The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program in
Toledo in theTwelfth Century*
Charles Burnett
Warburg Institute, London
Argument
This article reassesses the reasons why Toledo achieved prominence as a center for ArabicLatin
translation in the second half of the twelfth century, and suggests that the two principal
translators, Gerard of Cremona and Dominicus Gundissalinus, concentrated on different areas
of knowledge. Moreover, Gerard appears to have followed a clear program in the works that
he translated. This is revealed especially in the Vita and the "commemoration of his books"
drawn up by his students after his death. A new edition of theVita, Commemoratio librorum and
Eulogium, based on all the manuscripts, concludes the article.
Toledo is justifiably famous as the principal center for the translation of Arabic
scientific and philosophical texts into Latin. Several factors contributed to its
preeminent position. One was the linguistic mix of its population. When AlfonsoVI
of Castile captured Toledo from the Arabs in 1085, the city capitulated without
bloodshed and its inhabitants were allowed to stay and to keep their possessions and
privileges; Alfonso declared himself "the king of the two religions." Nevertheless, we
are told, most of the Islamic elite emigrated, while the common people converted to
Christianity in great numbers (Rubiera Mata 1991, 75­91). The Jews in the city
stayed put, though they were subject to periodic pogroms. However, the most
significant element in the population was the Mozarabs, the "Arabized" Christians
who had preserved the liturgy of the Visigothic church and whose numbers were
augmented by the Islamic converts.The bulk of the population, therefore, spoke both
Arabic and a Romance dialect, and Arabic was the language of religion and culture.
A second factor was Toledo's preeminence as a center of scientific learning even
before the capitulation to Alfonso. In Islamic Spain, after the breakup of the caliphate
in 1031, the kingdom of Toledo under the Banu Nun was rivaled as a center of
learning only by Saragossa under the Banu Hud. The cadi of Toledo,
˙
Sa id alAndalusi
(1029­70), wrote a history of science (The Categories of the Nations), and also
patronized scientific research, most notably that by az-Zarqalluh, who compiled
* I am very grateful for the help of Danielle Jacquart, Richard Lorch, Peter Linehan, and Patricia
Stirnemann.
Science in Context 14(1/2), 249­288 (2001). Copyright  Cambridge University Press
DOI: 10.1017/0269889701000096 Printed in the United Kingdom
astronomical tables and other practical works on the science of the stars (Jacquart and
Micheau 1990, 135­37). The departure of the Islamic elite may have prevented this
scientific tradition from developing. It is likely, however, that scientific expertise and,
even more so, books, remained among Arabic scholars in Toledo. One indication of
this is that the translator Gerard of Cremona at the beginning of his career (and
therefore perhaps already in the late 1130s) was attracted to Toledo because he knew
that he would find there Ptolemy's Almagest (in Arabic). Another indication is that,
some time before 1140, az-Zarqalluh's tables were rendered into Latin asTheToledan
Tables. The drawing up of astronomical tables for a particular place was often
associated with an important political event, and the coronation of Alfonso VII as
Emperor in 1135 would have presented a suitable occasion for a new version of the
tables.1
That it is not until the 1130s that we have any evidence inToledo of an interest in
translating Arabic texts into Latin is not surprising, for translations can only be made
if there is an interested audience who do not know the original language of the texts.
The only such audience inToledo in the decades immediately after its conquest were
the Cluniac clergy brought in by the French archbishops, Bernard of Sédirac
(1086­1125) and his successor Raymond de La Sauvetat (1125­52), and their
primary interest was in reforming the Church rather than in advancing scientific
learning. Moreover, they were hostile to the indigenous Mozarabic parties who could
have introduced them to Arabic science. Nevertheless, it is in the context of the
Cathedral, as the only influential segment ofToledan society who did not understand
Arabic, where one must look for the beginning of the translation movement in
Toledo.
The first evidence of this is a translation of Qus
˙
ta ibn Luqa's On the difference between
the soul and the spirit, by John of Seville and Limia, dedicated to Raymond de La
Sauvetat. John also dedicated a translation of the regimen of health from "Aristotle's"
advice to princes (Secretum secretorum) to a person of importance, Queen Teresa, the
natural daughter of AlfonsoVI and first ruler of the kingdom of Portugal. John was
perhaps casting around for patronage; it would have been natural to turn to Queen
Teresa because he himself seems to have originated from Portugal where he
completed other translations.2
His dedication of a text to Raymond represents an
attempt to find favor in another quarter. The text was wisely chosen. It is short and
easy to read, and treats of a subject that is relevant to theology; for it puts into context
the prominence given to"spirits" in the new medical learning taken fromArabic texts
in Italy, which posed a threat to Christian doctrines on the immortal soul.
1
The date and authorship of the Latin version of the Toledan tables remains unknown. A possible use of the
Toledan tables in Aragon in February 1106 is discussed in North 1995. However, the form in which they were
known at this date is not clear. The earliest clear use of the Latin tables is by Raymond of Marseilles who
adapts them to the meridian of Marseilles in 1141. Note also that the author of the Almagestum parvum, which
appears to belong to the mid-twelfth century, speaks of the tables as "very recently composed" (see Lorch
1995,V, 410: "et super hoc arzacel tabulas motuum toleti novissime composuit").
2
For his biography, and translations made "in Limia" (a region in Northern Portugal), see Burnett 1995a.
250 Charles Burnett
Whether this dedication ensured John a place among the cathedral clergy is not
known.The earliest substantial use of the translation itself was made shortly afterwards
by an archdeacon in the cathedral, Gundissalinus (to whom we shall return), but
John's dedication remains an isolated testimony to an Arabic-Latin translation
destined forToledo (aside from the astronomical tables) in the first half of the twelfth
century. Even this translation may not have been made in Toledo,3
and it dates to a
period in which translations were being made in other parts of Spain, and in
particular in the valley of the Ebro where the remnants of the kingdom of the Banu
Hud were still in power (see Burnett 1977 and 1992, 1041­44).
The situation changes towards 1150, whenToledo becomes the principal center for
translations.Various factors may account for this. First, in 1140 the last of the Banu
Hud, Ja far A
˙
hmad III Sayf al-Dawla, whose library had been used by the translators
of the valley of the Ebro, exchanged his property in Rueda Jalón (on a tributary of
the Ebro) for part of the city of Toledo.4
We know that the royal library of the Banu
Hud was particularly rich in works on mathematics, astronomy, astrology, and magic,
and the texts on geometry that Gerard of Cremona chose to translate correspond to
those used by one of the kings of the dynasty in the late eleventh century.5
Secondly,
the rise of the intolerant Islamic regime of the Almohads in North Africa and their
spread to Islamic Spain in 1147 forced Arabic Christians (Mozarabs) and Jews to
emigrate, and Toledo was the natural place for them to choose as their new home.
Moreover, under archbishop John of Castellmoron (1152­66), there was much more
communication between the Mozarabic community and the Frankish clergy than
during the first decades after the conquest. Thirdly, the continual arrival of Frankish
clergy (which included nationals from several European countries), and the
development of a Frankish quarter in Toledo ensured that translations from Arabic
both would receive an audience locally and could easily be conveyed abroad.
Among the exiles from the Almohads was the Jewish philosopher, Abraham ibn
Daud. He had fled from Córdoba, and had settled inToledo by 1160, where he wrote
works in Arabic and Hebrew on philosophy and astronomy and the history of the
Jews in Spain. He is, in all likelihood, the "Avendeuch Israhelita" who wrote a letter,
in poor Latin, addressed to some important person, advertising the fact that he
intended to translate the Shifa , the philosophical encyclopedia written by Avicenna
(d. 1037); he added a specimen of his translation to his letter (see Birkenmajer 1970,
3
The work was also known at an early date in Salernitan circles; see Jacquart 1988, 426.
4
According to the Arabic historian Ibn al- Abbar, he was given "half the city of Toledo"; see Encyclopedia of
Islam, s.v. Hud. González Palencia considers Sayf ad-Dawla (Zafadola) to be one of the very few Muslim elite
who remained inToledo: see González Palencia 1926­30, I, 151­53.
5
The sources of the comprehensive book on geometry, al-Istikmal, written byYusuf al-Mu taman ibn Hud,
king of Saragossa from 1081 to 1085, include Eucliďs Elements and Data, the De spheris of Theodosius,
Menelaus, the Conics of Apollonius, Archimedes' On the Sphere and Cylinder, Eutocius' commentary on that
work, Thabit ibn Qurra's treatise on amicable numbers and Ibn al-Haytham's Optics; cf. Gerarďs translations
in "geometria," Appendix I below, nos 4, 5, 8 and 16. Gerarďs version of Theodosius' De spheris belongs to
the same family as that used by al-Mu taman; see Lorch 1996, 165, 172.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 251
95­100). It is probable that the important person was Archbishop John, and that this
"letter of introduction" achieved its purpose. For, the same Avendauth secured the
help of the archdeacon who knew John of Seville and Limia's work, Dominicus
Gundissalinus, and together they translated a complete book of the Shifa ­ the one
on the soul. Avendauth dedicated the translation to Archbishop John in the following
terms:
To John, the most reverend archbishop of Toledo and primate of Spain, Avendauth, the
Israelite philosopher, gives hommage, recognizing the debt that is due to him. . . .
Therefore I have attempted to put into effect your order, Lord, to translate the book of
Avicenna the philosopher concerning the soul. . . . Thus you have the book, translated
from Arabic, with me taking the lead and rendering each word in the vernacular
language, and archdeacon Dominicus turning the words into Latin. (ĎAlverny 1989,
reprinted in idem 1994, article III, 195)
This dedication describes what became a common practice: that a Mozarab or Jew,
who was not proficient in Latin, made an intermediate translation of a text into the
vernacular language (whether the colloquial Arabic of Toledo or the local Romance
dialect), which a cleric educated in the Latin schools transferred into good Latin
(Villanueva 1996, 23­34). It also implies that the project of translating Avicenna's
work was, if not commissioned, at least supported by the archbishop himself.
Gundissalinus, who presumably came from Old Castile and may have been educated
in the French schools,6
was particularly interested in psychology and cosmology,
which led him to translate further Arabic texts on these subjects, and to use these in
his original works. Avendauth's name does not appear again as a collaborator, but
rather that of "Iohannes Hispanus." Some scholars have made one person out of these
two collaborators, but it is possible that "Iohannes Hispanus" was a Mozarab and the
same as the "Iohannes Hispanus" who was dean of Toledo, who succeeded
Gundissalinus as archdeacon of Cuéllar, and died in 1215.7
No dedication exists associated with any translation of the greatest of the Toledan
translators, Gerard of Cremona (1114­87), to whom over seventy translations are
ascribed, in subjects ranging from mathematics, through medicine to Aristotelian
philosophy. There is, however, evidence that he was a member of the clergy of the
cathedral. He attestated three documents, in 1157, 1174, and 1176, as a canon of the
cathedral, and after his death in 1187 his students or colleagues (socii) wrote a
eulogistic poem in which they called him "the glory of the clergy" (gloria cleri), and
stated that, although he was born in Cremona, he lived and died inToledo.8
The later
documents (of 1174 and 1176) append to Gerarďs name the words "dictus magister"
6
See below, p. 264.
7
The identity of `Iohannes Hispanus' is explored in Burnett 1994.
8
See p. 256 and Appendix I below.
252 Charles Burnett
"called the Master." The implication of this sobriquet is not clear, but it is probably
a term of approbation like calling Aristotle "the Philosopher" or Averroes "the
Commentator"; it is certainly not an official title for a teacher in a school or
college.9
The patronage of an archbishop and the participation of an archdeacon continued
in the next generation of translators. Mark of Toledo and Michael Scot were both
canons of the cathedral (as Gerard had been) at the turn of the twelfth to the
thirteenth century. Michael accompanied the archbishop, Rodrigo Jimenez
(1208­47) to the Fourth Lateran Council in Rome in 1215. He continued the
translations of Aristotle's works begun by Gerard, and added those of commentaries
by Averroes (d. 1198), Gerarďs near contemporary in Córdoba. Mark's main interest
was in medicine, but on the request of Mauritius, an archdeacon of Toledo, he also
translated the Coran and the profession of faith of the founder of the Almohad
movement, Ibn Tumart. Michael Scot left his canonship in Toledo some time before
1229 (Hernández 1995, 68), and ended his life working for Frederick II
Hohenstaufen in Sicily. But Hermann the German continued the translation of
Averroes' commentaries, one of which he completed in Toledo on June 3, 1240, "in
the chapel of Saint Trinity." This has recently been identified with the monastery of
St. Trinity, in the Frankish quarter next to the Cathedral, which had been founded
a little after 1195 specifically for rescuing Christian captives in Islamic territory. Since
the Brothers were taught Arabic so that they could negotiate with Islamic authorities,
it is quite likely that Hermann found linguistic help there (González Ruiz 1996.
51­64, and González Ruiz 1997, 586­602).
At least until the departure of Michael Scot for Italy, then, the translation activity
was associated with the cathedral rather than with any other institution in Toledan
society. Until 1180 (the date of the death of Cérébrun of Poitiers) the archbishops
were French, and the cathedral chapter remained predominantly Frankish until the
early thirteenth century (see Hernández 1996). Some members of the local
community participated in the translations. We are told of a Mozarab called
"Galippus," who helped Gerard translate Ptolemy's Almagest, and of a Jew "Abuteus"
who helped Michael Scot translate a text on cosmology. Nevertheless, the direction
of the translation enterprise remained preeminently in the hands of foreigners, and
was an export commodity, rather than one for the local community, who, for the
most part, could not read Latin. Gerard of Cremona himself probably kept in contact
with Italian centers; one report states that his books were returned to Cremona after
his death, and to three manuscripts of a translation of a work on the calendar,
probably made by him, is added a horoscope cast in Cremona on 23 March 1191.10
The earliest collection of his translations is an Italian manuscript written in the late
9
This is also the interpretation in Ricklin 1995, 81.
10
MSS Cambrai 168/163, fol. 103v,Vatican, Reg. Lat. 1285 andVienna, Östereichische Nationalbibliothek,
5463 (the work is the Liber erarum, a short text based on Hebrew chronology): see Burnett and Yamamoto
2000, II, xxiii.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 253
twelfth century.11
Scholars came from several countries toToledo to seek out texts and
copy manuscripts. A "Thaddeus" came from Hungary and copied a manuscript of
Gerard of Cremona's translation of the Almagest in 1175;12
a Frenchman (possibly
Roger de Fournival, the court astrologer of King Philippe Auguste) copied the same
text, using local ­ i.e.Toledan ­ parchment.13
Typical, perhaps, is the itinerary of the Englishman, Daniel of Morley, who relates
that, disappointed in the kind of studies that were being pursued in Paris, and hearing
"that the doctrine of theArabs, which was devoted almost entirely to the quadrivium,
was all the fashion inToledo in those days," went there and both disputed with Gerard
of Cremona about the validity of astrology, and learned "the doctrine of the Arabs"
from Gerarďs assitant, Galippus, "in lingua Tholetana" (i.e., in the local Romance
dialect). He probably did not stay there long, however, but rather, on his own
testimony, brought books back with him to England.14
The predominance of this
"export market" for the translations explains, and is explained by, the fact that no
university developed in Toledo itself. There was not sufficient local interest or
clientele for a large number of students and teachers to form themselves into a
corporate university body, as was happening in Paris, Bologna, and Oxford. Most of
those who were interested in Arabic learning had their roots elsewhere and wished to
benefit the countries or centers from which they originated. The program for
translation was, to a large extent, determined by what was required in the newly
burgeoning European universities, which were outside Spain.
What was this program?We get some idea of it from the report of Gerarďs students
(socii) who, after his death in 1187, drew up a list of his works, accompanied by a brief
account of his life, summarised in a poem, and attached this to his last translation, the
Tegni of Galen with the commentary of Ali ibn Ri
˙
dwan. The text may be translated
as follows:
Just as a lit candle should not be put in a secret place or under a bushel, but must be raised
up on a candlestick,15
so the glowing deeds of good men should not be left unspoken of,
as if buried under silence and neglect, but should be presented to the ears of the people
of today (moderni), since they open the door of virtue to those coming afterwards, and
the examples of the ancients, worthily commemorated, as it were instil an ideal image of
life into the eyes of those now living. Lest, then, master Gerard of Cremona lie hidden
11
Paris, BNF, lat. 9335; see ďAlverny 1982, 458­59, reprinted in idem 1994, article II. For the dating of the
manuscript see Lorch 1995, article II, 71.
12
MS Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, 89, sup. 45; see Kunitsch 1986­91, I, 16.
13
I owe the last detail to Patricia Stirnemann; the manuscript is Paris, BNF, lat. 14738.
14
Daniel of Morley, Philosophia, ed. G. Maurach, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 14, 1979, 204­05 (at p. 212); the
relevant passages are reproduced and discussed in Burnett 1995b.
15
Luke 11, 33: "Nemo lucernam accendit et in abscondito ponit neque sub modio sed supra candelabrum."
The following translation owes much to McVaugh (in Grant 1974, 35) and translates the text edited on pp.
275­6 below.
254 Charles Burnett
under the darkness of silence, lest he lose the favour of the renown that he has merited,
lest through presumptuous theft an alien heading be affixed to the books translated by
him ­ especially since he himself inscribed none of them with his name ­ all the works
translated by him, as much those on dialectic as those on geometry, as much those on
astronomy as those on philosophy, as much also those on medicine as those on other
sciences, have been listed very carefully by his students (socii) at the end of this Tegni,
translated by him last (or most recently) ­ imitating Galen in commemorating his own
books at the end of the same work ­ so that if anyone who is an admirer of their aims
is looking for one of his works, through this list he might find it more quickly and
become more confident about it. For although Gerard spurned the glory of fame,
although he fled fawning praises and the empty pomp of this world, although he refused
to allow his name to be spread around by clutching at clouds and vanities, nevertheless
the aroma of the fruit of his works, diffused through the centuries, announces and
declares his goodness.
Although he flourished also with temporal goods, his mind was not elated or
depressed by the abundance or absence of those goods, but in a manly way faced good
and bad turns of fortune alike, and always remained in the same state of constancy. An
enemy to the desires of the flesh, he adhered to spiritual values only; he laboured to
benefit all present and future generations, not unmindful of those words of Ptolemy:"Do
even better when you approach the end of life."16
Although from his very cradle he had been educated in the lap of philosophy and had
arrived at the knowledge of each part of it according to the study of the Latins (Latinorum
studium), nevertheless, because of his love for the Almagest, which he did not find at all
amongst the Latins, he made his way toToledo, where, seeing an abundance of books in
Arabic on every subject (facultas) and, pitying the poverty he had experienced among the
Latins concerning these subjects, out of his desire to translate, he thoroughly learnt the
Arabic language, and in this way, trustworthy in each ­ i.e., the subject-matter (scientia)
and the language (as A
˙
hmad in his letter On Ratio and Proportion says, "It is necessary that
the interpreter, in addition to the excellence which he has acquired from the knowledge
of the languages from which and into which he translates, should also have knowledge
of the subject (ars) which he translates"),17
in the manner of a prudent man who, walking
through green meadows, weaves a crown from flowers ­ not from all of them, but from
the more beautiful ­ he read through the writings of the Arabs (scriptura Arabica), from
which he did not cease until the end of his life to transmit to Latinity, as if to a beloved
heir, in as plain and intelligible way as was possible for him, books of many subjects
16
This is one of the "sayings of Ptolemy" from the section of Abu l-Wafa al-Mubashshir ibn Fatik's Mukhtar
al-
˙
hikam devoted to Ptolemy; one may compare the quaint English translation by Scrope in Bühler 1941, 224:
"The nerer that thou arte dethe e more ou shuldiste travaile to do wele".The whole of the biography and
a selection of the sayings of Ptolemy appears in the preface of Gerarďs translation of the Almagest; see
Kunitzsch 1974, 98­99.
17
The context and the wording of this quotation as it occurs in the copy of A
˙
hmaďs De proportione et
proportionalitate in MS Paris, BN 9335, fol. 95vb is the following: "Possibile enim est ut verba hic translata
`proportionis minutionem' in Greco sint significantia, sed in linguam Arabicam non sunt in suo loco translata.
Locutionum namque ordo in duabus linguis est inequalis. Hec autem est habitudo eius qui non perfecte
transfert. Oportet enim ut interpres preter excellentiam quam adeptus est ex noticia lingue de qua et in quam
transfert, artis quam transfert scientiam habeat." For a discussion of this passage see Burnett 1999.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 255
(facultates) ­ whatever he esteemed as the most choice. He went the way of all flesh in
the seventy-third year of his life, in the year of our lord Jesus Christ 1187.
These are the names of the books that he translated.
The list follows, after which there are eight lines of verse:18
Gerard, fount, light and glory of our clergy,
author of good counsel, hope and consolation of the poor,
was an enemy to fleshly desire, but praised spiritual values.
His brightness was that of the inner man.
The deeds of the man preserve his life as long as scholarship flourishes.
The books which he translated adorn his living fame.
Cremona boasts that she has given birth to this sans pareil.
He lived atToledo.Toledo returned him to the stars.
The socii not only knew the titles of the works translated by Gerard, but also had
a good knowledge of their subject-matter. For, in the Vita, they quote from two of
them: Ptolemy'sAlmagest and A
˙
hmad ibnYusuf's On Ratio and Proportion.19
Moreover,
they add certain details about the texts in the list of works that they append: that
Gerard did not translate the second book of the Pseudo-Aristotelian work De causis
proprietatum et elementorum because he did not find a complete text in Arabic; and that
he only translated the first three books of Aristotle's Meteora because he certainly
would have known (as the socii knew) that the fourth book had already been
translated. They added notes on ar-Razi, az-Zahrawi and Ibn Sina, in the first case
mentioning the book al-
˙
Hawi, which Gerard had not translated.20
They also had some idea about the place in scholarship of Gerarďs translations. For
they have classified the works according to dialectic, geometry, astronomy, philosophy
(i.e. natural philosophy and metaphysics), and medicine, with some miscellaneous
texts at the end.
18
The verses are in rhyming hexameters. Lemay claims that theVita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium were
not written at the same time and by the same people (see Lemay 1978, 173­74); his arguments are not
convincing.
19
These quotations are significant since the first is from a biography of Ptolemy which emphasizes his moral
qualities and which provides a kind of model for thisVita of his successor Gerard; the second is from a work
which points out the necessity of the study of logic for mathematics.
20
In the case of Abu ĺ-Qasim az-Zahrawi they were aware that the Surgery was only one part of his vast work
Kitab at-ta
˙
srif li-man ajiza an at-tasnif, but they gave to this work part of the name of the author himself
("azaugui" < "azaragui" = az-Zahrawi). This is confirmed by the explicit of the translation (cited by Leclerc
1876, 423, from Paris, BNF, lat. 7127): "Hunc librum transtulit Magister Gerardus Cremonensis inToleto de
arabico in latinum, et est tricesima particula libriAzaragui quem composuitAlbucasim."According to Michael
Scot, the Canon too was said to be known by the name of its author, Avicenna: Liber introductorius, MS
Munich, clm 10268 fol. 19r. Al-
˙
Hawi (Continens) was not translated until the second half of the thirteenth
century by Faraj ben Salem in Sicily.
256 Charles Burnett
This classification is not haphazard. The socii have chosen first the subjects of the
seven liberal arts that provided the framework for traditional education in the secular
sciences among the Latins. The fact that these seven arts, which were the parts of
"philosophia," were the (supposed) curriculum of Classical Antiquity (and especially
Greek Antiquity) is significant. The Latins were aware from Boethius and Martianus
Capella and other authors of late antiquity that a complete education (enkyklios
paideia) consisted in the arts of language ­ grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic ­ and the
arts of things ­ arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. In all these arts the Latins
of late antiquity had Greek models, and attempted to build up a body of texts in their
own language that would substitute for those Greek models. The arts of language, or
trivium, were well provided for by the works of Donatus, Priscian, Cicero, Quintilian
­ and Boethius. Boethius (ca. 480­524/5) succeeded in transmitting to the Latins
several translations of, and commentaries on, Aristotle's works on dialectic. But he
also intended to translate or adapt the basic Greek texts on each of the subjects of the
quadrivium into Latin. He got as far as translating Nicomachus' Introduction to
Arithmetic and writing a textbook on music based on the work of the same author and
further texts by Euclid and Ptolemy. It appears that he started to translate Eucliďs
Elements but did not get further than the fifth book, and only translated the proof of
the first theorem. Finally, Cassiodorus attributes to him a translation of a work by
Ptolemy, but, if he did make such a translation, nothing remains of it (see Pingree
1981, 155­61).
These, then, are the Latinorum studia that Gerard was brought up on from his
cradle. According to his socii Gerard was aware of the gaps in the Latinorum studia Latinorum
penuria ("the poverty of the Latins") ­ just as his fellow translator,
Burgundio of Pisa, was.21
There was no need to translate anything on grammar or
rhetoric, theoretical arithmetic or music, because the Latins were well supplied with
textbooks on these subjects. The main gaps were the remaining parts of rhetoric and
dialectic, geometry, and astronomy. The textbooks for these were known both
through their being mentioned by Boethius and Cassiodorus, and, in the case of
Aristotelian rhetoric and dialectic, in al-Farabi (we shall come back to this). One can
see from the beginning of the translating movement in the twelfth century that it was
the aim of the translators to fill in these gaps.
For example, Adelard of Bath, in the early years of the century wrote a book in
which he outlined the subject-matter of the seven liberal arts, emphasizing their
mutual dependence and how they are embraced under the term "philosophia": this is
the subject of his De eodem et diverso (Willner 1903; Burnett et al. 1998). He himself
translated Eucliďs Elements and some texts on astrology and astronomy. A manuscript
21
The phrase "penuria apud Latinos" is used in Burgundio of Pisa's prologue to his translation (from Greek)
of the commentary of St John Chrysostom on the Gospel of St John; see Classen 1974, 84. For the Latins'
inadequacy in geometry in particular see the statement of Stephen the Philosopher in the prologue to the
fourth book of his Liber Mamonis: "et ap < p > robata argumentis quorum latinitas inscia in divulgato diu
multumque volutatur errore"; see Burnett 2000, 58.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 257
written by English and Norman hands in ca. 1140 (now Oxford,Trinity College, 47)
adds Adelarďs translation of Eucliďs Elements to Boethius' translations of Aristotle's
rhetorical and logical texts, and Boethius' texts on arithmetic and music, to make an
"up-to-date" textbook of the liberal arts.
The most thoroughgoing example of this process before Gerard of Cremona,
however, is the Heptateuchon of Thierry of Chartres, the two-volume library of texts
on the liberal arts, with an introduction concerning the importance of marrying
science with philology (drawing on Martianus Capella), which was probably put
together in Chartres in the early 1140s, and which provides a nice counterpoise to the
sculptures of the seven arts on the Portail Royal of Chartres Cathedral, dating from
the same period.22
Inserted into the relevant sections of the Heptateuchon are a
redaction of Adelarďs translation of Eucliďs Elements, and Adelarďs translation of the
astronomical tables of al-Khwarizmi. Moreover, probably after the completion of the
Heptateuchon, another translator, Hermann of Carinthia, who addressesThierry as his
master, recommends to him further works on geometry and astronomy that he and
his collaborator Robert of Ketton had been translating from Arabic.23
This is the context, too, in which the new translations from Greek, made by James
ofVenice, must be viewed (Minio-Paluello 1972, 189­228). He was probably slightly
older than Gerard. The first notice we have concerning him is his presence as an
interpreter for discussions between the Eastern and Western churches in Constantinople
in 1136. His translating activity is mentioned in the entry in the
Chronicle of Robert of Torigni added between 1157 and 1169 which reads that
"James, the clerk ofVenice, translated from Greek into Latin and commented upon
some books of Aristotle: i.e., theTopics, and the Prior and Posterior Analytics." In other
words, he was completing the arts of rhetoric and dialectic with new translations and
commentaries.24
It is against this background that one must look at the first three categories of
Gerarďs translations, as listed by his socii. These are three of the seven liberal arts, in
their canonical order: logic (dialectic), geometry, and astronomy. Gerard obviously
did not see the need to translate anything from Arabic on grammar or rhetoric, and
the three texts listed on logic all relate to the Posterior Analytics (including a translation
of the work itself), this being a text especially relevant to the demonstrative argument
used in the sciences. Gerard probably did not know James' translation, which is first
mentioned by Robert of Torigni (as we have seen), and by John of Salisbury writing
in 1159; the priority of the two versions is debatable. The socii's geometry list begins
with the standard textbook on the subject ­ Eucliďs Elements. The only version that
Gerard is likely to have known is the redaction attributed to Adelard of Bath, which
is also represented in the Heptateuchon: this redaction was copied either entirely
without proofs, or with brief "directions for proof" replacing the proofs and their
22
See Jeauneau 1995, and, for the quadrivial texts in the Heptateuchon, Burnett 1984.
23
Hermann's preface to his translation of Ptolemy's Planisphere is in Heiberg 1907, clxxxiii-clxxxvi.
24
For his translation of works on natural science see below, pp. 259­60.
258 Charles Burnett
accompanying labeled figures. Gerarďs own translation25
reproduced the proofs in
full. For the rest, Gerard expanded not only the number of texts on geometry, but
also the range of geometry itself by including algebra; moreover, he added
mathematical arts previously unknown to the Latins: perspective and statics.26
The
texts chosen by Gerard are those of Greek authors ­ Euclid,Theodosius, Archimedes,
"Mileus" ( = Menelaus), "Tideus" ( = Diocles) ­ commentaries on the Elements by
Arabic authors, and some original Arabic texts on the same topics, and on topics that
were unknown to the Greeks, such as algebra.
The last of the seven liberal arts is astronomy, and this forms the next section in the
socii's list. One might expect the Almagest of Ptolemy to come first ­ after all it was
for this that Gerard came to Toledo, according to theVita ­ but it is preceded by one
work: the Rudiments of al-Farghani.27
In fact this is an easy introduction to the
subjects covered in the Almagest, and either could have been tackled before the great
work by Gerard himself, or might have been intended by him to be read first by his
students. The work of al-Farghani proved very popular, and we know that Michael
Scot used al-Farghani, but never graduated as far as the Almagest. The other texts
under the heading of astronomy comprise, once again, works by Greek and Arabic
authors, including the Spanish Muslims, Ibn Mu adh of Jaén (d. 1093) and Jabir ibn
Afla
˙
h of Seville (fl. ca. 1150). Astrology is conspicuous by its absence, a point we shall
come back to later.
With the next category ­ philosophy ­ we leave the seven liberal arts behind and
come to a completely different area of study, Aristotelian natural philosophy and
metaphysics. The very fact that the word "philosophia" has been transferred from the
seven liberal arts to natural science and metaphysics is significant. Unlike in the case
of the subjects of the seven liberal arts there was no pre-existing Latin educational
program into which these subjects could fit. Nor would Gerard even have found a list
of the textbooks for these subjects in Latin sources.Yet it is clear from the works that
he translated, and, in particular, from the order in which they are listed, that Gerard
knew the canonical order of Aristotle's works on natural science.This canonical order
had been established in Alexandria in the late Classical period, and was transmitted,
with the works themselves, both to the Islamic world, and to Byzantium. It is from
the latter source that James of Venice and Burgundio of Pisa (d. 1193), both of whom
were together in Constantinople in the famous 1136 meeting of the Eastern and
Western Churches, must have derived their knowledge of some of Aristotle's texts on
natural philosophy and metaphysics. For, between them, they translated the Physics,
De generatione et corruptione, the De anima, part of the Parva naturalia, and the
25
Or revision, see pp. 267­8 below.
26
Perspective immediately follows geometry in al-Farabi's On the Classification of the Sciences (see below,
p. 260), while statics follows astronomy (the same order is found in Gundissalinus' De divisione philosophiae).
27
The same text had been translated by John of Seville and Limia in Limia in 1135. Gerard appears to have
known John's translation, the phrasing of which he sometimes follows; for examples of his revision of John's
translations see below, pp. 268­9.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 259
Metaphysics.28
Whether they had the intention of creating a complete Latin corpus of
Aristotle's natural science and metaphysics, however, is less clear. Burgundio, at least
(who translated the De generatione et corruptione), was partly motivated by consideration
of the relevance of natural science to medicine, a motivation which may also have
induced their contemporary in Sicily, Henricus Aristippus, to translate the fourth
book of the Meteora, which, like the De generatione et corruptione, is about the mixing
of the elements.
Gerarďs program seems more clear-cut than that of his contemporary Greek-Latin
translators. And it is so, in large measure, no doubt because of his knowledge of the
Arabic philosophers' divisions of sciences along Aristotelian principles.29
This is
manifest in several texts, including ones by Qus
˙
ta ibn Luqa,30
al-Kindi,31
and
Avicenna.32
But a source immediately at hand is a work listed at the end (bar one) of
the texts of philosophy translated by Gerard: On the Classification of the Sciences of al-
Farabi.33
Al-Farabi's work not only provided a template for the subjects to be covered
in a course of "philosophy" in the Aristotelian sense, but also supplied a checklist of
textbooks to be used for that course. For, if one turns to the section on natural
science, one finds that al-Farabi divides it into eight parts or "enquiries" ( fu
˙
hu
˙
s), and
for each enquiry he specifies which text or section of a text by Aristotle (or in the
Aristotelian tradition) covers that enquiry.34
Thus al-Farabi's first three enquiries are covered by Aristotle's Physics, De caelo and
De generatione et corruptione respectively. These are listed in this order by Gerarďs socii,
with a pseudo-Aristotelian text, De causis proprietatum et elementorum quatuor, inserted
quite naturally between the De caelo and the De generatione et corruptione; for it covers
both consideration of different parts of the earth (in fact, it is the most"geographical"
of the Aristotelian corpus) and the elements themselves.The next enquiry, according
to al-Farabi, "is concerning the principles of actions and passions and those things
which are proper to the elements alone, without considering what is composed from
the elements" and is covered by the first three books of the Meteora of Aristotle. This
is the next work on the socii's list. The socii add that "Gerard did not translate the
fourth book, because he surely found that it had already been translated."The fourth
book of the Meteora had, indeed, been translated by Henricus Aristippus in Sicily, and
28
See Vuillemin-Diem and Rashed 1997. That Burgundio and James coordinated their activity is still to be
determined.
29
For the Arabic situation see Jolivet 1996.
30
See Daiber 1990.
31
See Guido andWalzer 1940.
32
Michot 1980; French translation by Rabi'a Mimoune in Jolivet and Rashed eds. 1984, 143­51; Latin
translation by Andrea Alpago inAvicenn philosophi prclarissimi ac medicorum principis, Compendium de anima, De
mahad..., Aphorismi de anima, De diffinitionibus et qusitis, De divisione scientiarum, Venice, 1546, fols 139v­
145v.
33
Al-Farabi had also been important in Islamic Saragossa, since his commentaries on Aristotle formed the
basis of those of Ibn Bajja (Avempace, d. 1139).
34
See Appendix II.
260 Charles Burnett
that translation must have been known in Toledo at least by the time of the socii. But
one could propose another reason for Gerarďs non-translation of the book: simply
that he did not get that far in al-Farabi's list. For the fourth book of the Meteora is,
in fact, described by al-Farabi as the textbook for the fifth enquiry of natural science.
It is at this point that Gerard stopped, whether being prevented by his death in 1187,
or for some other reason. He had, however, made sure that, for the first four parts of
the program in natural science, he had provided some Greek and Arabic discussions
of Aristotle's works: Alexander of Aphrodisias' small treatises on time and "that
augment and increase occur in form not in matter," al-Farabi's commentary on
Aristotle's Physics, and al-Kindi's On the five essences.That Gerard was not uninterested
in the remaining parts of natural science is shown by the fact that he also translated
some texts relevant to the parva naturalia (belonging to al-Farabi's "eighth enquiry"):
Alexander's On the Senses, and al-Kindi's On Sleep andVision. But one indication that
Gerard was following a program (and specifically al-Farabi's program) of translating
Aristotle's works on natural science, is that the same program was continued by a
successor of Gerarďs atToledo ­ in fact, most likely by one of the very socii who wrote
theVita.
This was the Englishman, Alfred of Shareshill. He translated textbooks for alFarabi's
next two enquiries of natural science: the sixth, on minerals, and the seventh,
on plants. Finding no work on minerals by Aristotle himself, he translated the
chapters on minerals in the Shifa of Avicenna (to which we shall return). He was
probably responsible for adding Aristippus' translation of the fourth book of the
Meteora to Gerarďs translation of the first three, and tacking the chapters on minerals
onto the end of the text. For this composite Meteora is described in its colophon as:
The book of Meteora of which the supreme philosopher, master Gerard the Lombard,
translated the first three books from Arabic into Latin, but Henricus Aristippus translated
the fourth from Greek into Latin. The last three chapters were translated by Alfred the
Englishman of Shareshill from Arabic into Latin. (MS Oxford, Selden supra 24, fol.
109r.)
For the botany, Alfred translated a work De plantis, which was in reality composed
by Nicholas of Damascus but included much of Aristotle's lost work on plants. Alfred
wrote glosses to the whole of the composite text of the Meteora as well as to the De
plantis. The strongest indication that Alfred had al-Farabi's list in his mind when
choosing to translate works on minerals and plants is in his first gloss to the Meteora,
which reads:
The title of the book is etc. . . . It must be noted that al-Farabi in his book On the sciences,
the chapter on the natural sciences, says: "The fourth enquiry is concerning the
principles of actions and passions and those things which are only the first elements,
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 261
without considering what is composed from the elements, and it is in the first three
books of the book Meteora."35
Al-Farabi's eighth, and last, enquiry is "concerning what is common to the species of
animals and what is proper to each of the species" and is the subject of the "book of
animals" and the book of the soul and the books which are after them until the end
of the libri naturales.36
It is curious that no Toledan translation of Aristotle's De anima
appears to have been made; and even James of Venice's Greek-Latin translation of the
work is first cited only after the turn of the thirteenth century. This may be because
the section of Avicenna's Shifa devoted to the soul was translated in Toledo by
Avendauth and Dominicus Gundissalinus, as we have seen, and became popular
immediately. As for the "book of animals," al-Farabi had in mind the 15-book Arabic
De animalibus which combined three books on the subject by Aristotle. Although
Alfred of Shareshill refers to this work in his original writings, he does not appear to
have embarked on the formidable task of translating it. It fell to another Britisher at
Toledo to complete this task: i.e., Michael Scot, who was a canon ofToledo cathedral
by 1215, and completed his translation of the De animalibus there before 1220.
But, to return to Gerard. Preceding the four works on natural science in the socii's
list is a single work on metaphysics: Liber Aristotilis de expositione bonitatis pure, a work
better known in the Latin tradition as De causis by "Aristotle" (see Ricklin 1995,
69­121). Aristotelian metaphysics and natural science naturally accompanied each
other. In the condemnations of the new science in Paris, in 1215, it is the works of
Aristotle on natural science and metaphysics and the commentaries on them that are
mentioned. It is quite logical that metaphysics, dealing with first principles, should
precede natural science, and this is the order that Avicenna adopted in his Daneshnameh,
which was consequently followed by Algazel in his Maqa
˙
sid al-falasifa, "the
intentions of the philosophers," translated by Gundissalinus and Johannes Hispanus in
Toledo at the same time as Gerard was working there. However, Avicenna in his
Shifa , and al-Farabi "rise up," as it were, to metaphysics, as "scientia divina," after
natural science. In the Catalogue of the Sciences, Gerard would have found that the
whole topic was dealt with in Aristotle's book de metaphysicis.37
It appears that this work was not available in Arabic in Toledo. Instead, Gerard
turned to the De causis.This text is, in reality, a Neoplatonic compilation based largely
35
Alfred of Saresheľs Commentary on the Metheora ofAristotle, ed. J. K. Otte, Leiden, 1988, p. 37:"Titulus talis:
Liber Aristotelis philosophi sapientis in factura impressionum superiorum que sunt in alto et inferius, tractatus primus.
Notandum Alfarabius in libro De scienciis capitulo de naturalibus, ait: `Quarta inquisitio est de principiis
actionum et passionum et que prima sunt elementa solum sine compositis ab eis, et est in primis < tribus >
tractatibus Libri impressionum superiorum"'.
36
The phrase "and the books which are after them until the end of the libri naturales," referring to the parva
naturalia, does not occur in the Arabic as edited by González Palencia 1932, and could be the Latin translator's
addition.
37
González Palencia 1932, 163: "in libro suo de metaphysicis."
262 Charles Burnett
on the Elements of Theology of Proclus. It is not mentioned at all by al-Farabi, and of
the mere five Arabic writers known to have used the work (or a derivative text), three
are from al-Andalus, one being Moses Ben Jacob ibn Ezra of Granada, who died not
long after 1135, another being Solomon ibn Gabirol, the Jewish philosopher and poet
who was born in Malaga in 1021, lived in Saragossa, and died in Valencia in 1058,
whose Fons vitae was translated by Gundissalinus and Iohannes Hispanus (Kraye et al.
1987, 41; and Schlanger 1968, 73­76).
It must be remembered that Aristotle was always regarded as being "obscure" and
needed elucidation. Gerard of Cremona, as we have seen, translated some texts that
were regarded as helpful for understanding Aristotle's works ­ by Alexander of
Aphrodisias, al-Kindi and al-Farabi. Alfred of Shareshill composed commentaries on
the Meteora and De plantis, perhaps using glosses (e.g., by Alexander) that were already
in the Arabic manuscripts. The culmination of this process, however, is found in the
later work of Michael Scot, who, after translating the De animalibus and moving to
Italy, made use of the recent work of Averroes to provide commentaries for the other
texts on natural science: the Physics, the De Caelo, the De anima, and the
Metaphysics.38
It was this combination of texts of Aristotle, translated from Greek or Arabic, and
the commentaries of Averroes and (in the case of the Meteora and De plantis) Alfred
of Shareshill, which became the textbooks in natural philosophy and first philosophy
(i.e. metaphysics) in the universities from the second quarter of the thirteenth century
onwards.
The Shifa of Avicenna has already been mentioned quite frequently in passing.
This large work, as is well known, is Avicenna's encyclopedia of philosophy in the
Aristotelian tradition. It is divided into four units, each called a jumla, or"collection":
on logic, on natural science, on mathematics, and on metaphysics. Avicenna, like alFarabi,
divides natural science into eight parts, though not quite in the same order:
the De anima comes sixth, before plants and animals; separate parts are given to the
soul and to animals; and combinations of the elements and minerals are put together
in one part. He devotes to each of these parts a single book of the "natural science"
collection (jumla) of the Shifa . The Shifa is not a commentary on Aristotle's works,
but provides Avicenna's own philosophy on the same topics as those covered by
Aristotle, with the addition of the mathematical sciences, which Aristotle did not
write about.The translation of the Shifa inToledo (and, later, elsewhere) can be seen
as running parallel to that of Aristotle and his commentators.The books of the Shifa
on the same topics as Aristotle's books were sometimes translated in addition to those
of Aristotle, sometimes in substitution for Aristotle's. Gerard of Cremona, however,
apparently played no part in translating the Shifa . Instead, this was superintended by
his colleague, Dominicus Gundissalinus.
38
Of these commentaries, only the De caelo is clearly attributed to Michael; the attribution of the De anima
occurs in one manuscript only, the others are unattributed. Nevertheless, on the grounds of style and date it
is likely that Michael was responsible for them all.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 263
In contrast to the "Master" Gerard, Gundissalinus did not teach, but was actively
engaged in ecclesiastical administration. He was an archdeacon of Segovia cathedral
who was resident inToledo, the metropolitan diocese, and is mentioned in numerous
documents from the cathedral until 1181. His interest in the Aristotelian division of
sciences is manifest in the fact that he too made a version of al-Farabi's On the
Classification of the Sciences, and used this as a framework for his own De divisione
philosophiae. In this, and in the several original works that he wrote, he shows that he
has been well educated in the Latinorum studia, and, in particular, in the works of
scholars associated with Chartres, including Thierry of Chartres and the translator
Hermann of Carinthia.39
But he did not show any interest, either in his original
works or in the works he chose to translate, in the texts of Aristotle on natural science
and metaphysics. Instead, he translated the philosophical texts that were being read by
Islamic, and especially, Jewish, scholars educated in Islamic Spain ­ and one such
Jewish scholar, as we have already seen,40
may have introduced him to these texts:
Abraham ibn Daud.41
Between them Gundissalinus and Avendauth translated the jumla of the Shifa the
metaphysics ("first philosophy"), a part of the logic, and the individual book on the
soul. The beginning of the physics ­ the first book of the jumla on natural science was
also translated at this time, probably under the supervision of Gundissalinus,
though no name is attached to the translation.42
That Gundissalinus apparently had
the whole Shifa at hand is evident from the fact that in his De divisione philosophiae
he cites another passage from Avicenna's logic ("on the subalternation of the
sciences"), which does not appear in Latin elsewhere. A hundred years later, another
translator, Juan Gonsalvo of Burgos, continued the translation of the physics section
from the very point where the twelfth-century translator had broken off (in fact, in
mid-sentence), and translated several further books of the jumla on natural science. It
is presumably from Avendauth's Arabic manuscript that Alfred of Shareshill made his
translation of the chapters on mineralogy (and possibly of a chapter on flooding).
Michael Scot translated the section on animals (the last book of the natural science
jumla) which he dedicated to Frederick II Hohenstaufen, his patron in Sicily. But the
39
For correspondences in Gundissalinus' works with texts connected with Chartres and Paris, see Burnett
1990. That Gundissalinus owed his system of accessus to each of the sciences in his De divisione philosophiae to
Thierry is argued by Fredborg 1988, 16­20; he is the only author known to have used the cosmological
material from the De essentiis of Hermann of Carinthia, a pupil ofThierry of Chartres.
40
See pp. 251­2 above.
41
The identity of `Avendeuch/Avendauth Israhelita' with Abraham ibn Daud was first suggested in ďAlverny
1954. It would seem to be confirmed by the pervading influence of Avicenna in Ibn Dauďs writings: see
Cohen 1967, xxiv: "Above all, although he [Ibn Daud] never acknowledges the fact, he seems to have
absorbed thoroughly the writings of Ibn Sina and to have appropriated the Aristotelian thought which the
great Arab philosopher had expounded in his commentaries." The willingness of Avendauth to collaborate
with a Christian scholar also fits the character of Ibn Daud who, unusually for a Jewish scholar, wrote about
the history of Rome and the beginnings of Christianity (ibid., xxvii-xxviii).
42
For details of the translations of the Shifa , see ďAlverny 1993, article IV. All these texts, with the exception
of the Logic, have been edited by van Riet 1968­92.
264 Charles Burnett
work was not necessarily translated there, since it was copied alongside Michaeľs
translation of Aristotle's De animalibus, made, as we have seen, inToledo.
The Arabic texts in which Gundissalinus' collaborator is "Iohannes Hispanus" are
also distinctive of the Hebrew academic community: one is the Maqa
˙
sid al-falasifa of
Algazel (al-Ghazzali), which was much used by Abraham ibn Daud; the other is the
FonsVitae or "fount of life" written in Arabic by the Jewish philosopher Ibn Gabirol.
It does not seem unfeasible that these two works should have been brought to the
attention of Gundissalinus and the Archbishop of Toledo by Abraham ibn Daud
alongside the Shifa of Avicenna. Another work that Abraham could have brought is
the Liber de causis, which, as we have seen, was known to Ibn Gabirol; for it was called
in its earliest manuscript (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Selden supra 24), the
"Metaphysica Avendauth", and its author is named by Albertus Magnus as "David
Iudaeus."43
Thus, in the field of Aristotelian philosophy in Toledo, we see a remarkably rich
mixture in the mid- to late-twelfth century: on the one hand, the original texts of
Aristotle and accompanying works by Alexander of Aphrodisias, al-Kindi and alFarabi;
on the other hand, works of Avicenna and Algazel which did, in fact, more
accurately represent the reading-matter of the Jewish and Arabic scholars of the time.
The outbreak of an interest in the works of Aristotle himself among a group of Arabic
scholars in Córdoba in the late twelfth century is an isolated phenomenon that had
momentous repercussions in the West, through the translations of Averroes'
commentaries and al-Bi
˙
truji's Aristotelian astronomy (see Sabra 1984), but which
failed to affect, to any noticeable degree, the general predominance of Avicenna
amongArabic philosophers, and ofAlgazel among the theologians.Averroes (d. 1198)
was working in Córdoba at the same time as Gerard was working inToledo and both
scholars were interested in the same subjects. But whether this Córdoban
"Aristotelian revolt" in the court of the Almohads (which, it must be remembered,
was entirely Islamic, since the Jews had been expelled) had repercussions in theToledo
of Gerard of Cremona's time is difficult to tell. It must be noted, however, that Gerard
had access to Arabic texts in the Aristotelian tradition which had ceased to be read
elsewhere in the Islamic world, including treatises of al-Kindi which have been
preserved in Arabic only thanks to a chance interest on the part of the Theosophists
of Isfahan in the seventeenth century (see Endress 1994, 175). And even they did not
rescue al-Kindi's text On the five essences which Gerard translated.44
Nevertheless, Aristotelian philosophy was not Gerarďs main interest, nor did his
translations in this field have such a large influence as those in other fields. For his
43
"Ibn Daud" means "son of David." The De causis is the first of Gerarďs philosophical translations to be
known outside Spain, and travels with Gundissalinus' translations; see Burnett 1997, 69. Some scholars, such
as Adriaan Pattin, suggest that Gundissalinus played some part in its translation: see discussion in Taylor (in
Kraye et al. 1987).
44
The Arabic text of De quinque essentiis, which appears among the Rasa il al-Kindi edited by Abu Ri
˙
da
(Cairo, 1953, II, 8­34), is a modern translation of the Latin text.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 265
Arabic-Latin translations of Aristotle's works were eventually replaced by translations
directly from Greek ­ first, by those of James ofVenice and Burgundio of Pisa, and
then, towards the end of the thirteenth century, by those of William of Moerbeke and
his translations of Arabic commentaries and other accompanying works were
eclipsed by the great commentaries of Averroes.
In the field of mathematics (which we have already surveyed) Gerarďs translations
had a much more lasting effect on Western scholarship. But surpassing even this
achievement, in terms of quantity and effect, were Gerarďs translations of medical
texts, which are the next category in the list of the socii. This field has been covered
very expertly by Danielle Jacquart, to whom I am much indebted.45
As in philosophy,
so in medicine, she sees that the "Toledan enterprise of translation" evidenced not a
haphazard affair, but a project in the true sense of the word (Jacquart 1992, 60 and
in Cardaillac 1991, 177­91).This is clear from the list of texts of the socii. First come
nine texts of Galen. Although Galen was known to the Latins as the greatest of the
Greek doctors, very few of his writings had been translated into Latin before Gerarďs
time. Galen was regarded as being as much a philosopher as a doctor, and as being too
complicated for the requirements of the ordinary physician. Constantine the African,
Gerarďs principal predecessor as a translator of medical texts from Arabic into Latin,
knew of the list of 16 works which had been selected from amongst Galen's vast
output for the teaching of medicine in Alexandria, but he translated only one of these
(the Megategni or Methodus medendi). Gerard, on the other hand, translated at least five
more texts on this list. The choice of the remaining texts seems to have been made
in accordance with his interests (and that of his contemporaries) in element-theory,
the temperaments and therapeutic method (Jacquart 1992, 58). The next two items
on the socii's list also treat these philosophical aspects of medicine: Isaac Israeli's On the
Elements and On the Description of Things and their Definitions. The other texts in this
section are, for the most part, substantial texts on medicine by the Arab successors to
Galen, ar-Razi (represented by three texts), two natives of al-Andalus ­ az-Zahrawi
and Ibn al-Wafid ­ and, above all, Avicenna, whose Canon medicinae, in Gerarďs
translation, became the principal comprehensive text for medical training in Europe,
and remained on the curriculum into the eighteenth century. Appropriately, this
work comes at the end of the section, followed only by the Tegni (or Ars parva) of
Galen, to the end of which the list itself has been appended.
Considering its importance, one should pay more attention to the medical section
of the socii's list, but I have neither the time nor the competence to do this. Moreover,
the list does not end here, and we must briefly consider the last items.
These are two groups of three works, the first on alchemy,46
the second on
divination. The relationship of alchemy both to natural science and to medicine is
obvious. Alchemy is listed amongst the divisions of natural science by Gundissalinus,
who took his list from an anonymous translation of an anonymous Arabic text called
45
Jacquarťs articles are conveniently collected in Jacquart 1997.
46
On the identification of the works on alchemy translated by Gerard, see Halleux 1996, 891­92.
266 Charles Burnett
"On the rise of the sciences" (De ortu scientiarum).47
Avicenna included an attack on
alchemy in his Shifa , but elsewhere seems to approve of it (see Anawati 1996,
875­79).
The last group of works concerns divination: first, divination by means of figures
drawn randomly on the sand or on paper (i.e., geomancy),48
then divination according
to a system of questions which are related to answers derived by a process of random
calculation,49
and, finally, a divinatory technique based on the Moon's position in the
zodiac each month.50
The very last item is the most local of the texts, for it is a calendar put together
from an Arabic calendar arranged according to the risings and settings of the anwa (or
"lunar mansions") and a Christian liturgical calendar, for the Arabic-speaking
Christians of Córdoba.51
The socii were justly proud of the achievements of their master. Modern
scholarship has attributed even more translations to Gerard (see especially Lemay
1978, 175, nn. 58a-d, 183 and 187f.), but what has also become clear is that Gerard
was not always translating de novo. This has been demonstrated in the case of the
translation of ar-Razi's LiberAlmansoris, of which two versions exist. Danielle Jacquart
has suggested that the first version was made by an as yet unidentified translator,
whereas the second shows the application of a more rigorous word-for-word
equivalence and, in particular, of Gerarďs terminology.52
Other works may exhibit
47
Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae, ed. L. Baur, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des
Mittelalters, 4.2­3, Münster, 1903, p. 20: "scientia naturalis universalis est quia octo sciencie sub ea
continentur: scilicet sciencia de medicina, sciencia de iudiciis (corrected from Baur's `indiciis'), sciencia de
nigromantia secundum physicam, sciencia de ymaginibus, sciencia de agricultura, sciencia de navigacione,
sciencia de speculis, sciencia de alquimia, que est sciencia de conversione rerum in alias species, et hec octo
sunt species naturalis sciencie"; from De ortu scientiarum, ed. C. Baeumker 1918, 20.
48
For the texts on geomancy attributed to Gerard see Charmasson 1980, 111­19, 129­39.The text with the
incipit "Estimaverunt Indi," mentioned in one manuscript of the Commemoratio librorum, is also attributed to
Hugo of Santalla, whereas a text with the incipit"Si quis per artem geomanticam," which is more consistently
attributed to Gerard, already seems to have been known in Hereford in c. 1195­97; see Burnett 1995c.
49
A summary of the history of this text is given (alongside that of Gerarďs other astronomical translations) in
Kunitzsch 1992, 79­80.
50
The title "Alfeal (i.e. Arabic al-fa l, "omen, fortune") secundum motum lune" is found in Paris, BNF, lat.
9335, fol. 140r (see p. 281 below), at the beginning of a table of "accidentia," or "happenings" when the
Moon is in each of the signs of the zodiac. A preliminary table indicates which sign of the zodiac the Moon
is in on each day of each Latin month. The two tables are introduced with the instruction: "Capitulum
cognitionis mansionis Lune: Scias quid preteriit de mense arabico (in margin: id est lunari, id est quota erit
Luna) et accipe illud in linea que est super tabulam, et extrahe ipsum ad signa que sunt in linea que opponitur
mensi Latino in quo tu es, et scies tunc ubi mansio est Lune ex signis per illud, si deus voluerit."
51
For the description of this text as a "sacerdocii mar(tyro)logium" compare the use of the word "martyrologium"
for a computus written in Spain in 1055 A.D. in MS Tortosa Cathedral, no. 10: "Incipit martyrologium de
circulo anni"; see Martínez Gazquez and Gómez Pallars 1994, 414.
52
Jacquart 1997, articleVIII "Note sur la traduction latine du Kitab al-mansuri de Rhazs."
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 267
the same phenomena.53
Such a process of revision is particularly obvious in the case
of a subject-matter not mentioned at all by the socii: i.e., astrology.
The absence of astrology from the list of the socii is especially striking, considering
that the only eye-witness evidence we have of Gerarďs teaching portrays him
expounding an astrological text. This is by Daniel of Morley, the Englishman who
visitedToledo early in Gerarďs career. He would have us believe that he heard Gerard
of Cremona lecturing on astrology, and held a disputation in which Gerard defended
astrology and Daniel raised objections (see Burnett 1995b). The fact that Daniel
makes Gerarďs authorities Firmicus Maternus and the versions of Abu Ma shar's
introduction to astrology made by Adelard of Bath and Hermann of Carinthia, all
three being works already well known in England, makes one a little suspicious about
his account. Nevertheless, it would be a little surprising for Gerard to deliberately
neglect astrology when it was regarded as being of equal scientific cogency as
medicine, and when most astronomers were also astrologers.
In fact, it seems that a large corpus of Latin astrological texts of Arabic origin was
put together in Toledo. The evidence for this is the common terminology and the
comprehensiveness of the astrological corpus best represented by the manuscript
Paris, BNF, lat. 16204, a manuscript copied for Richard of Fournival, the son of the
astrologer of the French royal court, Roger. This manuscript contains, in order,
astrological texts by Abu Ma shar, works on horoscopes and weather forecasting, texts
by Masha allah, "Jergis," Sahl, Ali al- Imrani (Haly), Thabit b. Qurra and Pseudo-
Ptolemy.54
The largest of these texts ­ the Great Introduction to Astrology and the Great
Conjunctions, both by Abu Ma shar ­ are comparable in their bulk to Eucliďs Elements
and Ptolemy's Almagest. The texts in the Paris manuscript provide between them a
curriculum in astrological science as complete and coherent as do Gerarďs
translations for the science of medicine. While it is not possible at this stage in our
research to assert categorically that all these texts were collected inToledo,55
the bulk
of them exhibit a homogeneity that suggests a single enterprise. That enterprise is
probably due to John of Seville and Limia, whose name as translator is attached to the
first text, Abu Ma shar's Great Introduction.56
However, Richard Lemay has
demonstrated that the Great Introduction was thoroughly revised, with further
53
For example, Galen's On theTemperaments (no. 47 below) and the translation of Eucliďs Elements attributed
to Gerard (no. 45 below) which has been observed to be not in Gerarďs style. His revision of a previous
translation of the Elements is an alternative explanation to that given by the editor: that a subsequent reviser
couched Gerarďs translation in a more elegant Latin style: see Busard ed. 1984; the extent of the knowledge
of the Greek tradition manifest in this version is striking.
54
On the original contents of this manuscript and its connection with Richard of Fournival, see Pingree
1987, esp. 84­87, 100­02.
55
The work of Ali al- Imrani on elections, at least, was "interpreted in Barcelona by Abraham [bar Hiyya]
in 1134."
56
I was over cautious in hesitating to identify "John of Seville and Limia" with "John of Seville" in Burnett
1994, 242, especially considering that two manuscripts of the Great Introduction name the translator as
"Johannes Hyspalensis/Hyspanensis ex Luna" (Paris, Bibliothque de ľUniversité, lat. 640, and Cambridge,
University Library, Kk.1.i).
268 Charles Burnett
consultation of the Arabic original, and his hypothesis that the reviser was Gerard of
Cremona is quite plausible.57
The Great Conjunctions has been subjected to a similar
revision, and comparison of the terminology suggests that the same two scholars were
involved.58
No translator or reviser is named in the manuscripts, but to manuscripts
of the revision (including Paris, BNF, lat. 16204) detailed notes on variant Arabic and
Latin readings, interpretations of obscure passages, and comments on the mathematical
calculations have been added. Among these comments is reference to a word "in
theToledan dialect."59
This suggests that, while the place of activity of John of Seville
and Limia remains unclear,60
the revision of this text, and presumably of other texts
in this astrological corpus, took place in Toledo.
We have seen in Toledo, then, that there was a clear division between the
translating activities of Gerard of Cremona and Dominicus Gundissalinus. The one
favored the authentic works of the Greeks and their Arabic commentators, the other
favored Avicenna's philosophical approach to philosophy and the reading-matter of
contemporary Jewish scholars. Considering that both Gerard and Gundissalinus
worked within the precincts of Toledo cathedral, it is hard to believe that they were
unaware of each other's work, or inimical to it (the key text here is al-Farabi's On the
Classification of the Sciences: in this case they certainly shared each other's findings).61
Another large subject-area, astrology, had been dealt with by another scholar, John of
Seville and Limia (the translations of his that have dates were written between 1133
and 1145), but its texts were being studied and revised by Gerard and his colleagues.
Thus, while the internal coherence and rationale of the translating enterprise of
Gerard is demonstrated in the Commemoratio librorum by his socii, one can see strategies
and a sense of order also at the level of the translating activity in twelfth-century
Toledo as a whole, whether one looks at it chronologically ­ from Gerard, through
Alfred of Shareshill to Michael Scot (and eventually Hermann the German) ­ or
synchronically, with Gerard and Gundissalinus sharing responsibilities between
themselves, and building on the work of John of Seville and Limia. What remains to
be explained is the driving force behind this translation enterprise. I have suggested
above that the intellectual motivation came from the burgeoning universities and
other intellectual centers outsideToledo. But that is an insufficient explanation for the
question of who organised the production and who paid for it. The Vita of Gerard
57
Lemay 1996­97.
58
See Burnett andYamamoto 2000, and Burnett 2001. A feature common to the revision of both texts of Abu
Ma shar is the substitution of "generatio" for "effectus," "impressio" for "vestigium," "continuatio" for
"coniunctio," and "dispositio" for "esse."
59
Paris, BNF, 16204, p. 246: "et in Toleto dicitur maluero." Lemay had already pointed out the importance
of these comments, but did not realize that they accompany only the revised version: Lemay 1962, 14.
60
As pointed out above (pp. 251­2), the only place of translation mentioned in any of John of Seville and
Limia's works is Limia itself.
61
Other texts on which they probably both worked (for there are two versions of them) were al-Kindi's De
intellectu (though this is not mentioned in the Commemoratio librorum) and Isaac Israeli's De definitionibus, both
texts being keys for the understanding of the other works they were interested in.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 269
suggests that he was a rich man, and a later legend claimed that he was paid by the
king of Castile,62
but documentary evidence is lacking. What is beyond doubt is the
scale and importance of the enterprise, which has no match in the history of western
culture.
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Appendix I
A Critical Edition of the Vita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium of Gerard of
Cremona
The Vita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium have been transmitted in the
following manuscripts:
A: Erfurt,Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek der Stadt,Amplon. Fol. 266a, s. xiii2
, fol.
126v
B: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ashmole 357, s. xiv, fol. 57r (list of astronomical
works only)
L : Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, 4° 1119, s. xiii1
, fol. 39r
La: Laon, Bibliothque municipale, 413, s. xiv (Italian), fol. 100v (Commemoratio
librorum only)
M: Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, 4° 1148, s. xiv1
, fols 233v­234v
O: Oxford, All Souls, 68, s. xiii, fol. 111r (Commemoratio librorum only)
P: Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, lat. 14390 (from StVictor), s. xiv, fols
223r-v
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 273
V: Citt delVaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica,Vat. lat. 2392, s.xiii, fols 97v­98r
W: Citt delVaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica,Vat. lat. 2393, s. xv, fol. 100v
In addition, most of the Vita is quoted by Francesco Pipino (d. 1316) in his
Chronicon, ed. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores ab anno aerae Christianae
quingentesimo ad millesimumquingentesimum, Milan, 1723­51, IX, col. 600­01 ( = Pi).
The Vita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium have been edited in whole or part
in the following works:
1) [Anonymous] 1710­40, X, 286­89 (excerpts from MSSVW); cited Boncompagni
1851.
2) Ravaisson 1849, 218­19 (MS La).
3) Boncompagni 1851 (MSSVPi and readings from B, O and W); this includes a
facsimile ofV.
4) Leclerc 1876, II, 402­07 (French translation of Vita and transcription of
Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium, all from MS P; occasional mention of readings
fromVLaO).
5) Wüstenfeld 1877, 56­77 (MSS LM with occasional readings fromVP).
6) Sudhoff 1914 (MSS ALMV; L is used as the base manuscript).
Modern studies and translations are based on these editions (especially 3, 5 and 6),
and include the valuable English translation and commentary of Michael McVaugh
(in Grant 1974, 35­38), and the annotations on the list of translations by George
Sarton (in Sarton 1950, 338­44), and Richard Lemay (in Lemay 1978).1
None of
these editions, however, include readings from all the known manuscripts, and none
is satisfactory from a philological point of view.2
The following is a first attempt at an
edition of theVita, Commemoratio librorum and Eulogium, paying particular attention to
the philological aspects of the text.3
MSS V and P are clearly the best manuscripts;
readings and orthography of V4
have been preferred where both manuscripts give
equally plausible versions. P is the only manuscript to give all the section headings to
the Commemoratio librorum, after each of which he adds "R" (presumably for
"rubrica"). Additional readings taken from other manuscripts or added by the editor
are placed in angle brackets: < > . In parallel columns to the list of Gerarďs works
are placed the titles of the mathematical texts as they are given in the earliest and most
authoritative manuscript: Paris, Bibliothque nationale, lat. 9335 (late twelfth
century), described by A. A. Bjrnbo (Bjrnbo 1902), and checked personally.
All the texts in this manuscript are included in the commemoratio librorum except
Tractatus Euclidis de speculis (fols 82r­82v), Liber de aspectibus Euclidis (fols 88v­92r),
two short works on trigonometry ­ Liber Saydi Abuothmi (fols 125v­126r) and Liber
Aderameti (fols 126r­126v) ­ and a work on arithmetical puzzles: Liber augmenti et
diminutionis, vocatus numeratio divinationis, ex eo quod sapientes Indi posuerunt, quem
Abraham compilavit et secundum librum qui Indorum dictus est composuit (fols 126v­133v).
In addition, the scribe has added on fol. 28v the order in which certain geometrical
and astronomical texts should be read, according to "Iohanicius" (presumably
274 Charles Burnett
˙
Hunayn ibn Is
˙
haq, the major translator of works from Greek and Syriac into Arabic),
using the same format as that of the compilers of the commemoration librorum (whose
numbers are added after the relevant texts):
Ordo qui est post librum Euclidis (4) secundum quod invenitur in scriptis Iohanicii:
Euclidis de aspectibus tractatus unus; Theodosii de speris tractatus tres (5); Autolici de
spera mota tractatus unus (30); Euclidis de apparentibus tractatus unus;Theodosii de locis
habitabilibus tractatus unus (26); Autholici de ortu et occasu duo tractatus; Theodosii de
die et nocte duo tractatus; Esculei de ascensionibus tractatus unus (27); Arsodochii de
elongationibus planetarum et earum (sic) magnitudinibus tractatus unus.
Modern identifications of the works are given in brackets.5
< Vita; MSS ALMVPPi >
Sicut lucerna relucens in abscondito non est ponenda neque sub modio, sed6
supra7
candelabrum locanda, sic nec splendida facta8
bonorum, velut sub pigra9
taciturnitate10
sepulta, sunt reticenda,11
sed auribus modernorum presentanda, cum
virtutis ianuam12
sequentibus13
aperiant14
et antiquorum exempla15
quasi vite
ymaginem oculis presentium digna commemoratione16
insinuent. Ne igitur17
magister Gerardus18
Cremonensis sub taciturnitatis tenebris19
lateat,20
ne fame gratiam
quam meruit, amittat,21
ne per22
presumptuosam rapinam libris ab ipso23
translatis24
titulus infigatur25
alienus,26
presertim cum nulli eorum nomen suum inscripsisset,
cuncta opera ab eodem translata, tam de27
dyaletica28
quam de geometria, tam de29
astrologia30
quam de phylosophia,31
tam etiam32
de physica quam de aliis scientiis,33
in
fine huius Tegni,34
novissime ab eo translati ­ immitando Galienum de35
commemoratione
suorum librorum36
in fine eiusdem ­ per socios37
ipsius38
diligentissime
fuerunt connumerata, ut, si aliquis intentionum39
ipsorum amator de eis aliquid
optaverit,40
per hanc inscriptionem citius inveniat et de eo securior41
fiat. Licet42
enim
fame gloriam spreverit, licet favorabiles laudes et vanas43
seculi pompas44
fugerit, licet
nomen suum nubes et inania captando45
nollet46
dilatari,47
fructus tamen operum eius
per secula redolens probitatem48
ipsius49
enuntiat atque declarat.
Is50
etiam cum bonis floreret temporalibus, bonorum tamen51
affluentia vel absentia
eius animum nec extulit nec depressit, sed viriliter duplicem oc < c > ursum52
fortune53
patiens,54
semper in55
eodem statu constantie permanebat;56
carnis desideriis
inimicando,57
solis58
spiritualibus adherebat,59
cunctis etiam60
presentibus atque futuris
prodesse laborabat,61
non immemor62
illius Ptolomei:63
`cum fini64
appropinquas,
bonum cum augmento operare.'
Et cum ab65
istis66
infantie67
cunabulis68
in gremiis phylosophie69
educatus esset et
ad cuiuslibet partis70
ipsius71
notitiam secundum72
Latinorum studium pervenisset,
amore tamen73
Almagesti, quem74
apud Latinos minime reperit,75
Toletum76
per < r > exit, ubi librorum77
cuiuslibet78
facultatis habundantiam79
in Arabico cernens
et80
Latinorum penurie de ipsis quam81
noverat miserans,82
amore transferendi
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 275
linguam < e > didicit83
Arabicam, et sic84
de utroque ­ de85
scientia videlicet86
et
ydiomate ­ confisus,87
quemadmodum Hametus88
in epistula sua De proportione et
proportionalitate89
refert:90
`Oportet ut91
interpres92
preter excellentiam93
quam
adeptus est ex notitia lingue de qua et94
in quam95
transfert, artis96
quam transfert97
scientiam habeat,' more prudentis, qui98
virida99
prata perlustrans, coronam de
floribus ­ non de omnibus, sed de pulcrioribus ­ connectit,100
scripturam101
revolvit
Arabicam, de qua plurium102
facultatum libros quoscunque103
valuit104
elegantiores105
Latinitati tamquam106
dilecte heredi, planius ac intelligibilius quo ei possibile fuit,
usque ad finem vite sue107
transmittere non cessavit. Viam autem universe carnis
ingressus est anno vite sue.lxxiii.o
, in anno domini nostri Ihesu Christi.mclxxxvii.o108
< Commemoratio librorum; MSS A (until 23) B (21­32) Lla (33­68) O (4­71)
LMPV >
Hec vero109
sunt nomina librorum quos transtulit:110
De dialetica111
Paris, BNF, lat. 9335 and identification
< 1 > Liber analeticorum112
posteriorum Aristotilis tractatus .ii.
(Aristotle, Posterior Analytics)
< 2 > Liber commentariiThemistii113
super posteriores analeticos114
tractatus
.i.115
(Themistius, Comm. on Aristotle's Post.
Anal.)
< 3 > 116
Liber Alfarabii de silogismo (al-Farabi, On the Syllogism)
De geometria117
< 4 > Liber Euclidis118
tractatus .xv. (Euclid, Elements)
< 5 > Liber Theodosii119
de speris
tractatus .iii.120
1r Liber Theodosii de speris
(Theodosius, Spherics)
< 6 > Liber Archimedis121
tractatus .i.122
28v Liber Arsamithis de mensura circuli
(Archimedes, On the Measurement of the
Circle)
< 7 > Liber de arcubus similibus
tractatus .i.
30r Epistola Abuiafar Ameti filii Iosephi
de arcubus similibus (A
˙
hmad b.Yusuf,
On Similar Arcs)
< 8 > Liber Milei123
tractatus .iii. 32v Liber Milei de figuris spericis
(Menelaus, On Spherical Figures)
< 9 > Liber Thebit124
de figura alkata125
tractatus .i.
(Thabit b. Qurra, On the Sector-Figure)
276 Charles Burnett
< 10 > 126
Liber Trium Fratrum tractatus
.i.
55rVerba filiorum Moysi filii Sekir, id
est Maumeti, Hameti, Hasen (The Banu
Musa, On Geometry)
< 11 > Liber Ameti127
de proportione
et proportionalitate tractatus .i.
64r Epistola Ameti filii Iosephi de
proportione et proportionalitate
(A
˙
hmad b.Yusuf, On Ratio and
Proportion)
< 12 > Liber Iudei super decimum
Euclidis tractatus .i.
92v Abbacus (Ibn Abd al-Baqi,The
Book of the Jew on theTenth Book of
Euclid)
< 13 > Liber Alchoarismi128
de129
iebra130
et almucabula131
tractatus .i.
110v Liber Maumeti filii Moysi
Alchoarismi de algebra et almuchabala
(al-Khwarizmi, Algebra)
< 14 > Liber de practica132
geometrie
tractatus .i.
116v Liber in quo terrarum
corporumque continentur
mensurationes Abhabuchri, qui
dicebatur Heus, translatus a magistro
Girardo Cremonensi in Toleto de
Arabico in Latinum, abreviatus (Abu
Bakr, OnTerrestrial Measurements)133
< 15 > 134
Liber Anaritii135
super
Euclidem136
(An-Nayrizi, Comm. on Eucliďs
Elements)
< 16 > 137
Liber datorum Euclidis
tractatus .i.
(Euclid, Data)
< 17 > Liber Tidei138
de speculo
tractatus .i.
84r Sermo de eo quod homo in speculo
< videt > et in eo quod non est
speculum et de causis illius, quem
collegit ea ex libris antiquorum Tideus
filius Theodori a Ruegoiu (?) medicus
(Diocles, On Burning Mirrors)
< 18 > 139
Liber Alchindi140
de
aspectibus tractatus .i.
75r Liber Iacob Alkindi de causis
diversitatum aspectus et dandis
demonstrationibus geometricis super eas
(al-Kindi, On Optics)
< 19 > Liber divisionum141
tractatus .i. (Euclid, Book of Divisions or Ibn Abd
al-Baqi, On the Division of Surfaces?)142
< 20 > Liber carastonis143
tractatus .i. (Thabit b. Qurra, Book of the Roman
Balance)
De astrologia144
< 21 > Liber alfagrani145
continens
capitula .xxx.146
(al-Farghani, Rudiments)
< 22 > Liber Almagesti tractatus .xiii. (Ptolemy, Almagest)
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 277
< 23 > Liber introductorius147
Ptolomei148
ad artem spericam149
(Geminus of Rhodes, Introduction to the
Phenomena)
< 24 > Liber Iebri150
tractatus .viiii. (Jabir b. Afla
˙
h, On the Flowers from the
Almagest)
< 25 > Liber Messehala151
de orbe
tractatus .i.
(Masha allah, On the Orb)
< 26 > Liber Theodosii152
de locis
habitabilibus tractatus .i.
25r LiberTheodosii de locis in quibus
morantur homines (Theodosius, On
Habitable Places)
< 27 > Liber Esculegii153
tractatus .i. 22r Liber Esculei de ascensionibus
(Hypsicles, On the Rising of the Signs)
< 28 > Liber Thebith154
de expositione
nominum Almagesti tractatus .i.155
23v Liber quem edidit Tebit filius Chore
de his que indigent expositione
antequam legatur Almagesti (Thabit b.
Qurra, On the Exposition ofTerms in the
Almagest)
< 29 > Liber Thebit156
de motu
accessionis et recessionis157
tractatus i.
141r Tractatus patris Asen Thebit filii
Core in motu accessionis et recessionis
(Thabit b. Qurra, On the Forward and
Backward Motion of the Stars)
< 30 > Liber Autolici158
de spera mota
tractatus .i.159
19r Liber Autoloci de spera mota
(Autolycus, On the Moving Sphere)
< 31 > Liber tabularum Iahen160
cum
regulis suis.
(Ibn Mu adh,Tables of Jan)
< 32 > Liber de crepusculis tractatus
.i.161
(Ibn Mu adh, On the Dawn)
De phylosophia162
< 33 > 163
Liber Aristotilis de164
expositione165
bonitatis pure.166
(Pseudo-Aristotle, De causis)
< 34 > Liber Aristotilis de naturali
auditu tractatus .viii.
(Aristotle, Physics)
< 35 > Liber Aristotilis167
celi et mundi
tractatus quatuor.168
(Aristotle, On the Heavens)
< 36 > Liber Aristotilis de causis
proprietatum et169
elementorum170
quatuor171
tractatus primus;172
tractatum
autem secundum non transtulit eo
quod173
non invenit eum174
in Arabico175
nisi de fine eius parum.176 177
(Pseudo-Aristotle, On the Causes of the
Properties and the Four Elements)
< 37 > Liber Aristotilis de generatione
et corruptione
(Aristotle, On Generation and Corruption)
278 Charles Burnett
< 38 > Liber Aristotilis methaurorum178
tractatus .iii.; quartum179
autem180
non
transtulit eo quod181
sane invenit eum
translatum.182 183
(Aristotle, Meteorology, Books I-III)
< 39 > 184
Tractatus unus Alexandri185
Affrodisii186
de tempore et alius de sensu
et alius de eo quod augmentum et
incrementum fiunt187
in forma et non in
yle.
(Alexander of Aphrodisias, OnTime, On
the Senses, andThat Augment and Increase
Occur in Form, not in Matter)
< 40 > Distinctio188
Alfarabii189
super
librum Aristotilis de naturali auditu.
(al-Farabi, Comm. on Aristotle's Physics)
< 41 > 190
Liber Alkindi de191
quinque
essentiis.
31v Liber de quinque essentiis quem
Iacob Alchildus (sic) filiusYsaac
compilavit de dictis Aristotilis (al-Kindi,
On the Five Essences)
< 42 > Liber Alfarabii192
de scientiis. 143v Liber Alfarabii de scientiis
translatus a magistro Girardo
Cremonensi in Toleto de Arabico in
Latinum (al-Farabi, On the Classification
of the Sciences)
< 43 > Liber Iacob193
Alkindi194
de
sompno et visione.195
(al-Kindi, On Sleep andVision)
De fisica196
< 44 > 197
Liber Galieni de elementis198
tractatus .i.199
(Galen, On the Elements)
< 45 > Expositiones200
Galieni super
librumYpocratis de regimine acutarum
egritudinum201
tractatus .iiii.202
(Galen, Comm. on HippocratesŤreatment
of Acute Diseases)
< 46 > Liber de secretis Galieni
tractatus .i.
(Pseudo-Galen, Secrets of Medicine)
< 47 > Liber Galieni de
complexionibus tractatus .iii.203
(Galen, On theTemperaments)
< 48 > Liber Galieni de malitia
complexionis diverse204
tractatus .i.
(Galen, On the Evils of an Unbalanced
Temperament)
< 49 > Liber Galieni de simplici
medicina tractatus .v.
(Galen, On Simple Medicines)
< 50 > 205
Liber Galieni206
de creticis
diebus tractatus .iii.
(Galen, On Critical Days)
< 51 > Liber Galieni de crisi tractatus
.iii.207
(Galen, On Crises)
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 279
< 52 > Liber Galieni de expositione
libriYpocratis in pronosticatione208
tractatus .iii.
(Galen, Comm. on Hippocrates'
Prognostics)
< 53 > Liber veritatis209
Ypocratis
tractatus .i.210
(Pseudo-Hippocrates, Book of theTruth)
< 54 > LiberYsac211
de elementis
tractatus .iii.
(Isaac Israeli, On the Elements)
< 55 > LiberYsac212
de213
descriptione
rerum et diffinitionibus earum214
et de
differentia inter descriptionem et
diffinitionem215
tractatus .i.216
(Isaac Israeli, On the Description ofThings
and their Definitions)
< 56 > Liber Abubecri217
Rasis qui
dicitur Almansorius218
tractatus.x.219
(ar-Razi,The Book of Almansor)
< 57 > Liber divisionum220
continens.cliiii. capitula cum quibusdam
confectionibus eiusdem.
(ar-Razi,The Book of Divisions)
< 58 > Liber Abubecri221
Rasis
introductorius in medicina parvus.
(ar-Razi, Short Introduction to Medicine)
< 59 > Pars222
libri Albenguesim223
medicinarum simplicium224
et ciborum.
(Ibn al-Wafid, Book of Simple Medicines
and Foods)
< 60 > Breviarius225
Iohannis
Sarapionis226
tractatus .vii.227
(Ya
˙
hya b. Sarafyun, Breviary)
< 61 > 228
Liber Azaragui229
de
cirurgia230
tractatus .iii.
(Abu-l-Qasim az-Zahrawi, Surgery)
< 62 > 231
Liber Iacob232
Alkindi233
de
gradibus tractatus .i.
135r Liber Iacob Alkindi phylosophi de
gradibus (al-Kindi, On Degrees of
Compound Medicines)
< 63 > 234
Canon Aviceni235
tractatus
.v.236
(Avicenna, Canon)
< 64 > Tegni237
Galieni cum
expositione Ali Abrodoan238
(Galen,Tegni, with the Comm. of Ali
ibn Ri
˙
dwan)
De alchimia239
< 65 > Liber divinitatis240
de241
.lxx.242
(Jabir b.
˙
Hayyan, Book of Divinity)
< 66 > Liber de aluminibus243
et salibus (Pseudo-Razi, On Alumens and Salts)
< 67 > Liber luminis luminum (Pseudo-Razi,The Light of Lights)
De geomantia244
< 68 > Liber245
geomantie de artibus
divinatoriis246
< qui incipit:
estimaverunt Indi. > 247
(Geomancy)248
< 69 > 249
Liber alfadhol,250
id est dharab
de bachi251
(Alfadhol, Book of Lots)
280 Charles Burnett
< 70 > Liber de accidentibus alfel.252
140r Alfeal secundum motum lune
(Divination according to the Movement of
the Moon)
< 71 > Liber Anohe253
et est tamquam
sacerdocii mar(tyro)logium254
t. .xiii.255
151v Liber Anoe. In hoc libro est
rememoratio anni et horarum eius et
reditionum anoe in horis suis et
temporis plantationum et modorum
agriculturarum et rectificationum
corporum et repositionum fructuum,
Harib filii Zeid episcopi quem
composuit Mustansir imperatori ( Arib
b. Sa d, Calendar)
Rasis Abubecri256
fecit alhaugui257
et almansorium et divisiones.258
Albucasim259
fecit azaugui260
et261
eius cirurgiam,262
cuius cirurgiam263
transtulit
Magister Gerardus.264
Aviceni Alboali265
fecit canonem.
< Eulogium; MSS LMPV >
Gerardus266
nostri267
fons, lux et gloria268
cleri,
auctor269
consilii, spes et solamen egeni,
voto270
carnali fuit hostis271
spirituali
applaudens,272
hominis splendor fuit interioris.
Facta viri vitam studio florente273
perhennant274
viventem famam275
libri quos transtulit ornant.276
Hunc sine consimili277
genuisse Cremona superbit,
Toleti278
vixit, Toletum279
reddidit astris.280
Deo gratias.281
Notes to Appendix I
1
See also the discussion in Steinschneider 1904, 16­32, in Ricklin 1995, 71­76, and in Pizzamiglio ed. 1992,
3­7.
2
The text has suffered from the fact that Leclerc andWüstenfeld were bitter enemies, and that the manuscriptreadings
of the most recent edition (that of Sudhoff) cannot be relied upon.
3
I am grateful to the librarians of the University Library in Leipzig, the Amplonian Library in Erfurt, and the
Vatican Library, for sending me photographs of their respective manuscripts. MSS B, La andW have not been
consulted personally; their readings have been taken from the secondary works mentioned above.
4
The orthography of V has not been followed where the scribe inserts an extra `h', writes `ngn' for `gn'
(`dingna', `Tengni') or `cť for `ť (`tolectum') or `tť (`mict-'). These spellings may reflect the scribe's
vernacular.
5
These agree with the identifications in McVaugh (in Grant 1974), except where mentioned otherwise.
6
P om.
7
super LMP.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 281
8
fama M.
9
A adds `bonorum'.
10
tacitur morte M.
11
reticeda L, recitenda M, retinenda P.
12
iamiam P.
13
sequentibus L om.
14
apereant M, apperiant P.
15
exemplo M.
16
commemoratione A] cum memoratione LMV.
17
ergo MP.
18
G. etardus A, Girardus LMP.
19
tenebri L.
20
luceat L before correction, lateat L after correction.
21
admictatV.
22
per L om.
23
eo MP.
24
translatatis L.
25
infingatur L.
26
abenus M.
27
L om.
28
dialetica ALP.
29
LP om.
30
astronomia M.
31
phya A, phisolophia L, phica et M, phylosophyaV.
32
etiam AL om.
33
tam de dyaletica...scientiis] first excerpt in Pipino's Chronicon.
34
TengniV.
35
in M.
36
librorum suorum AMP.
37
sotiosV.
38
ipsius M om.
39
intencionem L.
40
optavit M.
41
de eo securior] de certior M, de eo certior P.
42
The passage from this word until the end of the Vita is quoted by Pipino, with the exception of the words
"quemadmodum Hametus... revolvit Arabicam."
43
novas Pi.
44
pompas L om.
45
in mania captanda M.
46
noluerit Pi (perhaps correctly).
47
dilari LM.
48
probitataton proprietate M.
49
eius P.
50
quo M.
51
cum M.
52
cursum M.
53
duplice fortune occursum P.
54
patiens fortune AM.
55
in A om.
56
permanebis M.
57
inmutando M.
58
solum M.
59
detrahent (or detraherit) A.
282 Charles Burnett
60
etiam A om.
61
laborat A.
62
inmemo A, inmemor P.
63
Tholomei MP; L adds in margin `morale verbum'.
64
filii M.
65
L om.
66
ipsis ALMPPi.
67
in facie L, insince (?) M.
68
cunabilis M.
69
ph(ylosoph)ie AMPiV, phisice L, ph'ye P.
70
artis Pi.
71
illius M, Pi om.
72
si M.
73
tantum AL.
74
quod M.
75
repirit LM, reperiit APV.
76
tolectumV.
77
in librorum copiam M, libros Pi.
78
cuiusque AL.
79
Pi om.
80
A om.
81
quas M.
82
miserat L.
83
didicitV.
84
si L.
85
utroque de] utraque L.
86
scilicet P.
87
confixus L.
88
Hametus L om., hannerus A.
89
proportionato M.
90
referri A.
91
M om.
92
interpretesV.
93
excellencia L.
94
AL om.
95
quaV.
96
artes M.
97
artis quam transfert] P om.
98
quia LM.
99
viridia P.
100
conectit L.
101
A om.
102
de qua plurimum ALP, de quamplurium Pi.
103
libros quoscumque] quosque P.
104
voluit MPPi, L adds `quam'.
105
elonganciores A.
106
numquam M, tanquam P.
107
ALMP om.
108
mclxxxiiiiW.
109
ALaOP om.
110
La adds `Magister Girardus Cremonensis'; O adds `Magister Girardus Cremonensis inToleto'.
111
De dialeticaV] de dialectica P, ALMO om.
112
amaleticorum LMP.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 283
113
themesii A, ithemistii L, temistii M,Temetistii P.
114
analencorum P.
115
primus P.
116
L omits 3.
117
De geometria] P only.
118
etuclidis A.
119
TeodosiiV.
120
tertius P.
121
Archimedis A, archimenidis LMP, archinenidis O, archimendisV.
122
primus P.
123
milci M, misey P.
124
thobit L, tebith M.
125
arthacata A, albeata L, alchata MP.
126
M om. 10­12.
127
Hameti LMO.
128
argorismi A, acharismid. L, argorisim M, algorismi OP.
129
L om.
130
gebra M.
131
almucabala AO, ali\mi/cabala L, altacabila M, almicubila P.
132
pratia P, pratica OV.
133
For discussion of the identity of Abu Bakr, see Sezgin 1974, 389­91.
134
M omits 15­16.
135
avaricii L.
136
A adds `tractatus'; OP adds `tractatus.i.'.
137
A transposes 16 and 17; P omits 16.
138
thidei MP.
139
A omits 18­20.
140
askimii M.
141
demonstrationum MP.
142
Sezgin 1974, 387­88.
143
tarastonis M; O omits 20.
144
De astrologia VP] Isti sunt libri ast(rolog)ie quos transtulit Gerardus Cremonensis de Arabico in Latinum
B, ALMO om.
145
affagani L, alfragan M, alfragani P.
146
xxx.i. M,.xx.V.
147
introductoriis L.
148
tholomei AP, talemei M, potlomiei O.
149
A ends.
150
rebi M.
151
messobala L, messanala M, messhala O.
152
todosii L; O omits 26.
153
esclilegii M, Cusculei P.
154
thebith post nominum L, thelith M, thebiti P, thelith M, thebit O, tebitV.
155
Almagesti tractatus.i. M om.
156
thebith L, thebth M.
157
translationis P.
158
autolosicide M, actolici P.
159
tractatus.i.] P om.
160
et ahen L, jaberi P.
161
B finishes here.
162
De phylosophia] LMO om., de phylosophya P, de phylosophyia (sic)V.
163
La starts here.
164
MO om.
284 Charles Burnett
165
compositione La.
166
pure bonitatis M.
167
PV om.
168
tractatus quatuor] La om.
169
LaV om.
170
helementorumV.
171
LaV om., tractatus quatuor P.
172
tractatus primus] LP om., primus tractatus O.
173
quia L.
174
P om.
175
arabicum M.
176
parum in ipsius fine M.
177
tractatum autem...parum] P om.
178
meteororum L, metheororum LaM, metaurorum O, metaherorum P.
179
quantum L, P om.
180
P om.
181
eo quod] quia P.
182
invenit eum sane translatum M, sane translatum invenit P.
183
quartum autem...translatum] La om.
184
La omits 39.
185
aserande M.
186
afrodisii LMP, anfrodisii O.
187
et incrementum fiunt] fuit L.
188
distinctio LM om.
189
Affarabii LM, alfharabii O.
190
MLa omit 41.
191
Alkindi de] alchinididus L, Alchindi de O P.
192
alfharabii O, Alpharabii P.
193
M om., iacobi P.
194
alchindi LOP, Alchini La, alkemii M.
195
sompno in visione L, sopno et visioneV.
196
De fisicaV] LMO om., de physica P.
197
La swaps 44 and 45.
198
esis M.
199
ii. LaM.
200
Expositionem La.
201
acutarum egritudinum] acutorum egritudinum LP, egritudinum acutarum M, acutorum La.
202
iii LM, 3 P. Early manuscripts of this work consist of only three books; apparently the fourth book was translated later;
the relative roles of Constantine the African and Gerard are unclear.
203
tractatus.ii M, La om., tractatus 3 P.
204
LaP om., diverso O.
205
La swaps 50 and 51; O omits 50.
206
From here onwards La omits `Liber Galieni'.
207
i. La.
208
pronostic. M, prognostic. O.
209
virtutis M.
210
iii. LaP.
211
ysaac LMOP.
212
isaac L, ysaac MOP.
213
M om.
214
et diffinitionibus harum L, La om., et de diffinitionibus earum O.
215
diffinitionem et descriptionem OV.
216
i.] L om., primus P.
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 285
217
erubecri L, albubatri M, albubecri P, abubetriV.
218
almasorius LP, almansor La.
219
i. P.
220
V adds `almansoris'.
221
abubetri L, albubetri M, albubecri P,V om.
222
Ars La.
223
abenguefiti LV, albenguesui La, abenguefeti O, albenguenfin M.
224
simplitiumV.
225
breviaarius M.
226
sarapionis iohannis L, iohannis serapionis MLaP.
227
xv. O, 8 P.
228
La omits 61.
229
arazugni L, azaragrii M, azarugui OP, azatuguiV.
230
cyrugia M, cirugiaV.
231
V exchanges 62 and 63.
232
V om., iacobi P.
233
achindi LLaP, alkimi M.
234
La omits 63.
235
civconn M.
236
v.ZI L, ZI O (possibly `21').
237
TengniV.
238
aliacro doan L, Haly Abrodahan La, hali abrodohan M, Haly abrodoan OP.
239
De alchimia] P only.
240
diminuitatis M.
241
L adds a lacuna, P om.
242
lxxx. M.
243
liminibus L, alluminibus La, alm'bus M, luminibusV.
244
De geomantia] P only.
245
LM add `de'.
246
de artibus divinatricibus La, de artibus divinantibus M, LOV om.
247
qui incipit: estimaverunt Indi] M only.
248
See p. 267 above.
249
La omits 69­71 and `Rasis Abubecri...transtulit Magister Gerardus'.
250
alfadoch L, alfadolum M, alfodoch^i P.
251
id est dharab de bachi]V supra, id est de arab de bachi L (tharab M), id est de arab de biachi O, de arabachi
P, i.e., perhaps
˙
darab dhahabi = `golden bough'.
252
alfeth L, alfa M, alfhel O, alfeb (or alfeh)V.
253
anoche L, arite M, anhoe O, anoe P.
254
mar(tyro)logium] marĺegium L, quatuor togiu M, P corrects `inar-' to `marlogium'.
255
et est....xiii.] OV om., ...t..i. M.
256
albutrati M, albubetri P, abubetriV.
257
alhangui LM, alhagui P.
258
L adds `lbi'.
259
albugafi L, albucasin M.
260
azauguri L, titangin M, azaugin (with an abbreviation mark on the `g') P.
261
L om.
262
cuius cyririgiam M, cuius cirugiamV, quam P.
263
cyrurgiam M, cirugiamV.
264
Giraldus L, Girardus M, OV om.
265
Aviceni Avolai La, Avicenni aboali M,Viceni alboai P.
266
Girardus ML.
267
uten M.
268
gloria MV, regula LW.
286 Charles Burnett
269
actorVW.
270
foto M in rubrication but `voto' in instructions for rubrication.
271
hostis MV.
272
Ad plaudens P.
273
florento M, florere P.
274
perhennat M.
275
vincentem famam M, viventem formam L.
276
hornant L.
277
consilii L, consilioW.
278
tolectiV.
279
toledum M, tolectumV.
280
artis L.
281
Deo gratias]V only.
Appendix II
The Eight Parts of Physics andTheir Books
Al-Farabi, On the Classification of the Sciences, trans. Gerard of Cremona, in
González Palencia 1932, 161­63:
Et dividitur scientia naturalis in octo partes magnas.
(1) Quarum prima est inquisitio de eo in quo communicant corpora naturalis
omnia, simplicia eorum et composita ex principiis et accidentibus consequentibus illa
principia. Et hoc totum est in Auditu naturali.
(2) Et secunda est inquisitio de corporibus simplicibus an sint inventa et si sunt
inventa tunc que corpora sunt et quantus sit eorum numerus. Et hec est consideratio
in mundo quid est et que sint partes eius et quot sint et quod ipse sunt in summa tres
aut quinque. Et hoc est in consideratione in celo et discretione eius a reliquis partibus
mundi et quod materia que est in eo est una. Et est in parte prima tractatus primi libri
Celi et mundi . . . usque ad finem tractatus primi libri Celi et mundi . . . est in principio
tractatus secundi libri Celi et mundi usque circiter duas tertias eius . . . et hoc est illud
quod consideratur in fine tractatus secundi et tercii et quarti libri Celi et mundi.
(3) Et tertia est inquisitio de generatione corporum naturalium et eorum
corruptione sive commutatione. . . . Et hoc est in libro De generatione et corruptione.
(4) Et quarta est inquisitio de principiis accidentium et passionum que propria
sunt elementis solum sine compositis ab eis. Et est in primis tribus tractatibus libri
Impressionum superiorum.
(5) Et quinta est consideratio in corporibus compositis ab elementis et quod ex eis
sunt similium partium et ex eis que sunt diversarum partium . . . hoc est in tractatu
quarto libri Impressionum superiorum.
(6) Et sexta, et est in libro Mineralium, est consideratio in eo in quo communicant
corpora composita similium partium . . .
(7) Et septima, et est in libro Plantarum, est consideratio in eo in quo communicant
species plantarum . . .
The Coherence of the Arabic-LatinTranslation Program inToledo in theTwelfth Century 287
(8) Et octava, et est in libro Animalium et libro Anime et qui sunt post utrosque
usque ad postremum Librorum naturalium, est consideratio in eo in quo communicant
species animalium et quod propriatur omni speciei eorum. Et est pars secunda
speculationis in compositis diversarum partium.
288 Charles Burnett
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