanover: Hahn, 2007), pp. 11 and 19. 32 Krüger, liUmc i-Handschriften, pp. 22-34. 33 Rosamond McKiüerick, TheCarolingiänsand the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 165-210. 34 Lepoulifical rümano-genuanique dtidixiěme siech; ordo XI,, ch, 128, ed. by Cyrille Vogel and Reinhard Elze/Studie Testi', 227(VaticanCity: Bjblioteca apostolica Vnticana, 1964), p. 169, 35 Maurice Prou and Eugene Chartraire, 'Authentiques NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 de reliques conservees au Tresor de la cathedrale de Cm . U'aioireS de la Socieh' nationale des antiquaires de France, 59 (1890), pp. 129-72 (no. 160 and p. 132); lso Müller, 'Zum mittelalterlichen Reliquienschatze von Beromünster', Der Geschichtsfreund. Mitteilungen des | fjlsiori-.-chm Vereins der Fünf Orte Lnzerti, Uri, Schttnjz, Untetwaiden ob und nid dem Wald und Zug, 120 (1967), ' pp. 5-40 (pp, 12-17). I 35 Ciicd "i Joseph Braun, Der christliche Altar in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, 2 vols (Munich: Koch, I "1924 J, I, p. 632, note 2. I,. , .. -ifical ivttiain du Xif siede, erdo 17, ch. 1, ed. hy Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical romnin au Mai/en Age, 4 vols, 'Studi e Testi', 86-88 and 99 (Vatican City: Bibtioreca Apostolica Vaticana, 1938-11), I, p. 176. This text (ÜSO specifies that the list should be announced publicly. 3g Guillelmus Durantis, Pontificate, book 2, ordol, ch. 10, ed. by Michel Andrieu, Le Pontifical roiuain ait Mayen I vols, 'Studi e Testi', 86-88 and 99 (Vatican Co-. Biblibteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1938-41), III, Le Pontifical de Ctiitlaume Durand (1940), pp. 456-57. On these containers, see Hedwig Röekelein, 'Sehat/e in AJtären, Profane Gebrauchsgegenstönde im sakralen Kaum', in Le tresor au Mo\/en Age, Discours, pratiques et olyts, pp, 179-97. 39 Braun, Der christliche Altar, 1, p. 632. Braun nevertheless iders that these prescriptions were rare. 40 Philippe George, Les reliques de Stavelot-Malmedi/. Nouvemix documents (Malmedy; Art el Histoire, 1989), n -■, 43. On this reliquary, today in the Royal Museums of Art and I iistory in Brussels, and it?liturgicaJ context, t SusanneVyittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retnbel.Kunsl und Liturgie bei Wibald von Stablo, 'Pictura et Poesis', 17 (Cologne / Weimar / Vienna: Böhla«, 2004), pp. 173-224, in particular pp. 195-202. 41 These reliquaries are now preserved in the parish church of Bouillac (in Tarn-et-Garonne). The labels .!i id inscriptions have both been published in Fernand itiiT, 'Les authentiqut's de reliques', Bulletin de ta Societi arcfteol.ogi.que de Tarn-el'Caivnne, 40 (1912), ■ 145-59 (pp. 150 and 152). The inscriptions have been edited more recently in Robert Favreau, Jean Michaud, and Bernadette Leplant-Mora, eds,, Ariege, Hntite-Garoitne, Hautes-Pyrcnccs, Tarn-et-Gawnne, 'Corpus des inscriptions de la France medievale', 8 Paris: CJMKS, 1983), pp. 117-24. §? lee the description in Charles Urseau, 'Authentiques de reliques provenant de l'ancienne ahbaye du Ronceray a Angei-s', Bulletin hi+lurique el phihhgique da Comite des travnux historiqites et scientißques, 21 (1903), pp. 587-93. On the reliquary, today preserved in the cathedral's treasury though lacking both relics and labels, see Monique Jacob and others, Les orfovfts d'Anjou et da ba$ Maine, 'Cahiers du patrimoine', 50 (Paris: Editions du patrimoine, 1998), p. 326. 43 Hans Mosler, 'Das Camper Reliqviiem'ei'zeiebnis von 1472', Anualen des Hislarisclten Vereius fiir den Niederrhein, insbesondere das alle Erzbistuni Kohl, 168-69 (1967), pp. 60-101 (no. 33, p. 98). 44 Andrea Boockmann, Die verhnrnen Telle des 'WeJfenschatzes'. Einc Oberskhl anhand des Reliquienverzeichnisses von 1482 der Stiftskirche St. BtadtiS in Braunschweig (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1997), p, 65, 45 This was not always an easy operation. In 1482, the author uf a Brunswick inventory took care to explain the mechanism that opened an ivory casket: Boockmann, Dievtrbrenen Tcilcdcs 'Welferischatzes', no, 17, p. 133. 46 Ed. in Ceorge, Les reliques de 5ttri-e!ot-Malnicd\/, nos 1-27. 47 Jacques Dubois, 'Le bresor des reliques de I'abbaye du Mont Saint-Michel', in MHUnain- nwnastique du Mont Saint-Michel, 4 vols (Paris: Lethielleux, 1967-70), 1, pp. 501-93 (no. 2), 48 Mittctnlterliclie Schatzverzeiclntisse, no. 57. 49 Angilbertus Centulensis, De ccclesia Ccntulensi libelhis, pp. 173-79. 50 Denis BethelL 'The Making of a Twelfth-Century Relic Collection', in Popular Belief and Practice, ed. by Geoffrey J. Cuming and Derek Baker (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 64-72. 51 For what follows see Herrad Spilling. Sanctorum rrliqiiinrnni pignera gloriosa. Quellen zur Geschichle des Retiqulenschatzes der Beiiediktinernbtei Zn-iefalten (Bad Buchflu; Federsee, 1992), pp. 1-8. 52 Mosler, 'Das Camper Reliquienverzeichnis'. 53 Boockmann, Die verloreneii Telle des 'Welfenseiinlics', p. 57. 54 Dubois, 'Le tresor des reliques'. 55 Boockmann, Die verlorenen Telle des Wclfeutclwtzes pp. 60 and 70, 56 Dubois, 'Le tresor des reliques', no, 16. For an edition and French translation of the De trnnslationcel miraculis beati Autberti, composed around 1030-95, see Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, eds,, Chroniques Inline* du Monl Saint-Michel (ix-xir sieeh-), 'Les manuscrits du Mont Saint-Michel, Textes fondateurs'. 1 (Caen: Presses univyrpitaires de Caen, 2009), pp, 229-55, 57 Dubois,'Le trysOrdes reliques', no. 28. On this narrative see Armelle Le Huerou, 'Essai de reconstitution de I'histoire des amies miniatures de saint Michel depuis leur introduction au Mont JLisqu'n lt-ur disparition'. Annates dcBrelagne, 110,no,2(20U3), pp. 157-87, which indicates on p. 171 that two copies of the text probably date from the abbacy of Pierre le Roy. For an edition and French translation, see Bouet and Desbordes, Chrouiiiues hitinr* du Mont Saint-Mkhel, pp. 343-65. 124 125 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 ÜB Dubois, 'Le tresor des reliques', na 27. The relic is mentioned as early as 1080-95 in an account of a miracle: pp. 2"2 and 3114. 59 Dubois, 'Le tresor des reliques', nu. 10. 60 See the analysis in Spilling, Sanctorum rellqaiamm pignera glariosa. 61 Mosler, 'Das Camper Rel iquienverzeiehnis'. 62 Daockm.nin, Die verlorenen Teile tei 'Wrifrmtlmtev; p. 52. 63 Mosler, 'Das Camper Reliquienverzeichnis', nos 8, 10, and 11, p. 90. 64 Renate B.uimgärtel-Fleischmann, Das Hornberger Heiltumsbuclt von 1508/1X9 in der Britkk /.ftwry London (Add. Ms. 15 6S9J, I, Faksimile (Rimberg: Historischer Verein, 1998). 65 See Ursula Timann, 'Bemerkungen zum Halleschen Heiltum', in Per Kardinal. Atbreclil von Brandenburg, Rcuaissancefürsl und Mt'ii'h, ed. by Katja Schneider, Andreas lacke, and Thomas Schauerte, exhibition catalogue, Stiftung Moritzburg, Halle an der Saale, 2 vols I Rcgonsburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2006), II, pp. 255-83. 66 Ernst Alfred Stückeiber;;, Geschichte der Reliquien in tier Schweiz, 2 vols, 'Schriften der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde', I and 5, (Zurich / Basel: Gesellschaft für Volkskunde, 1902-08), I, pp. xxxix- XLlll. 67 Bouckmailn, Dil' verlorene" Teile des ■VMfcmdmla*', pp. 43 and 50, note 182. On this kind of altar, see Braun, Der christliche Altar, 1, pp. 212-20. 68 Iso Müller, 'Das Reliquienverzeichnis', in 1'hcsmirus Faliarieiisis.üicRcliquicu-rSehal:-uiidKUchervci~eieluiisse im Liber Viventium um Pföjers.ed. by Carl Pfafl and Iso Müller, 'Sankl-Caller Kultur und Geschichte', 15 (St. Gallen: Staatsarchiv, 1986), pp. 13-55 (p. 13). 69 Didier Mehu, ed., Mines en scene et menwires tic In consecration d't'glisedans I'Occidcnl medieval, 'Collection d'etudes medievales de Nice', 7 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 70 On these consecrations, see Karl Josef Benz, Untersuchungen rur politischen Ftedeiilungdcr Kirchweilte uiiler Teilnahme der deutschen Herrscher im hohen Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zum Slmliam dtt Verhältnisse* zwischen weltlicher Macht und kirchliclicr Wirklichkeit lintcrOtlolll. lui^HWunWiR,'Regensburger historische Forschungen', 4 (Kallmiinz: Lasslebotl, 1975), pp. 159, 176, and 234-36. 71 Dubois, 'Le tresor des reliques'. 72 See the synthesis in Nine Robijntje Miedemn, Die römischen Kirchen im Sftdtmittelalter nach den Indulgentine ecelesinrum ui-bis Romae', 'Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom', 97 (Tübingen: Niemeyer 2001 ),p. 320. 73 Several examples are given in Hranu, Oer cliristhclv Altar, I, pp. 364-66. 74 lean Michaud, 'Culte des reliques et čpigraphie L'exeniple des dedicates et des ennseaations d'aulels' in Les irtiíjites. Objcts, cultes, sifiitboles. pp, 199-212. 75 Rüdiger Fuchs, ed., Die Inschriften der Stiidt Worms 'Die Deutschen Inschriften', 29, 'Main/er Reihe' 2 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1991). no. 10, pp. 11-12. 76 Christine Wulf, ed., Die Inschriften der Stadt Hildeshetm, 'Die Deutschen Inschriften', 58, 'Göttiiiger Reihe Iii (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2003), no. 24, pp. 217-18. 77 Herbert E. Brekle, Die Prtlfeitingc: Weiheini-chrifl mii 1119. Eine paldogruphisch-titiiograoliisclie Untcr-uehaii^ (Regensburg: Scriptorium Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft, 2005). 78 Hans Georg Schmitz, Kloster Prüfening im lj9 lalirltundert, 'Miscellanea Bavarica Monacensia', 49 (Munich: Woffle in Kommission, 1975), pp. ,3] (tor the date) and 44. 79 Robert Favreau, 'Épigraphíe medievale et hagiographie', in Le culte des saints, ed. by Robert Favreau, 'Civilisation medievale', 1 (Poitiers; Centre ďétudes supěrieures de civilisation medievale, 1995), pp. 63-83 (pp. 77-78). 50 Thiofridus Epternacensis, Florcs cpuioplui sanctorum, III, l,ed. and intr, byMicheleCamille Ferrari, 'CCCM', 133 {Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), lines 13U-31, 154, and Intr. p. xxxi. 51 Auguste Dlgot, Tnventaire du tresor de l'abbaye de I Prüm', mielin luoitumcutul, IS (1849), pp, 283-300 | (p. 297). 82 Gtiillelmus Durantis, Pontificate, book 2, anlo 2, ch. 10,1 ed. p, 463. 83 Patrick W. Conner, Anglo-Saxon F.urY, A Tenlh-ccntien) Cultural History (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press,! 1993), pp. 171-87 (p. 175), ed. and trans, pp. 176-87 (pp. 176-77). 84 Karen Gould, The Sequences (A- ,v»li> MUjulh as Sainte-Chapelle Inventories', Mediaeval Studies, 4S (1981), pp. 315-41. 85 Gaufridi de Collone, Le here de:- letujna de I aU;iK Saint-Piene-le-Vif de Sens, ed. by Gustave Julliot and Maurice Prou (Sens: Duchemin, 1887), pp. 2-3. 86 Gaufridi de Collone, Le lim dr> rclique- pp. 1 and XV, The chronicle was completed in 1295: Gaufridi * Collone, Cluxuiique de fabbinjc de Satiu-rtcm-lc-Vifde Stra, ed. and trans, byCustaveJulliol, Publications de la societě archéologiqoe de Sens', 2 (Sens: Duchen** 1876), pp. vi-ix. 87 Hartmut Kühne, Osteusio reliqiiiaruin Üiilersuclntng ' Uber Entstellung, Ausbreitung, Gestalt und I uiiktloit* der Hcilluiiisweisuwceii im römisch den-tclien Rccn»'"-! 'Arbeiten zur Kircnengesc-hichle', 65 (berlin / NeWl NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 Igle De Gruyltr, 2000). pp. 51-55. Günther Schuhmann, ed., Nürnberg. Kaiser und Reich, exhibition catalogue, Staatsarchiv, Nuremberg I [Neustadt no der Aisch: Degener, 1986), no. 57, [ pp. 68-69 u.„ s„ i.imllen zur Geschichte des spälmitlelalu ' liehen Ablaß- und Reliquienwesens f aus scIU '"-'o Archiven', Mitteilungen des Österreich'- a Slaalsimilives, I (1948), pp. 20-136 (pp. 102-06), uu Schiihm.i; Himberg. Kaiser und Reich, no. 54 and p.61 9| Mk'ilc'iu 1 römischen Kirchen ill! Spdt Mittelalter, especially i : ■.:'.'-Iii. 92 On illii-: inventories, see l'hilippc Corde/, 'Wallfahrt und Medienwetlbewerb. Serialitäl und Formenwandel der Heiltumsverzeichnisäe mil Reliquienbildeni im Heiligen Komischen Reich 1146Ü-1520)', in "i 'i armer sündiger Mensch". Heiligen- und Rclitpiienkuh Übergang zum konfessionellen Zeitalter, I ed. by Amin?.!* Tacke (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), ■ pp. 37-71 Hb Anne-Man^ Hetvetius, 'Les inventions de reliques I en Gaule du Nord (ijc-xin" s.)', in Les reliques. Objcts, I cuites, sj/nrMn, pp, 293-311; Hedwig Riickelein, Reliquien;- ■ 'uliurienmlchSueliüeti.ÜberKaiiwittilikillion, Mvbililäl und Öffentlichkeit in Frühmittelalter, 'Beihefte I .der Fran™' W (Stuttgart: Thorbecke,2002);Patrick J. ■peaiy, Putttt Sacra, Thefts of Relics in Ihe Central Middle ^^E|* (Princeton.: Princeton University Press, 197S; W r'oran in vii.m, seejacqups Dubois and jean-Loup LemiiitiL- . ,'n i>(7 mcthode*deI'luigiagraphiemedtevtile (Paris: ( -i'->M M5 Mii'tin 1 hn.inn and Moni que Gonllet, eds., I La reecritme hngiogräphitjue dans {'Occident medieval, ftansfarti;,;ibri* formelles et ideologiques, 'Beihelte der HWia', sh (Stuttgart: ThorbecktC2003). JP See' ftlr example, Hedwig Röckelein, '"Die Hüllen der I toi IL- Zur Materialität des hngiographischen Medium-, m Rdiqtiiarc im Mittelalter, ed. by Bruno ■»ödenb.k-li and Gia Toussaint (Berlin: Akademie f VerIafi- 2,W5), pp. 75-88, and several of the texts in J Cordü/ ' ■■■•"■lentagiic el les abjetfi. Dee Ihewurisatioiis I tlMhngicniie: onx constructions nnhnorielk^, ^^^rding to the theory of Irmingard Achter, Die Küliiec Pelrusrdiquien und die Bautätigkeit Er2bUd,,.,i, Bi-Lmos (9^3-965) am Kölner Dom', in I '"lirtanseud, Kultur und Kami im werdenden I MH-ndhmd .m Rheni und Ruhr, ed, by Kurt Bohner and ( ;lctnr lf' !1''ich Hlbern, 2 vols (DÜKselrforf: Schwann, B64)' PP 94^91 (p. 973). i Kuolgrru:, Lulonien^is, Vita 8runotti$ itrchiepiscoiH I ch. 31, ed. by Irene Ott, 'MGH, SS rer. Germ. N. S.', 10 (Weimar: Bühlau, 1951), pp. 31-32. 99 Achter, 'Die Kölner Petrusreliquien', pp. 987-91, I do not, however, entirely follow Aihter's interpretation. Her hypothesis that the crypt was built to welcome these relics is disproved by its early tenth-century date: Klaus Gereon Beuckers, 'Ad altare S. Petri infra Coloniam hviiorifice in principali locofuttdatum. Zu den Rin^krypten römischer Prägung im Altert Kölner Dom, ihrer Datiyrung und zu der Frage ihrer Reliquien', lahrbuch Kölnischen Gescliichtivereiiis, 75 (2004), pp. 9-41 (p. 27). 100 Georg Häuser, 'Zur Archäologie des Petrusstabes', Kölner DomNott, 7b (2D11), pp. 197-217. 101 Martin A. Claussen, The Reform uf the Prankish Church, Cliivdcgaiig of Meti and flic 'Regula Canoiueuruui' in the Eighth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 102 Daniel Carlo Kingerl, Die Metröpotitanwrfiissung des kitroliiigiwhai Flankenreichs, 'Schriften der MGH', 63 (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung 2011), p. S1-52. 103 Paulus Diacoiius, Ubitlus de epi$copis Mrttensibus, pp. 48—19; see Kempt", 'Paul the Deacon's Uber de episcopis Mettwwbus', pp, 292-93 and Elling, 'Institution versus Individuum, Diözese versus Dynastie', pp. 221-23 on Saint Peter. 104 lean-Claude Igruico, 'ReTlexinns sur la legende et le culte de saint Front. A propos des travaux de M, le chanoine A- Fayard', Bulletin de la Soviete histarlque et flrchfologique du Perigord, 106 (1979), pp. 52-72 (pp. 67-68); Alain Dierkens, 'Martial, Sernin, Trophime et les autres- A propos des evangelisateurs et dej? apötres en Ciiiule', in Saint-Martial dcLimogc>. Ambition politique el production ctdtinrUe (x'-sur siedet), ed. by Claude Andrault-Schmitt (Limoges: Presses universitaires du Limoges, 2006), pp. 25-3« (pp. 27-28), 105 Jean-Charles Picard, Le souvenir de* ei I, pp. 407-355 (p. 440). 117 An appropriation of the Limoges tradition, the object is first attested in 1419: Christophe Balltet, 'Le memorial des saints. Les reliques de l'eglise Saint-Seurin de 128 Bordeaux (vr-xiv Riedes)', in Anioni de Saint-SeuriuM [Jen, uknicire, pouvair. Des premier* trinp^ ehretkns a ht fin du Mayen Age, ed. by Isabelle Cartron and othen (Bordeaux: Ausonius, 2009), pp. 87-116 (pp. invos and 1.08-09). 118 See the unreferenced statement in Antoine-Rene" de Voyer d'Argenson and Andre-Guillaume Contani d'Orville, Melanges tires' d'une grand,- Inbliolheque, 70 vols (Paris: Moutard, 1779-88), V, p. 89. 119 Head, 'Art and Artifice in Ottoman Trier', p. 7jj9 and above all Klaus Krönert, Ue.xaltation de Treim L'haghgfaphie tröviroise du x" an xir ski L-,' Beihefte der Fraftcia', 70 (Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2010), pp, 95 anl 100, 120 Thomas Bauer, Lotharingieu nb historischer Raum, Raumbildung und Raumbewunatscin im Mittelalter (Cologne / Weimar / Vienna: Bühlau, 1997), pp, 4«|_ 64. 121 Gesta episcopornm Tüllen si tun, ch. 32, ed. bv Georg Waitz,'MGH, SS', 8 (Hanover: Hahn, 1848), p. 640 On these texts see Monique Coli Hol, 'Los saints du diocese de Toul (Sources Hagiographiques de In Gaule, 6)', in L'lingiogrnphie du haul Mot/en Age en Gaule du Nord, Manuscrits, testes ei centres de product ion, ed. by Martin Heinzelmann, 'Beihefte der Francia', 52 (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2001), pp. 11-89; Michel Parisse, 'Up evetjue reformateur, Cauzelin de Toni (922-962)', in Ad libros! Melanges d'etudes ukdkvaks ofjerls a Den ist Augers ei fascph-Claude Poulitt, ed. by lean-Francois Cottier, Martin Gravel, and Sebo-nen Rossignol (Montreal: Presses de l'Universite de Montreal, 2010), pp. 69-82 (p. 72 for the date, trans, p. 82). 122 Bauer, Lotharingkit als historischer Raum, pp. 407-09. 123 Historia immanterii Rasledcnsis, ed. bv Georg Walte, 'MGH, SS', 25 (Hanover; Hahn, 1880), pp. 495-£fl| (p. 502). 124 Nairn- Weingarletises, ed. by Georg Waitz, 'MGtiSS'JM (Hanover: Hahn, 1879), p, 830-33 (p. 832). 125 Martin Howley, 'Relics at Glastonbury Abbey in thffl Thirteenth Century: The Relic List in Cambridge, Trinity College R.5.33 (724), fols It)-lr-!05v', Mediaeval Studies, 71 (2009), pp. 197-234 (p, 224). 126 PhilippeGeorge/Letresordereliquesdu Neufmoustfer" pres de Hny. Une part de I er re Snintc en pays mosan',, I Bulletin de la Commission roynkd'histoin', 169(2003), no. 44, pp. 17-35. 127 Hartmut Kühne, 'Reliquien und Reliquiare des Magdeburger Domes im 13. Jahrhundert. Versuch einer Bestandsaufnahme', in Aufbruch in die Gotik. Der Magdeburger Fhmtiimldk^patcStimtaicii.i -d bvMallhios Puhle, exhibition catalogue, Kulturhistorisch«* Museum, Magdeburg, 2 vols (Mainz: Zabern, pp. 180-91 (p. 187), 128 Wolfgang Schmid, 'Keliquienjagd am Oberrhein. MI I IV erwirb; Hum für den Präger Dorn', Zeitschrift ' fürdieGe». des Oberrttein*, 159 (2011), pp. 131-209 I (p. 182). , M J.... ■ . 1 a sola Schwering-IIIert. Die ehemalige ,-,,„,_,,.;.,. t.-diicltc Saint-Sauveur in Chdrrtnu , 1 u ,.,„-)„:. ul 12. fh. Fin Vorschlag zur Rekonstruktion I und ßcut> • romanischen Bauteile (Düsseldorf: Th'ltsch, I1' P -7-35; Matthew Gabriele,-An Empire of Memo", ' <':