NUMEN Vol 40(1993) VIVEKANANDA'S RAMAKRSNA AN UNTOLD STORY OF MYTH MAKING AND PROPAGANDA* Narasincma P, Sil Summary The author arfua thai the Unilur Vedintm and meiiuh imtgt oi Raniakrioa Paramaharau was created dchbcratelY by hu il wrote about the Sturm und Drang of young Naren's soul, the "hour of the darkest trial" of his life prior to his meeting with Šri Rámakrsoa-' Wc must, however, note that information on Vivekananda's childhood and early youth comes from his devotees and admirer* and contemporaries, to whom the Svámt had described his early life. His remarkable childhood and adolescence have been described in the classic Indian hagiographical style.10 A problem with such a description is that it is based on Vivekananda's personal testimony. Anybody familiar with his writings must admit that he had a penchant for the dithyramb—oveiMatcment with highflown rhetoric and hyperbole. He was also often inconsistent in his various pronouncements. Even his biographer brother recognized that Vivckánanda possessed a "complex character" and his "was a lift? of striking contrasts and moods of infinite variety..."." Rev. Hastie's admiring comments were loving exaggerations at best. Hastic hated Hinduism and Hindus, witness his diatribes against both in his controversy with Baňkimcandra Cai-topádhyáya.u His comparison of his favorite student with the best of the German academic philosophers is too frivolous to merit attention. And. as for šil—who was later lo attain eminence as a philosopher—his reminiscences published in frabuddha Bháraia (a journal begun by Vrvckananda's disciples in Madras) in 1907 were most certainly an encomium lor his ersiwhilc college mate who bad died in 1902 an international celebrity. No doubt, Naren was an intelligent individual capable of creatively appropriating others' insights and of syn I lie si zing his accumulated knowledge with his own imagination—witness his highly popular sermons on Hinduism. Vedanta, or Yoga11—but he was neither a brilliant scholar nor an accomplished student. He had to take a transfer from the Presidency College (Calcutta), the leading institution of higher learning in India of his day. where he had enrolled after high school, and passed his First Arts and B.A. examinations both in the modest second division. Nagendranath Gupta has written that Nnren "was an average student with no promise of brilliance, because he.was not destined to win any prize of the learned or unlearned professions."1* Professor Dhar has observed "Naren did not win any laurels at the university examinations, though during his four years at college, he acquired a considerable scholarship, for which and for his other qualities of head and heart he was admired by his fellow-students and the teachers."11 Vivekananda's admirer J>il commented on his "ardeni and pure nature," his sociablencss, and recognized his musical and forensic skills, but remained sileni on his academic achievements. In SO'l language, Narcndranath was "an inspired Bohemian ... possessing ... an iron will."'* The Svami, however, thought of himself primarily as an intellectual. Ashedaimed: "I was born for the life of scholar—retired, quiet, pouring over books. But the Mother dispenses otherwise—yet the tendency is there.""There is little doubt, however, that he was quick on the uptake of controversial iuuei, that his trenchant critique of Christian evangelicalism in India was sincere and accurate, and that his generalizations on the history and culture of India and Europe, though not original, were yet informed by wide reading. Ill Narcndranath, we know, was greatly admired by ihe Paramahuihsa, who literally doted on the young man with large eyes and in fact lovingly named him Kamalikja ("lotus eyed")." Sir ad an and a has written about "this strange and strong attraction of the Master for Narendra" and "how intensely the Master regarded Narendranath as his own and how deeply he lovrd him from the day he met him first."'* Kamakrsua's infatuation for Naren was expressed frequently in his petting the young man's face and body, shedding tears while seeing him, gazing at him intently 42 .\'arasiHght P. Sil V'utkdnenda 'i R&maktin* 41 for a long stretch of time, and above all, becoming rigid in sam&dhi.1* No doubt, the aging mystic was fully aware of public reaction to his apparent homoeroticism and he is reported to have confessed: "What will they think on seeing thai I, a man of such advanced age, am weeping and panting sn much for him? ... But by no means can I control myself-"" In fact he was once reprimanded (though to little effect) by his dauntless devotee, the insufferable Pratapcandra Hazra. As Ramakrsna himself reported: "Hazra took me to task because I was anxious to see the boys. He asked 'When do you think of God?' "n Hazra is also reported to have observed that the saint was especially fond of goodlooking and wealthy boys.° Needles* to mention. Narendranath, a college student with some acquaintance with Western rationalism and pragmatism, felt scandalized by the bizarre behavior of the "madman" of Daksinesvar 14 He, however, felt somewhat obligated to the saint, who was persistent and eloquent in his admiration for the young man. Naren was compared to everything and every being that could be imagined or described ;n superlatives, and was feasted and feted by his adoring mentor." Such attention and adoration as well as the ambiante of Daksineivar's erotic community naturally worked on the teenager. More important, this outburst of infatuation was c*pc much evil come in ihe creation of a benign Creator?"1' Henceforth he became a regular visitor to Daksincivar, most probably, mltr alia, to benefit from Ramakrsna's contact w.th the elites of Calcutta. Also, his acquaintance with the master at such a moment of torment and doubt proved to be espe:ially helpful, almost therapeutic. Rimakrsna had not forgotten th? memories of his own cbUdhood trauma after his father's death and he now sympathized with, and came up with a powerful justification for, Naren's present tribulations. One night he told the distraught young man: "Know that you have come to the world for the Mother's work; you can never live a worldly life. But remain in your family for my nhc as long as I live."" It 'is not clear or certain if R^makrsna actually uttered these words or if Narendraniih actually believed in what his master said, but we know that he made a very good use of Rimakrsrja's prediction. It is evident that his later career as the great peripatetic Hindu missionary was chosen by default—when the lie of a common householder with a noma! secular profession seemed well-nigh impossible.1* IV It is important to bear in mind that Narendranath did not seem mucn inclined to spiritualism, mysticism, Cf devotionalism when he first encountered the Paraiiiah.uii.vi. He vas frankly opposed to lire -ami's prescription for total inaction and passive surrender to faqayanani ("Mother of the universe"—an apf>dlation of Goddess Kali)—"mew mew" like a kitten profusely and pitiously"1—as wdl as to his anti-intellectualism. His thundering admonition lo his monastic brethren against Ramakrsna's religious enthusiasm provide! a most telling testimony in this regard: Study, public preaching, and doing humanitarian works are. according lo you. Maya! because be laid to someone, 'Seek ml find God first; doing good toihe -odd especially in the War ii a pmumpmn Ai if Cod it such an rasy thing to be achieved? As if He is such a looJ at to make Himself » plaything in ihe handt of ihe imbecile." Vivekanandii was also quile hikewarrr about Ramakrsna's erratic enthusiasm. Toward die fag end of his life, at the Syampukur residence, Narendranath opcnl* inveighed against the Paramaharhsa slyle of dances ami trances ndulged in by several eager young devotees of the master. As he boldly asserted. Natasingha P. Sit Vivekananda's Raimkrsna physical contortions. lean, horripilation!, every momentary (ranee which result from this wrong emotion are. in reality, hypocritical. These should be controlled by a determined effort. I: that Tails one should take a nutritious diet or even consult a doctor." He disdained mysticism because "these mysticisms, in spite of some grains of truth in them are generally weakening." He claimed he had come to this conclusion on the basis of his "lifelong experiences of it."" Thus he had little qualms in mimicking and making fun of Ramakrsna's tamadhi shortly after his death.'* He even preached against Radha-Kfsna worship—something that would have sorely troubled his master. He wrote Ramakrsnananda in April 1897: There is not the least necessity for teaching the divine love of Ridhi and Krishna.... Remember that the episodes of the divine relationship between Radha and Krishna are quite unsuitable for young minds." He in fact told Asvini Datta at Almora sometime in June of that year: And wherever you hear the R ad hi-Krishna songs going on, use the whip right and left. The whole nation is going to rack and ruin! People with no self-control indulging in such songs!14 Vivekananda, likewise, was quite impervious to Ramakrsna's insinuation, even insistence, t.iat the latter possessed siddhdi (Bengali corruption of the Sanskrit siddhi, meaning "supernatural power"). When once at Daksinesvar, the master, overwhelmed by a generous mood and in his characteristic naivete, offered to transfer his "supernatural" powers to Narendra, the disciple is reported to have declined the offer politely but firmly." Narendranath. of course, cared very little for his master's magical powers, if any. In 1898 he related to the Holy Mother (Ramakrsna's widow Saradamani) how he had suffered from a terrible stomach ache believed to have been caused by the curse of a Moslem mendicant of Kasmir. He told her in plain terms: "Your Master could do nothing whatsoever. In fact the Master was nothing."" However, toward the end of his life, the Svami confided to £arat-candra Cakrabart! his secret and mysterious experience with Ramakfsna who, reportedly, had made Narendranath sit before him alone and channelled his own energy into the latter by gazing into his eyes and entering into tamadhi This transmission of his gum 'i power kept him energized for life." He succeeded in convincing a young American girl, Frances Bagley Wallace, sometime in February 1894, that he could materialize anywhere he wished. He wrote to another American devotee, Mrs. Sara Bull, thai he was endowed with the faculty to "size up" an individual by merely looking at him. He was also believed to have possessed the power to change, "if he so wished, the whole trend of a man's life by his mere touch."*0 V In spite of his being a favorite of the master, Narendranath, initially, remained, unlike Vijayakrsna Gosviml or Girls Ghos, a devotee with a low profile. The first perceptible change in his stature in Ramakrsna's communio sanctorum is to be noticed from the time the ailing master was transferred from Daksineivar to Calcutta—first to a rented home at &yampukur (October 1885) and subsequently to the retreat (bdgdnbddT) at KSiipur (December 1885). At Syampukur, Naren seems to have emerged as the self-asserted but widely acknowledged leader of Ramakrsna's flock.*1 There arc numerous episodes, all purportedly based on hearsay or on Vivekananda's report, showing Narendranath becoming a spiritual adept, capable, inter alia, of nirvikalpa samddhi, and the inheritor of Ramakrsna's spiritual thesaurus mrritorum.*1 He had, of course, already proved his trustworthiness to his master by pretending to recognize the latter's thaumaturgical powers but declining to imbibe them until God-realization.41 Moreover, as Vivekananda asserted later, his master had actually made him the leader of his disciples. Though thus mandated by the master, Naren. after Ramakrsna's death, revealed the making of a spiritual entrepreneur envisioning the formation of an organization working toward social as well as spiritual reform. By the lime he assumed his famous monastic name he had developed his agenda.41 As Svami Vivekananda, he decided to present his spiritual master to the world in a new light—not as the divinely mad devotee of Kali and Krsna but as a Vedantin, the inspiration behind ■1.. Na I ľ. Sil VivtkÓnanda 's Rämakrfna 47 Vivekänanda's grand plan for Hindu missionary enterprise. Not until 1894 did he decide on Vedänta as the basis for his world mission." By lhat year he had arrived at a definite determination in this regard. As he wrote to Rämakrsnänanda on March 19, 1894. Ai Cape Comorin fining in Mother Kuman's lemple, sitting on the last bit of ladian rock—I hit upon a plan: Wc are so many Sannyisins wandering aboat and teaching people metaphysics—it is all madness. Did not our Guiideva use to say, 'An empty stomach is no good for rdigon'.'That these pool people ate leading the life of brute* u simply due to i ■>. •■■ an*c ... Sup pose some distinguished Sannyasins, bent on doing good to others, go Írom village to village, disseminating education and seeking in van>us ways to better the condition of all ....** He was quite explicit three years laier "Do you know what my idea is' ? asked the Svämí of Narendranäth Sen, cdito: of the Indian Minor, during an interview in 1897 in Calcutta, and then answered his own question: By preaching the profound secrets of the Vedanta religion in the Western word, wc shall attract the sympathy and regard of these mighty nations, maintaining for ever the position of their teacher in spirit tat matters, and the> will remain our teachers in all material concerns." Thispragram of social work required a religious inspiration and the Vedanta philosophy with its central emphasis on ias Wellganze seemed to be the right religion for the upliftment of the people, because it taught that one need noc seek the truth outside of oneself and that it underscored the present, the given, and the real that exists in the world." This Vedänta, the religion lor the humanity at large, needed to be associated with Sri Rämakrsna, who was depicted as a prophet of the common man. Thus Vivckänanda would have nothing to do with the image of his master as a delirious devotee of God given to singing and swooning. When one of his gumlhäis mildly and perhaps jestingly admonished him for having introduced Western ideas of service, organization, and activism in Ran ikrsi • teachings which disapproved of any kind of social aclion, the Svämi exploded: What da you know? You are an ignorant man ... and you think your salvation is secured and Shri Karoaknshna will come at the Tina hour and take you by the hand to the highest heaven ... Your Bhakti is sentimental nonsense, which makes one impotent... Hand off Who cares for your Bhakti and Mukti? Who cares what your Scriptures say? ... I an not a slave of Ramakrishna, or anyone, but of him only who serves and helps others, without caring foi his own Bhakti or Mukti!" VI Vivekanania's personal religious views and social concerns, though basec on his master's ministrations, yet were strikingly modern, albeit often ambivalent in minor details. He aspired for a universal religion, thai is, "a religion that will be equally acceptable to all triinds ... [and] must.be equally philosophic, equally emotional, ccually mystical, and equally conducive to action."11 Following hisgwu'j famous formula ofjMta mat tola path ("as many views so many venues"), he declared: "We must learn thai truth may be expressed in a hundred thousand ways, and that each of these ways is true as far as it goes.'He, however, favored a practical religion. "I do not believe in God that cannot give bread," roared the "patriot-prophet" of India." As a matter of fact, he interpreted th: principles of the Vedánta to suit the requirements of his age, his watchword being "dynamic religion and jnitcd India."1* His practical bent of mind led him to preach equality. He especially espoused the cause of the poor, the downtrodden, and the women. He was highly impressed by the liberty and liberality of Western wotr.en who he thought "control(led| social and civic duties." "Do you know who is the real 'Shakti-worshipper?" he asked Haripada Mitra in a letter from America. "It is hp who knows that God is the omnipresent force in the universe and sees in women the manifestation of that Force."" "The mission of Swami Vivekananda," writes Bhúpcndranáih Datla, 'was to arouse the sleeping leviathan, lhat is, Indian society."" This awakening was to be predicated on a comprehensive program of education of the masses, the gana Náráyana, whose upliflmcnt was to be accomplished by "preaching the gospel of salvation, the gospel of equality."17 And yet this inspired socialist and Vcdantin was not a diehard ascetic. Even nough he remained a monk wnnyásii throughout his life, he confessed with disarming candor: "Well, I must tell you that I am not a very believer in monastic systems.' 'M He even went to the length of asserting that "asceticism is fiendish" and con- 48 Naratingha P. Sil eluded ihat "in laugh is better ili.in Co pray."1* lie once proudly recalled the anrirni Hindu socirty of lite bee fea ting btihmim and advised young men of India to "be strong" to that they could "understand the Gita betier with ,.. biceps."** No wonder, with such an outlook on beef, biceps, and the Hhdfafdgit*. Vivekananda was regarded *a a "Hercules" or a /Mate* Siamt ("Athlete Svimi") by his Western and Kastern admirers.*1 Vivekananda'* modernity rnntraits sharply with the pronounced medievalism of his rustic mentor. Ramakr$na considered wealth and women the roots of all evils and hence always counselled against katnimk*ntan In real life, however, he depended on a number of women, including his wife Saradamam. and on the magnanimity of his wealthy patrons. He also preached against scholarship and social activism He thought Pandit itvarcandra Vidyasagara. the famous mIioI.u and social critic, was merely wasting his time trying to rclorm society. He forbade his devotee and patron &ambhucaran Malhk to spend money for community development. He advised another devotee that "it is not good to be involved in too many projects." He admonished his devotees: You people talk of doing good fee the world It the world a hmD pUtc? And who the hdl are you to do - .1 loihe world' Meet Him by mrini afapMDHl discipline. Rtallie Him if He give* you the itntngth, then you can do good to everybody, otherwise not •* Quite naturally, both the master and his disciple projected a fundamentally different image to their followers '1 he Paramaharnsa had been popular as the ihaiut, the "mad master —childlike, naive, and unsophisticated. The Svami, on the other hand, appeared to his admirers as a veritable prince—regal, heroic, intellectual as well as a mahdyo^i (''great ascetic")." Yet there remained loinuiuii personality traits between the guru and his wira ("disciple"). Both possessed charisma, charm, and a curious combination of authority and populist appeal. Most important, both were capable uf violent mood swings which invested their personality with a mystique that inspired respect and awe in their devotees and admirers By means of a curious symbiosis, Vivckanaiida recreated his master in hn own image while also appropriating the style and mannerisms of the Paramaharnsa.** Vivfkánawin 'i U . ■H VII The new image of £ri Ramakrsna was to be built on a reconciliation of his asocial devotional ism to the Svami • social activism. The Paramaharnsa of Vivekanaixla's ideal was to be a unique prophet of modern India. Hence Vivekananda dramatized his experience of altered state of consciousness by his master's touch, interpreted Ramakrsoa's erotic devotionalism as the purest form of Hindu spirituality, and depicted his caste conscious, androgynous but frankJy misogvnist mentor at "the Saviour of women. Saviour of the masses. Saviour of all, high and low" ai well as declared that he was die ^reatrni of all azaiatat He was convinced that "India can only rise by sitting at the feet of Shri Ramakriihna'' and hem e "his life and his teachings are to be spread far and wide, are to be made to penetrate every pore of Hindu society "** This absolute necessity for a redeemer figure like his master explains his efforts to discover a new meaning in the R.~uiiakr;na phenomenon. He told Nivcdita that Ramakrsna "lived that great life," and he "read the meaning."*' He discovered that the Paramaharnsa bad "spoken of the Vedanta as an aD comprehensive and synthetic religion," which he was preaching.** And that was not all. Vivekananda now claimed; Avatars* the Buddha and Caaituna are monotonou*. R*i.anJiu F«iamaham*a it I he latest ant the tt <•»( perfect—the rneHeMrwed embudi-■■■eai of knowledge, love, res*i*a tacbokeity. and the desire to uvr gajssjfei,* I I' i his return fiom the West, he declared at a massive gathering in Calcutta on February 28, 1897: Through ihoutan!. .t »r.n . i. hbetliag and modelling, the hers of the great [Miipheii of yore tame down to u», and yet, in my opuiioa. not one standi mi high in brilliance m thai life whxh i saw with ray cms eyes, uadri wfiose shadow I have lived, ai whose feet I have learni everything— ihe lifc- of Raiiiakruhna ParamohamM.'* 'I he new Ramakrsna was not to be the conventional godman-even a godlike man, as he had once regarded the master over a decade ago"—but to project the image of a godly and saintly superman. This delicate balancing of the traditional aeatáia image with the modern prophet motif informed Vivekananda"s interpretation 50 Narasingha P. Sil and propagation of Wis guru's message in the world. Though he recognized the political value for an avatdra in a religious movement, he publicly announced his disapproval of such "orthodoxy" as belief in an incarnation.72 He in fact clearly told Prasannakumar Sastrl in 1899 that he did not "preach that the Master was an avatar."73 His ideal godman and prophet was a militant mystic— an amalgam of ajwgf ("saint") and a ksatriya ("soldier"). A recent study shows how he was influenced, inter alia, by Thomas Carlyle's "Great Man" idea.74 His ideas in this regard were articulated in his letter of June 20, 1894 to Dewan Haridas Desai: It is a character, a life, a centre, a God-man that must lead the way, ... That centre, that God-man to lead ... was the great Ramakrishna Paramahamsa____75 VIII Vivekananda's quest for a special image of his master led him to criticize the extant biographies of Ramakrsna. His reaction to the biographies published in the 1890s was far from favorable. He was particularly vehement in his denunciation of his cousin Rama Datta's SnsrirdmakrsnadeberJibanbrttanta (1890). As he complained in his letter of November 30, 1894 to Alasinga Perumal, his most important disciple in Madras: What nonsense about the miracle of Ramakrishna! ... Had Ramakrishna nothing to do but turning wine into the Gupta's medicine [alluding to the popular herbal preparation patented in Calcutta by D. Gupta & Co.]? Lord save me from such people! What materials to work with! If they can write a real life of Shri Ramakrishna with the idea of showing what he came to do and teach, let them do it, otherwise let them not distort his life and sayings ____ I read a Bengali life sent over____ I am simply ashamed of the Bengali book ... Bosh and rot.16 He was, however, quite appreciative of Aksayakumar Sen's biography of Ramakrsna in verse, Srisrirdmakrsnapunthi (1894).''7 As he wrote to SvamT Ramakrsnananda in 1895 from the United States: Just now I read Akshaya's Book. Give him a hundred thousand hearty embraces from me. Through his pen Shri Ramakrishna is manifesting himself. Blessed is Akshaya! Let him recite that Punthi before all ____ If the work be too large, let him read extracts of it. I cannot tell in words the joy I have experienced by reading his book. Try all of you to give the book an extensive sale. Vivekananda's Ramakrsna 51 Sen was an intimate friend of Vivekananda, who nicknamed the homely looking Aksaya sankcunni ("goblin").78 The Punthi's primary appeal for the SvamT lay most probably in its delightful payor ("rhyme") so dear to the Bengalis. But the substance or message of the work could not measure up to Vivekananda's taste. He noticed that "there is no glorification of the Shakti at the opening which is a great defect." He instructed Ramakrsnananda to ask the author to "bear in mind that we are now standing before the gaze of the world, and that people are watching every one of our actions and utterances."79 Vivekananda's emphasis on sakti, the female power, was the outcome of his experiences with the American women. He not only found them "very beautiful" so that "even the most beautiful woman of our country will look like a black owl here," but also possessed of divine attributes.80 In his characteristic rhetoric, the awestruck young monk wrote to his brother disciples from New York on September 25, 1894: They arc like Lakshmi ... in beauty, and like Sarasvati .... in virtues—they are the Divine Mother incarnate and worshipping them, one verily attains perfection in everything.81 The Westerners are rich and strong because "the Dharma of the Westerners is worship of Shakti—the Creative Power regarded as the Female Principle."82 Thus Vivekananda offered some editorial suggestions for refining Sen's Punthi. To quote from his letter to Ramakrsnananda, once again: Ask Akshaya to write these few points in the third section of his book, "The Propagation of the Faith." 1. Whatever the Vedas, the Vedanta, and all other Incarnations have done in the past, Shri Ramakrishna lived to practise in the course of a single life. 2. One cannot understand the Vedas, the Vedanta, the Incarnations, and so forth, without understanding his life. For he was the explanation. 3. From the very day he was born, has sprung the Satya-Yuga (Golden Age). Henceforth there is an end to all sorts of distinctions, and everyone down to the Chandala will be a sharer in the Divine Love. The distinction between man and woman, between the rich and the poor, the literate and illiterate, Brahmins and Chandalas—he lived to root out all. And he was the harbinger of Peace—the separation between Hindus and Mohammedans, between Hindus and Christians, all are now things of the past. That fight about 52 Narasingha P. Sil distinction that there was, belonged to another era. In this Satya-Yuga the tidal wave of Shri Ramakrishna's Love has unified all. Tell him to expand these ideas and write them in his own style.83 Like Aksaya, even M could not help being nicked by the horns of the charging bull of a critic. It must be noted that Vivekananda had enthusiastically applauded M's enterprise a few years before he made his sojourn to America. In a letter dated February 7, 1889, from Ahtpur (Bengal), Narendranath had written: "Thanks! 100000 Master! You have hit Ramkristo in the right point. Few alas, few understand him!"8* But when he read M's own translation of his diary as The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna in 1896, probably in manuscript form before its printing in 1897, he did not like the stuff Mahendranath had written. In his letter of April 14, 1896 Vivekananda wrote to SvamI Trigunatltananda: That Ramakrishna was God and all that sort of thing, has no go in countries like this [U.S.A.]. M—has a tendency to put that stuff down everybody's throat, but that will make our movement a little sect.85 However, the SvamI executed a volte face next year. In October 1897 he wrote from Rawalpindi: Dear M. C'esl bon ami—Now you are doing just the thing. Come out man. No sleeping all life. Time is flying. Bravo that is the way. Many many thanks for your publication ,...86 Again, in November of that year, he wrote to applaud M's second part of The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna: My dear 'M.' Many thanks for your second leaflet (leaves from the Gospel). It is indeed wonderful. The move is quite original and never was the life of a great Teacher brought before the public untarnished by the writer's mind, as you are presenting this one. The language also is beyond all praise, so fresh, so pointed, and withal so plain and easy. I cannot express in adequate terms how I have enjoyed the leaflets. I am really in a transport when I read them! Strange, isn't it? Our Teacher and Lord was so original, and each one of us will have to be original or nothing. I now understand why none of us attempted his life before. It has been reserved for you, this great work. In a postscript the ebullient Vivekananda added another comment on M's Gospel: The Socratic dialogues are Plato all over; you are entirely hidden. Moreover, the dramatic part is infinitely beautiful. Everybody likes it here and in the West.87 Vivekananda's Ramakrsna 53 Even when the SvamI found a work on the life and logia of his master quite acceptable in all essentials, he still noticed something in it to cavil at, as was the case with Surescandra Datta's collection of Ramakrsna's sayings in Bengali, Srirdmakrsnadeber Upades (1886), which contained a short but comprehensive biography of the master titled Srisnrdmkrsnalild. Commenting on this work, Vivekananda wrote to Ramakrsnananda in 1895: "Suresh Dutta's object is noble; his book, too, is well written. It will bring some g,rood, no doubt. However, how far have they been able to fathom Sri Ramakrishna? "88 The Bengalis, thus, disappointed the SvamI, as none of them could write an "original" piece, that is, one which would depict Ramakrsna as a dignified and enlightened reformer acceptable and respectable throughout the world. He considered the Madrasis as "at least far superior to the Bengalis, who are simply fools and have no souls, no stamina at all."89 "I have all hope in Madras," Vivekananda confided to his south Indian follower Alasinga, in a letter of November 30, 1894. His expressed reliance on his south Indian devotees in November had been preceded five months ago by his disappointment with Alasinga and his crew. On June 28, 1894 the SvamI had complained against Alasinga's effort to link up Vivekananda's teachings with those of the Theosophists. In sheer disgust he had written: "What nonsense does Alasinga mean ... Fool! ... And this pack of Madras babies cannot even keep a counsel in their blessed noodles! Talk nonsense all day, and when it comes to the least business, they are nowhere!"90 However, now he suggested to Alasinga that Kidi (nickname of Singaravelu Mudaliar, another south Indian disciple) write a biography of Ramakrsna. He even prescribed the parameters for such a study: The life of Shri Ramakrishna was an extraordinary searchlight under whose illumination one is able to really understand the whole scope of Hindu religion. He was the object-lesson of all the theoretical knowledge given in the Shastras (scriptures). He showed by his life what the Rishis and Avataras really wanted to teach .... The Vedas can only be explained and the Shastras reconciled by his theory of Avastha or stages—that we must not only tolerate others, but positively embrace them, and that truth is the basis of all religions. He especially cautioned Alasinga to 54 Narasingha P. Sil Vivekdnanda's Ramakrsna 55 avoid all irregular indecent expressions about sex etc..... because other nations think it the height of indecency to mention such things, and his life in English is going to be read by the whole world." Vivekananda wrote to Kidi on the same day: Take thought, get materials, write a sketch of Ramakrishna, studiously avoiding all miracles. The life should be written as an illustration of the doctrines he preached.92 Soon he was disenchanted again with his south Indian hopefuls. In the same year, in a letter to his monastic brethren in Calcutta, the SvamI lamented: Of course I never relied on the Bengalis, but the Madrasis couldn't do anything either ... not one original idea crosses anyone's brains, all fighting over the same old, threadbare rug—that Ramakrishna Paramahamsa was such and such and cock-and-bull stories—stories having neither head nor tail .... Today you have your bell, tomorrow you add a horn, and follow suit with a chowry the day after; or you introduce a cot today, and tomorrow you have its legs silver-mounted, and people help themselves to a rice-porridge, and you spin out two thousand cock-and-bull stories .... This is called in English imbecility. In the postscript, the writer observed: "It won't do merely to call Shri Ramakrishna an Incarnation, you must manifest power."93 Vivekananda's double disappointment in respect of a model biography of his master could be partly explained. Most probably, he found the Bengali works full of verbatim reproduction of Ramakrsna's sermons in patois, often full of crude and obscene expressions as well as innocent and uncritical reports, including eyewitness accounts, of the master's ati bhaydnaka ("very scary") and ativa bhayahkara ("extremely horrible") sddhands ("spiritual exercises") with the bhairavi brdhmani as well as his intimate encounters with Mathuramohan.94 Certainly he felt uncomfortable with any reference to Ramakrsna's obsession with Narendranath. He admonished his brother monks at Alambazar for having published the late Paramahamsa's loving remarks on him. "What made you communicate to the Indian Mirror that Paramahamsa Deva used to call Narendra such and such, and all sorts of nonsense," wrote the angry and exasperated SvamI.95 His dislike for the works by the south Indians stemmed probably from the fact that these depicted Ramakrsna in the conventional motif of the Indian hagiographical tradition. The Bengali works were embar- rassing while the Madrasi ones dull and both eminently unoriginal] It is quite possible that Saradananda's Lildprasanga was influenced by Vivekananda's ideas and suggestions. Indeed, the Preface to its third part clearly states that the author, following in the footsteps of Swami Vivekananda, attempted in this book a description of that unique life ... with a view to depict that exalted state of the Master's mind (Bhava), the realization of a little of which has made Swami Vivekananda and others, including ourselves, dedicate their lives at the lotus feet of the Master.96 It is also quite likely that M dared not publish his Kathdmrta during Vivekananda's lifetime.97 Nikhilananda's concern for projecting the right image of the Paramahamsa was most certainly inspired by the ideas of Vivekananda whom he greatly admired.98 Most probably the real reason for his praising the second part of M's own translation of his Kathdmrta as the Gospel was the fact it partly reflected (in M's commentaries) Vivekananda's ideas of a godman. IX Sometime in 1896 or 1897 Saradananda asked Vivekananda why the latter had not written Ramakrsna's biography for Professor Max Miiller. The SvamI replied in his characteristic dithyramb: I have such deep feeling for the Master that it is impossible for me to write about him for the public. If I had written the article Max Muller wanted, then I would have proved, quoting from philosophies, the scriptures and even the holy books of the Christians, that Ramakrishna was the greatest of all prophets born in the world.99 And he did write about the Paramahamsa. As early as 1895 he had informed Brahmananda: I am going to write a very short sketch of Shri Ramakrishna's life in English, which I shall send you. Have it printed and translated into Bengali and sell it at the festival [Ramakrsna Festival]—people do not read books that are distributed free. Fix some nominal price. Have the festival done with great pomp ....'00 Though this biography is short, it is shot through with the author's very personalized interpretation of Ramakrsna's preachings and teachings and his claims on behalf of the Ramakrsna phenomenon.101 In many respects, this short biography is original in its interpretation of Ramakrsna's contributions. It is not 56 Narasingha P. Sil Saradananda's Great Master but Vivekananda's My Master which is familiar throughout the world, and My Master is Vivekananda all over. Ramakrsna's new image was further refined in the Svaml's lecture, "The Sages of India", delivered in Madras on February 11, 1897. As he declared, the Paramaharhsa combined the brilliant intellect of Shankara and the wonderfully expansive, infinite heart of Chaitanya; one who would see God in every being, one whose heart would weep for the poor, for the weak, for the outcast, for the downtrodden, for every one in this world, inside India or outside India; and at the same time whose grand brilliant intellect would conceive of such noble thoughts as would harmonise all conflicting sects, not only in India but outside of India, and bring a marvellous harmony, the universal religion of head and heart into existence ... (TJhis great intellect never learnt even to write his own name, but the most brilliant graduates of our university found in him an intellectual giant. He was a strange man, this Shri Ramakrishna Paramahainsa.102 Vivekananda's inspired hyperbole in respect of his master was at its best in his claim made in 1901: "It is my opinion that Shri Ramakrishna was born to vivify all branches of art and culture in this country."103 X Since Vivekananda's days, the life and logia of the Paramahamsa have been written and interpreted by a variety of researchers both in India and abroad. Almost all the biographies of Ramakrsna have relied upon the interpretation of the master's life provided by the Ramakrsna Order founded by Vivekananda. One of the Svaml's Brdhmo contemporaries, Krsnakumar Mitra, astutely observed: "It is true that Narendranath became the disciple of Ramakrishna, but the disciple made his guru 'unsectarian'."104 The much publicized Paramahamsa is not only the greatest incarnation who ever descended on earth but also the patron saint of renascent India. The projection of Ramakrsna as the universal redeemer was made in total disregard of the master's pronounced casteism and misogyny.105 On the other hand, Thakur Ramakrsna of the householder disciples such as Mahendranath Gupta or Ramacandra Datta, while trapped in the ivory tower of divinity, still has a human Vivekananda's Ramakrsna 57 face—an unsophisticated bucolic brahmin and a semi-literate ecstatic-possessed of charming simplicity and naivete.106 The authentic god-mad Gadadhara—neither a social reformer nor a Vedantin nor even a tdntrika in any meaningful sense but an enthusiastic bhakta, a sahajiyd at best—was transformed into a modern prophet.107 If Ramakrsna appeared as a mere bhagabdn ("God") to most of his devotees and disciples, he had become something more—bhagabdner bdbd (literally meaning "God's father"), greater than God—at the hands of the "cyclonic" SvajnT.108 Vivekananda once confessed: I am Ramakrishna's servant, and I am willing even to steal and rob, if by doing so I can perpetuate his name in the land of his birth and Sadhana (spiritual struggle) and help even a litde his disciples to practise his great ideals.109 And he succeeded! Indeed there is a good deal of justification in the Svaml's boast to his gurubhdis: Without me, who would have made your Master known to the world!110 Western Oregon State College Department of History Monmouth, Oregon 97361, USA Narasingha P. Sil * I thank the office of the Provost, Western Oregon State College for some financial assistance through the Faculty Development Fund in respect of this research. I also thank the anonymous reader of an earlier version of my paper for his insightful critique and helpful suggestions. Finally, I am grateful to the staff of the Library of Western Oregon State College for their help in procuring a number of sources through their interlibrary loan services. 1 Swami Prabhananda, First Meetings with Sii Ramakrishna (Mylapore: Sri Ramakrishna Math, 1987), p. 134. 2 Sec Narasingha P. Sil, Ramakrsna Paramahamsa: A Psychological Profile (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991), chs. V & VII. 5 J. J. Kripal, "Revealing and Concealing the Secret: A Textual History of Mahendranath Gupta's SrisrTrdmakrsnakathdmrta," Clinton B. Scely, ed. Calcutta, Bangladesh, and Bengal Studies (Asian Studies Center: Michigan State University, 1991). Sec also M (Mahendranath Gupta), Sris'rirdmakrsnakathamrta, 5 bhdgas (1902-32. Rpt. Kalikata: Kathamrta Bhavana, 1987), henceforth cited as KM; Swami Nikhilananda, The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna (1942. Seventh printing. New York: Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Center, 1984). 4 Sailcndranath Dhar, A Comprehensive Biography of Swami Vivekananda, 3 vols, in 2 pts. (Madras: Vivekananda Prakashan Kendra, 1975-76). I, 52 (henceforth cited as CB). 5 Ibid., pp. 53, 59. His translation of Spencer's On Education was published by Gurudas Cattopadhaya of Calcutta. He also translated Thomas a Kempis' Imita- 58 Narasingha P. Sil tion of Christ in Bengali. See also Bhupendranath Datta, Swami Vivekananda Patriot-Prophet: A Study (Calcutta: Nababharat Publishers, 1954), p. 154 n. 8. 6 The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, 8 vols. (Mayavati Memorial edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1990), V, letter #2; VI, letters #8, 9 (hereafter cited as CW); CB, I, 328. Though Vivekananda's knowledge of the Vedanta and other Hindu scriptures owed a good deal to the help from Mitra, there developed some bitterness in the relationships between the veteran scholar and the young monk. Mitra considered belief in Ramakrsna's avatarahood a "perversion" and Vivekananda found Mitra's intimacy with the "white-skinned missionaries of the Hindu religion ... repelling." Ibid., I, 292-93. Vivekananda also borrowed many books from Dr. Saslbhůsan Sányál, Alasinga Perumal, and E. T. Sturdy. CW, V, letters #39, 68; VI, letter #59 & VIII, letter #68. 7 Narendra learned classical vocal music from maestros such as Bern Ostád and Kaší Ghosál. He authored a short guidebook on tabid (percussion instrument) playing and it was published by Baisnavacandra Basák of Battalá, Calcutta. Patriot-Prophet, p. 155. 8 CB, I, 40. This, somewhat interestingly, parallels the first childhood trance of his master, Sri Rámakrsna. Swami Saradananda, Sri Ramakrishna the Great Master (SrUrirámakrsnalíláprasaňga), tr. Swami Jagadananda, 2 vols. (Sixth rev. edn. Mylapore: Sri Ramakrishna Math, 1983-84), I, 55-56 (henceforth referred to as GM). 9 CB, I, 85. Narendranáth met Rámakrsna for the first time at the residence of his friend Surendranáth (alias Sureš) Mitra sometime in the first week of November 1881. He first visited the saint's abode at Daksinešvar on January 15, 1882. 10 A pioneering study calling for the need to distinguish "the historical Swami Vivekananda" from "the archetype of Vivekananda as the Hindu spiritual hero" is by George M. Williams ("Swami Vivekananda: Archetypal Hero or Doubting Saint" in Robert D. Baird, cd. Religion in Modern India, Delhi: Manohar, 1981). See also Charles S.J. White, "The Sái Bába Movement: Approaches to the Study of Indian Saints," The Journal of Asian Studies, XXXI, 4 (1972). " Patriot-Prophet, p. 265. 12 Tapan Raychaudhuri, Europe Reconsidered: Perception of the West in Nineteenth Century Bengal (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 8 (see also ch. Ill, 103-218). IS See Marie L. Burke, Swami Vivekananda in the West. New Discoveries. A New Gospel, 2 pts. (Third edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1980), II, 1-107. 14 His Eastern & Western Admirers, Reminiscences of Swami Vivekananda (1961. Third edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1983), p. 3. 15 CB, I, 51. '* His Eastern & Western Disciples, The Life of Swami Vivekananda, 2 vols, (revised & enlarged fifth edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1979-81), I, 107-11. John A. Bright of Harvard remarked, somewhat exaggeratedly, that Vivekananda's learning "matched that of all the professors of his university put together." CB, II, 1443. 17 CW, VI, letter #125: letter to Sister Niveditá, June 3, 1897. 18 Romain Rolland, The Life of Vivekananda and the Universal Gospel, tr. E. F. Malcolm-Smith (Tenth impression. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1984), p. 8 n. 11. 19 GM II, 854-55. Vivekananda's Rámakrsna 59 20 Sil, Rämahsna, ch. IV. 21 GM, II, 857. 22 Life of Vivekananda, I, 90. 23 KM, IV, 230 (diary of July 15, 1885). 24 Life of Vivekananda, I, 76-78. 25 Ibid., pp. 76-77, 87-88, 92; KM, IV, 228 (diary of July 15, 1885). All quotations from the KM are my translation. 26 GM, II, 922. 27 Cited ibid., p. 924. 28 Ibid., p. 927. 29 It is not clear why, in spite of Narendranäth's reputation as an allrounder, coupled with the fact that his father had built up a social as well as professional circle, he failed to procure an employment. 30 KM, II, 69. 31 CB, II, 956. 32 The Life of Swami Vivekananda (1912. Fourth edn. Mayavati: Advaita Ashrama, 1949), p. 126. In the two-volume fifth edition (see n. 16 above) Vivekananda's statement has been edited and paraphrased (I, 156). 33 CW, III, 225. 34 KM, IV, 298 (diary of February 21, 1887). 35 CW, VIII, letter #90. 36 Life of Vivekananda, II, 354. 37 GM, II, 909-10. 38 Swami Gambhirananda, Holy Molher, Sri Sarada Devi (Third edn. Mylapore: Sri Ramakrishna Math, 1977), pp. 182-83. 39 Rolland, Vivekananda, pp. 127-28 n. 2. 40 See CB, I, 497-503: "Swamiji's Psychic Powers." 41 See Life of Vivekananda, I, 149-86. 42 Ibid., pp. 177-83. 43 See n. 37 above. See also Sil, Rämakrsna, p. 159. 44 CW, VII, letter #32. In his letter of May 1890 to Pramadadas Mitra, Vivekananda wrote: "I am Ramakrishna's slave; having laid my body at his feet 'with Til and Tulsi leaves', I cannot disregard his behest ____ His command was that his all-renouncing devotees should group themselves together and I am entrusted with seeing to this." Ibid., VI, letter #33. See also Life of Vivekananda, I, 182. 45 According to Beni S. Sharma, Narendranäth's monastic name Vivekananda was proposed by Räjä Ajit Singh of Khetri (Swami Vivekananda: A Forgotten Chapter of His Life, Calcutta: Oxford Book & Stationary Co., 1963, chs. III & IV). The controversy surrounding the question who first suggested it or when Narendra first used it has been competently summarized in CB, I, 401-2. 46 Marie L. Burke, Swami Vivekananda in the West. New Discoveries. His Prophetic Mission, 2 pts. (Third edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1983-84), II, 383-93. For Vivekananda's plan for Vedäntic movement see CW, I, 383-92 ("Vedanta as a Factor in Civilisation"); III, 207-27 ("My Plan of Campaign"); V, 188-94 ("India's Mission"); VII, 411-12 ("Shri Ramakrishna: The Significance of His Life and Teachings"); VIII, 73-91 ("My Life and Mission"). 47 CW, VI, letter #41. 48 Ibid., p. 448. 49 See CW, VIII, 122-41 ("Is Vedanta the Future Religion"?). (50 Narasingha P. Sil Vivekdnanda's Ramakrsna 61 50 Cited in Rolland, Life of Vivekananda, pp. 124-26. 51 Vivekananda: The Yogas and Other Works, ed. Swami Nikhilananda (1953. Third printing. New York: Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Center, 1984), p. 394: "The Ideal of a Universal Religion" (New York, January 12, 1896). M Ibid., p. 391: "The Way to the Realization of the Universal Religion" (January 28, 1900). 53 Patriot-Prophet, p. 227. M Ibid., p. 275. 55 CW, V, letter #6 (letter of December 28, 1893). 56 Patriot-Prophet, p. 197. " Ibid., pp. 216-17. 58 CW, VIII, 89: speech in Pasadena (January 27, 1900). 59 Ibid., p. 227: lecture in London (November 23, 1895). 60 CW, III, 174 (reply to the address of welcome at Madurai), 242 ("Vedanta and its Application to Indian Life"). 61 Life of Vivekananda, I, 368. V. Subramanya of Madras called Vivekananda Pahalwdn Svdmi. Rolland called him Hercules. Life of Vivekananda, p. 6 n. 3. 62 KM, I, 50-1 (diary of October 27, 1882). 63 See Burke, Vivekananda in West. Prophetic Mission, pts. I & II, passim; Reminiscences of Vivekananda, especially the contributions by Sister Christine, Sister Nivedita, Madame E. Calve, E. T. Sturdy. 64 See Sil, Ramakrsna, p. 158. 65 CW, VI, 335 (letter # 75: letter to Svami Ramakrsnananda from the U.S.A., c. 1895). See also Vivekananda, Abhimat ("Opinion") in Aksayakumar Sen, Srirdmakrsnapunthi: Srirdmakrsnadeber Caritdmrta (Eighth edn. Kalikata: Udbodhan Karyalaya, 1378 Bengali Era). 66 CW, VI, letter #51. 67 His Disciple Nivedita, The Master as I Saw Him: Being Pages from the Life of Swami Vivekananda (London: Longman, Green & CO., 1910), p. 255. 68 Life of Vivekananda, II, 354. 69 CW, VII, letter #25. 70 CW, III, 313. 71 KM, I, 253 (diary of October 27, 1885). 72 CB, II, 1018. See also Niranjan Dhar, Vedanta and Bengal Renaissance (Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1977), p. 129. 73 CB, II, 955. 74 Thomas L. Bryson, "The Cyclonic Hindu: Swami Vivekananda," paper presented at the American Academy of Religion Conference, Kansas City (November 23-26, 1991). I thank Jeff Kripal for having mailed me a copy of this paper. 75 CW, VIII, letter #20. 76 CW, V, letter #22 (italics in original). 77 See n. 65 above. Sen originally composed Bhagaban Snsrirdmakrsna Paramahamsadeber Caritdmrta during 1894-1901. He publicly recited from the Snsriramakrsnapunthi for the first time in 1895 at Daksinesvar on the occasion of Ramakrsna's birth anniversary. He sent a copy of this version of the Punthi to Vivekananda. Later, on November 25, 1901, this Punthi was published, incorporating all the four parts of the Caritdmrta. 78 Swami Chetanananda, They Lived with God: Life Stories of Some Devotees of Sri Ramakrishna (St. Louis: Vedanta Society, 1989), p. 374. 79 CW, VI, letter #75. 80 CW, VII, letter #23. 81 CW, VI, letter #47. 82 CW, V, 505: "The East and the West." 83 See n. 79 above. 84 Cited in KM, V, 287. 85 CW, VI, letter #97. 86 Cited in KM, V, 287. 87 CW, V, letter #82. 88 Cited in Prabhananda, First Meeting with Ramakrishna, p. 252 n. 23. 89 CW, VIII, letter #21. 90 Ibid. 91 See n. 76 above. 92 Letters of Swami Vivekananda (Sixth impression. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1986), p. 71 (letter # 29). Emphasis in original. Puzzlingly enough, CH^omits this important letter of Vivekananda. 93 CW, VI, letter #45. 94 The most "scandalous" biography of Ramakrsna containing the lurid details of his sddhana as well as his quite suggestive encounters with his patron Mathur was Datta's Jibanbrttdnla. See J. J. Kripal, "Vivekananda and Ram Chandra Datta: An Early Conflict over the Person and Message of Ramakrishna," paper presented at the Fourth International Congress of Vedanta, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio (April 2-5, 1992). 95 CW, VI, letter #56. It is on record that he hesitated to discuss Ramakrsna's life confessing that he did not quite understand his guru. See Saratcandra Cakrabartl, Svami-sisya Sarhbdd, p. 146 cited in Raychaudhuri, Europe Reconsidered, p. 242. 96 GM, I, 366. 97 The Prathama Bhaga ("First Part") of the .KM was published in 1902, the year Vivekananda died. 98 See Nikhilananda's Preface to Gospel of Ramakrishna (see n. 3 above). See also J. J. Kripal, "Kali's Child: The Mystical and the Erotic in Mahendranath Gupta's Srisrirdrnakrsnakathdmrta,'' Ph.D. dissertation in preparation (University of Chicago). I thank Jeff for having shared with me an early draft of the Introduction. 99 Cited in Swami Nikhilananda, Vivekananda: A Biography (1953. Second Indian edn. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1971), pp. 193-94. 100 CW, VI, letter #71. 101 CW, IV, 154-87: "My Master." 102 Ibid., pp. 267-68. Cf. Vivekananda's conversation with Saratcandra Cakrabartl: "First we must raise the whole Hindu race in this way and then the whole world. That is why Shri Ramakrishna incarnated." CW, VII, 171. Vivekananda was wrong in making Ramakrsna a completely illiterate man. Perhaps the misstatement was made deliberately for rhetorical effect. In actuality, however, Ramakrsna could and did sign his name. He also, reportedly, copied a portion of Krttivasa's Ramdyana. Swami Ramakrishnananda, Sri Ramakrishna and His Mission (Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math, 1972), p. 14. 103 Q\Yt VII, 205: Vivekananda's conversation with Ranadaprasad Dasgupta, the founder of the Jubilee Art Academy, Calcutta. 104 Cited in Patriot-Prophet, p. 178. 62 Narasingha P. Sil 105 See Sil, Rdmakrsna, especially chs. II & III. A typical sample of the popular image of Rdmakrsna, which is universally held by devotees and admirers alike, is to be found in the statement made by independent India's first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in 1949. Speaking on the occasion of the 114th birth anniversary of the master at the Ramakrishna Mission, New Delhi, Pandit Nehru declared that "men like Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, men like Swami Vivekananda and men like Mahatma Gandhi are great unifying forces, great constructive geniuses of the world ... not only in regard to the particular teachings that they taught, but their approach to the world and their conscious and unconscious influence on it is of the most vital importance to us." Pandit J. Nehru, Sri Ramakrishna and Swami Vivekananda (Mayavati: Advaita Ashrama, 1949), pp. 13-14. The last sentence in the above quote must have been inspired by Vivekananda's characterization of the Paramahamsa: "He is the method, that wonderful unconscious method!" Nivedita, Master as I Saw Him, p. 255. 106 Sil, Rdmakrsna, chs. VII & VIII. See also Kripal's paper cited in n. 94 above. 107 Very few scholars, since Friedrich Max Muller's days, are prepared to regard Ramakrsna as a Vedantin. Sil, Rdmakrsna, pp. 97-98. Walter G. Neevel ("The Transformation of Sri Ramakrishna," Bardwell L. Smith, ed. Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religion, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976) argues that Ramakrsna's basic orientation was tdntrika. He is powerfully supported by Kripal (see all his works cited above). For a contrary view see Sil, Rdmakrsna, chs. VI-VIII. 103 Svamf Prameyananda et al., eds. Bisvacetandy SrTramkrsna (Kalikata: Udbodhan Karyalaya, 1987), p. 28. Once the Svami compared Ramakrsna with Lord Krsna and commented that "even where Krishna failed to show a complete reconciliation (samanvaya) among the warring sects, it was fully accomplished by Ramakrishna Paramahamsa in the nineteenth century." Swami Vivekananda, Sri Ramakrishna as Swamiji Saw Him (Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math, 1974), p. 20. The journalists of Detroit called Vivekananda "cyclonic Hindu" for his eloquent and forceful lectures. Burke, Vivekananda in West. Prophetic Mission, I, 431. 105 CW, VI, letter #33. "0 Cited in CB, II, 955. NUMEN Vol. 40 (1993) A REPORT ON THE "INTERNATIONAL ACADEMIC CONFERENCE ON RELIGION," BEIJING, APRIL 6-10, 1992 Christian Jochim The International Association for the History of Religions (IAHR) was especially pleased to hold a conference for the first time in China, the second time in Asia (as an IAHR International Congress was held in Tokyo in 1958). The IAHR aims to be a truly international organization and has been very supportive in recent years of the nascent discipline of Religious Studies in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In this report, I would like to introduce the conference's organizers and participants, its academic content, and its overall nature. Organizers and Participants The Chinese organizers were from the Institute of World Religions (IWR) of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Chinese Association of Religious Studies (CARS), Beijing. IWR was founded in 1964, but has been much more active since the late 1970's. Since that time it has accepted 40 students into its M.A. and Ph.D. programs; and it has helped to establish the first faculty in religious studies at a Chinese university (Beijing University, Philosophy Department). CARS, founded in 1988, is an academic affiliate of the IAHR for scholars all over China. According to its constitution: The association is a nationwide nonofficial academic organization of researchers on religions. Guided by the principles of Integrating Theory with Practice and Letting a Hundred Schools of Thought Contend, the association will play an active role in arranging academic exchanges and activities both at home and abroad, so as to develop and promote religious studies, thus contributing to the cultural undertakings in China. Organizers from IWR and CARS were even more concerned than IAHR organizers about the success of the conference. Despite recent progress, the discipline of Religious Studies is not yet secure and totally beyond suspicion in the PRC. This international conference played an important legitimation function for local organizers and scholars. As the tide they gave to the conference indicates, they wanted to stress its "international" and "academic" nature Foreign scholars were aware of these factors and tried to avoid making any impolitic remarks, although there were in fact