Signs of Life Cinema and Medicine Edited by Graeme Harper and Andrew Moor WALLFLOWER PRESS LONDON and NEW YORK wEirst published in Great Britain in 2005 by Wallflower Press . .................................................. 4th Floor, 26 Shacklewell Lane, London E8 2EZ »■swwWiwallflowerpress.co.uk Copyright © Graeme Harper 8c Andrew Moor 2005 1 lii moral right of Graeme Harper &c Andrew Moor to be identified as the editors of this work-has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act * " bl\ts reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval svstcm sOTjtransported in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-c< j" in recording or. otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owners and-the above publisher of this book. A catalogue for this book is available from the British Library. N-M i 904764-16-9 (pbk) I 904764-17-7 (hbk) _ IWd by Antony Rowe-Ltdr, Chippenham, Wiltshire Eraser Acknowledgements vis Notes on contributors ix Fore wrd xi Sir Kenneth Caiman Introduction 01 Contents 10 Magic bullets, dark victories and cold comforts: some preliminary observations about stories of sickness in the cinema 07 Brian Glasser B-ith traumas: medicine, parturition and horror in Rosemary's Baby 19 L Fischer TV mainstream AIDS movie prior to the 1990s 33 eth MacKinnon Health education films in Britain, 1919-39: production, genres in I ludiences 45 1 :hy M. Boon •=!■ ■ death and stereotypes: disability in Sick and Crash 58 1 Shakespeare Past imperfect, future tense: the health services in British cinema of the mid-century 70 Andrew Moor Just a story or a 'just story'? Ethical issues in a film with a medical theme 82 M. Roy Jobson & Donna Knapp van Bogaert 'Either he's dead or my watch has stopped': medical notes in 1930s film comedy 92 Graeme Harper Angels, battleaxes and good-time girls: cinema's images of nurses 105 Julia Haliam To catch a star on your fingertips': diagnosing the medical biopic from The Stnrv of Louis Pasteur to Freud 120 11 12 From Let There Be Light to Shades of Grey, the construction of authoritative knowledge about combat fatigue (1945-48) 132 C. A. Morgan lit Imitation of life: the politics of the new genetics in cinema 153 Jackie Stacey Bibliography 166 Index 176 Acknowledgements Mam th»6fe are due to Linda Jones, Research Administrator in the English Department g^S^thje University of Wales, Bangor, for her skilled contribution, to the BFI Stills Depart-S nenr im rlieir kind assistance, to Greg Thorpe for helping at the proofing stage, and to io'rarn AI Ion for his constant support and enthusiasm. A great many thanks also to Sir H2S?jggjineth Caiman for showing interest, even during his busy schedule, and for taking time -ff> write such a lively foreword to this book. Thanks also to Brian Glasser for the invitation to mm in a lively dicsussion at UCL. GH would also like to thank Andrew Moor; it has he\.n i r il-pleasure to work with you on this one, Andrew, from start to finish. Sincere think ^nd sincere thanks, finally, to each and of all our contributors, whose work has made this book what it is. 1 i Grover, J. Z. (1988) 'AIDS: keywords', in D. Crimp (eel.) AIDS: Cultural Analysis/Cultttr i ■ rÁctivism. Cambridge: MIT Press, 17-30, ' Hancock, G. and E. Carim (1986) AIDS: The Deadly Epidemic, London: Victor Golla * Hoberman, J, (1987) 'The Other, Woman', Village Voice, 1 December, 68. Jones, A. (1990) 'Brian Yuznas Society. Starburst, 140, 9-12. Leayman, C. D. (1976) "'They Came from Within": Siegels "Pods" have in fact won our'. Cinefantastique, 5, 3,22-3. McGrath, R. (1990) 'Dangerous liaisons: health, disease and representation', in T. Be ř u * and S. Gupta (eds) Ecstatic Antibodies: Resisting the AIDS Mythology. London: Rher," Oram Press, 142-55. McKay, P. (1988) 'Fatal Attraction', Evening Standard, 7 March. Newman, K. (1989) 'Skin Deep', Monthly Film Bulletin, 56, 215. Rogin, M. P. (1987) Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes in Political Dernonoion Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. .....................................................—- Schmidt, C. G. (1984) 'The group-fantasy origin of AIDS', Journal of Psychohistory . 37-78. 7 - Sontag, S. (1978) Illness as Metaphor. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. -(1988) AIDS and Its Metaphors. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Walker, A. (1976) Evening Standard, 29 April. Weeks, J. (1985) Sexuality and Its Discontents: Meanings, Myths and Modern Sexuali London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Wood, R. (1986) Hollywood from Vietnam to Reagan. New York: Columbia Univer.itv Press. 04 Timothy M. Boon Health education films in Britain, 1919-39: production, genres and audiences ^Health education films, unlike most of the other cinematic subjects of this book, did not .imply represent medicine and health, they were conceived as their instruments: each film *was in one way or another, intended to alter public behaviour to enhance health. The fbnef compass of this chapter provides space to discuss the first 20 years of the genre in l.riiain. The films I discuss here have received little serious attention from film historians ?0r members of the film studies community.1 Scholars usually opt to study better known, ■ ■r inply better made, examples of the cartoon, melodrama and documentary genres with which they are associated. But the size of the genre is sufficient in itself to demand study hand explanation. Between the foundation of the Ministry of Health in 1919 and the *outbreak of the Second World War, approximately 350 health films were produced or jfhown in Britain. For the historian of medicine, this provokes questions: who made these Bims and why did health education matter so much to them? Why did the films differ so januch in style? And who saw them? Fortunately, survival of films is good enough (mainly in Khe National Film and Television Archive) and just sufficient paper documentation persists mia. the archives to be able to answer many of these questions. IE Most of those responsible conceived of these films as part of a broader health lelucafion enterprise. Health education of the public was chosen as a mode of quasi-Bolitical activity by groups of activists, very often organised into voluntary health associations. These organisations were an established part of the mixed public/private Economy' of the interwar public sphere. The CCHEs 1939 Health Education Year Book |lists 76 such voluntary associations, of which 38 had films in distribution. Most active - the arrangement in place before 1919 - was the correct way to deliver the sen® that it should continue; for them health propaganda was not the state's business! heterogeneous groups of people who made up the associations included aristocrats^ to retain a type of political role in a period of decline; aspirant middle-class professM - including doctors - making a political place for themselves or asserting a particular! of medicine; and women, before 1928 deprived them of the vote, finding a type of po^ stage on which to act. The voluntary health associations differed over what theyBeffl mattered to public health; for some it was particular diseases, whilst others worried a| the moral state of the population, their uptake of medical services, or their genetic dell Later, questions of public health became entangled in issues of more general social reg and citizenship. The effect of these differing concerns was magnified by the policy of the Ministrl Health, whose ministers and officials confirmed in 1920 that practical health educll should not normally be undertaken centrally, but should be delegated to these voiurrtl health associations and to the Medical Officers of Health employed by all local comII Miniscry officials developed a fundamentally hierarchical model of communication;"'^ educated intermediaries sitting between the State and the public. As George Newman, ft first Chief Medical Officer, put it: 'governmental action is the outcome of public opiriifl and this in turn is formed by the more educated section of the people and by individjF exponents' (Newman 1925: 17-18). The voluntary associations were seen as key merhoS of that 'more educated section. The Ministry allowed for only one potential excepM to this delegation model; that in times of crisis, symbolised for them by the influerJJH epidemic of 1918, the Ministry might take direct charge of health education (Boon 1 wffl 90-1). I The organisations that assumed a role in health education used a wide range of media irS addition to films, for different audiences: lectures, meetings, conferences, books, journ ]unrary associations. The Health and Cleanliness Council (H&CC), responsible for 19 ^pfilms including the Giro the Germ cartoon series, was dependent on concealed commercial ^funding, from the electrical industry, and probably also from soap manufacturers (Daley %$li959: 34). Of local voluntary associations, it was the housing associations that produced V"the largest numbers of films. Two examples will give a clear idea of the genre. . Deferred Payment, made by Mary Field in 1929, was the first collaboration between BSHC and British Instructional Films. It was described as *a dramatic film dealing with fthe need for ante-natal treatment of an infected mother and emphasising the danger of ^quack" treatment' (BSHC 1928-29: 34). The film was described as being made with $the co-operation of Dr Marjorie Smith-Wilson, Dr Margaret Rorke (Medical Officer in Echarge of the female VD department at the Royal Free Hospital) and Dr Morna Rawlins approved-by-the chairmen-of the-BSHG's propaganda and executive committees anHJ the senior venereologist Colonel L. W. Harrison.3 This group produced a film u-picgi, the 'moral talc' genre, as the catalogue description, quoted in full, reveals: J The story of a wireless officer who, transferred to home service and anxious marry his old sweetheart with a clean bill of health, visits a quack doctor to whoi 1 he makes heavy payments for so-called 'treatment'. Thinking that he is cured, 1 ■ marries. The wife, when the first baby is expected, attends an ante-natal clin'i where she is informed that she is infected with Syphilis, but that with carefiil treatment the baby will probably be born healthy. The husband then visits a docti i and also undergoes treatment. A healthy girl is born, but when a second child is expected in two years' time, the husband persuades his wife, in spite of the doctoi advice, that it is not necessary for her to take any more treatment as they are all well A baby boy is born, who grows up a weakling, and eventually it is ascertained .that his eyesight has been damaged by Syphilitic infection. Through treatment the litt boys sight is saved, but so weakened that it will affect his choice of profession. Tf father realises that the child will continue to pay indefinitely for his fault. (Cre1 1935: 42) This film conforms to Annette Kuhn's (1988) analysis of the mode of address of e^rliej VD films. Aimed at mixed audiences, men and women each have a figure with who i identify - Leonard and Gladys Dawson - each of whom is given a speech at the end caption boards) expressing their own culpability for their son's condition. Cinemati the film is similar in kind to earlier VD films, with its limited and literal use of edit and of close ups, and the universal use of static shots. This is an unaffected, literal n of film sryle in which Leonard's 'fault', illicit and dangerous sex, is vigorously sugge but not stated. The literalistic style of filmmaking tends to enhance the moralistic and-authoritarian strands in the film relating to medical figures. The representation o r'i quack doctor first visited by Leonard is in sharp contrast to the doctor at the Maternity md Child Welfare Centre who diagnoses Gladys' syphilis. The quack smokes, wears a bow tie and winks and beckons to his female typist to leave the room when the nervous Lconird arrives. The doctor, on the other hand, white-suited, straight-tied, is represented by his gestures as deeply troubled by the tragedy of VD. His authority is signalled literally b\ his being filmed standing up looking down on Gladys who looks up at him. When Leo ■ confesses about the quack, the doctor addresses him as disobedient to medical authont 'It was foolish and you have lost valuable time, which makes it more difficult to cure j Deferred Payment, in proposing obedience to medical authority, and a moral regime for tl prevention of VD, presented a conservative moral universe of stable marriage, clean of tl taint of promiscuity with its necessary concomitant VD. The four-strong Giro the Germ series exemplifies some of the characteristics of H&'C films. Rachael Low sums up the style of these black-and-white films: 'the animation crude, with passages repeated for the sake of economy, and the lesson was contained i jingle which appeared as titles in the silent version or was sung in the sound version' (Lov 1979b: 152). Giro the Germ (Episode One) (1927) has germs ('giros') as imp-like creatures mischievously intent on spreading disease. As the year book says; 'while the audience laugh at this amusing little creature they realise how dangerous he is' (CCHE 1939: 124): »AT7#:Road to Health (Brian Salt, Gaumont-British Instructional, 1938). One of the British Social fg^CoCineil's moral tales about venereal disease. BFl Stills, Posters and Designs. Crown copyright - HMSO flies. Landing on a windowsill they reject one house as unsuitable: 'No good! This jean house. About turn!' A caption reads: 'If your house is dirty and the house-fly JpleS and sees, they will bring the Giros - they will bring disease.' They select the house ^character named 'Grimy': 'Said Grimy to the Giro "If this were Friday night, I'd up So and wash myself and give you all a fright".' Grimy smokes a pipe carrying a 'giro' adSis wife drinks from a similarly infected teacup and they both become (instantly) sick. Tcall the doctor: Here comes the wise old Doctor man l_ To try to save them if he can. :: And if he does, he's sure to say: 'It's Giro's made you ill today! Here's the soap and water. See the Giros run! Now in soapy slaughter Giro's day is done! i inittee as significant enough to chair its fortnightly meetings. It was only with the Steof public relations that the conditions were right for a new mode of health film to Kfeinto being. The documentarists, who had been nurtured within government at jggpjjlmpire Marketing Board and GPO, were creatures of government publicity. And it jp:their model of film-making that appealed to the officials at the Ministry of Health; "Ministry civil servants saw themselves as experts in administration, and they looked to the 52 This eventually-producei-on the eve ofwar, a film called Health for the Nation by John Monck, sometime associate of Robert Flaherty. From the start there was aa that the film should be a film about England, its history, its consequent health pro and the work of the Ministry in alleviating them. Not tied to a particular campaign < .-issue, it was designed to create in the public mind a picture of the concerns of the Mi of Health; in Wood s terms it was 'publicity'. Health for the Nation, in contrast to E to Eat? is an impressionistic documentary covering its material at a stately pace, coiist following the principles of dialectical montage - structuring via thesis, antith synthesis - enunciated by Sergei Elsenstein and Vsevelod Pudovkin (see Boon 200-features lyrical orchestral music, dissolving scenes of English countryside, industrial people at work and in their everyday lives and sporadic, poetic, commentary sp Ralph Richardson. The thesis of the film is the industrial development of the countH impressionistic cinematic 'English Journey' accompanied by industrial location so introducing the coal, iron, steel districts of England, the textile industry,..transport closing stanzas of this reel introduce the antithesis, that out of iron and coal and steel built... slag heaps and smoke, soot upon the fields, forests of chimneys. In a hunt i fifty years we have changed the face of Britain. We have changed it forever,' The ahti is amplified by a section on 'The people', and the impact of industrialisation on their I The catastrophic interpretation of industrialisation is then given a forceful expression impressionistic sequence of panning shots of industrial areas, accompanied by the sco its most sombre: 'Overcrowded, poor, under the shadow of disease. Into filthy hovek* ill-ventilated factories and mines was crowded the manpower, the driving force of ii men, women and children.' The synthesis is introduced by a sequence of the daces titles of Public Health Acts, culminating in the foundation of the Ministry of Health' film builds on this with a series of cases, many of them compared with the state of in the nineteenth century, presented in impressionistic manner with sparse commeni water supply and drainage, house building, refuse disposal, medical services, infant we1 school meals and milk, the school medical service, National Health Insurance, peniio The concluding sections give an upbeat account of progress in responding to the K problems of the previous century. In sum, the film is a portrait of the English nacio~n visual language presents established characteristics of the English Nation, the under!; rurality, a people defined by industrial work. England here is an essentially prosper modern nation; the achievement ofthis modernity has had .a serious cost in terms ofhS; problems, but these are presented either as already solved or as in process of solution (Ba 1999: 286-300; Boon 2004). Audiences The archives, periodicals, histories and biographies can yield a rich picture of the of health film made during the interwar period, as the first sections of this chapf cr ha» sketched. More problematic is the question of who saw the films. For us, who inhab'5 world saturated with surveys, focus groups and audience evaluation, the interwar pell is a foreign country. It seems that those responsible for these films simply assumed t health education worked. All they asked was that significant numbers saw the fik Data on mainstream cinema-going reveal that 18 million per week went to 'the flic (Rowson 1936). For health education films specifically, some specialised archiv Mi „■ The world industrialisation has wrought, from Health for the Nation (John Monck, GPO Film Unit, 1939). j|[s, Posters and Designs, courtesy The Royal Mail Film Archive. jtember 1922, where a total of 1,700 people saw films at three venues: 'At each q» the halls were full, many having to be turned away. In many cases it was necessary mt the public an hour before the beginning of the showing' (BSHC 1922: 29).7 b -ause of the BSHC's policy of targeting some propaganda films separately at ^and'women, there are disaggregated data about gender split in audiences. So there ^potential to draw up a picture by mapping these geographically-specific reports; ' aple, at Stoke on Trent in February 1923, 3,834 men and 4,274 women watched ffms in a period of a fortnight.8 There is sufficient information to make comparisons, jfcbest, we can only say how many men and women saw particular films in particular fat particular times. And the records are remarkably short on references to any p tftion behaviour. or a more intimate sense of the impact of these films, we would have to turn to more logical sources. The first organisation in Britain to apply sociological technique to the |rfa audience was Mass Observation, the home-brew social anthropology organisation, learch programme outlined in 1937 directed observers to record details of the size, position, appearance and behaviour of cinema audiences, reaction to films and ferclcohversations. A questionnaire was also circulated to cinema audiences in spring £(Richards and Sheridan 1987: 4). None of this study was directed to health education ^father it traced responses to the ordinary diet of cinema-goers, which from at least g&was 95 per cent Hollywood product (Corrigan 1983: 26). One can be too pedantic Siirse, and the generality of the responses does give a sense of the context within which 53 the questionnaire responses-show that drama and tragedy, into which category ,., place the majority of the VD dramas, was the second most popular genre, with 21 n-'1 of women and 17 per cent of men placing it as their favourite. So we may conclurf the VD film producers had selected a popular genre, but we cannot say that the aud believed them to be particularly fine examples. In the absence of detailed contemporary analysis of what films meant to ifiili iA we are obliged to fall back on what can be said about spectators in general ■■nj"' relationship to the films. "We may say that the different genres of health filrn We" already encountered, by using different modes of address to their viewers, asserted f<3i^ relationships to exist between the authority they represented and their audience TS case of health education films produced by voluntary associations, the address drew on I traditions of the class authority associated with aristocratic power and nineteenth-i charitable activity. This carried political implications of an older deferential politics. Iri case of documentary, the address drew upon a newer professionalised view of.ho' should be run, and it carried a citizenship discourse in which the films' audiences ■ invoked as active and responsible members of the state. The documentary-maker and theorist Paul Rotha touched on the different mo of action of different genres in his landmark text Documentary Film (1936). He ari that documentary demands 'from an audience an attention quite different from thai a fictional story. In the latter, the reaction of the spectator lies in the projection off her character and personality into those of the actors playing in the story and the ult5 result of a series of fictional complications ... [whereas] in watching documentar audience is continually noting distinctions and analysing situations and probing the' and the "wherefore"' (Rotha 1936: 141-3). Rotha is here outlining in a partisan! what Bill Nichols essay 'Documentary theory and practice' later called 'mode of add (Nichols 1976/77). This mode of analysis has the value of directing our attention tol choices of cinematic technique made by directors and other participants in the produc of health films, and to the way that has led to the construction of a cinematic 'voice public health'. The mode of address of individual health education films embodies! voice of medical authority in public health to potential patients. As such, it is a vehic]| the power relations of medicine. Briefly, in Nichols' formulation, mode of address maf 'indirect', as is found in fiction films such as Deferred Payment, where the viewer folio the action of the film through identification with the characters on the screen; foot! is generally literal, showing the fictional world the characters inhabit. Alternatively mode of address may be 'direct', as is found in most documentary films, Enough to / for example, where an individual - sometimes seen on the screen - speaks direcdw viewers; visual images are either the literal footage of the speaker or illustrative foot backing up the argument. Each of these modes of address implies a position for the vie in relation to the film and its authors; passive in the case of indirect address of the fiction film and active in the case of direct address of the documentary. In the context of publS health films, filmmakers and their production allies may be seen to be making assumption about the degree of active engagement in health issues by their choice of film genre; whilsf the address of the 'moral tale' fiction-based health education film implies taking th^ opportunity of the viewers passive state to convey health 'messages*, documentary implli the active engaged citizen.' j*3 This approach can take us one stage further with the question of the cinematic voic H of voluntary associations, members of the private sphere of medical practice V hii^niaking allies, private sector companies. These groups tended to have £}ve views about society, as about medicine. In many respects they conform to Heist model of conservative thought proposed by Karl Mannheim and discussed I^Bloor. Under this view, 'organic images of family unity' dominate, and it is Iftfics duties, obligations and authority ought not to be spread uniformly. They oil be unequally distributed according to generation, rank and role. Further-■Kjustice ... naturally adopts an autocratic but flexible and benevolent form, J|| gradually adjusted to the changing ages, responsibilities and conditions of its JgBers. (Bloor 1991: 63) life,' #Jls-of the mass audience held by these groups tended therefore to be hierarchical Jps-almost literally of 'the great unwashed'. But, for them, the appropriate address rjriass audience was via appeal to them not in the mode of oratory to the group, but fl&jgjyT t0 an audience of individual subjects, each separately identifying with one or ■Lfche film's characters. At the level of simile, we may see this as being like a series of B^r'pitient encounters with docile, respectful, social subordinates.10 lfiib.e address of documentaries, on the other hand, is also to the audience as individuals, ^."different mode. The wide groups responsible for the production of these films Bto have liberal or left political affiliations, and assumed that the audience would fpscerning in cinematic technique as it was expected to be in political matters. In latitudes to the mass audience, they can be seen as exhibiting characteristics of the genment or 'natural law' style of thought opposing conservative thought style in Dnheim's account: fhis is] individualistic and atomistic. This means that it conceives of wholes and ollectivities as being unproblematically equivalent to sets of individual units ... Individual persons are made up of their reasoning or calculating facility and a set of Seeds and desires, plus, of course, their kit of natural rights. (Bloor 1991: 63) jor.itorical metaphor applies more directly to documentaries; the audience is conceived ^collective of individuals' 'reasoning faculties'. The action proposed for them is col- tive, it is that which 'we' ought to do as members of society. This mode of address pnates with public health as mass intervention via the state. W\ ■ afelusion i; !jrie 'Age of the Dream Palace', millions of people every year also went to see health ifcation films in town halls, mechanics institutes and other public venues. Their precise Jpiehce of this genre is lost to the historical record, or at least dissipated throughout 5t~a very low concentration. But, by studying the surviving films, the written records ilcbntextual evidence that persist in libraries and archives, it is possible to recognise the Jgbrtance of a genre that, if only in the sheer numbers of films and spectators, formed ^significant part of how health and medicine were cinematically represented for our Notes..........................-......----------........-----------................... 1 My PhD thesis (Boon 1999), of which this chapter is a brief statement, is the of the whole range of interwar health education films. Readers seeking mod the matters discussed here should refer to this. Rachael Low's two wotks on \ fiction films are invaluable catalogues (Low 1979a; 1979b). Annette Kuhni VD films is a useful analysis of part of this territory (Kuhn 1988). 2 Daley 1924: 314, 313. For discussion of costs of production see Boon! 177-8. ■ .. . * 3 BSHC propaganda committee, 9 July 1929, CMAC SA/BSH/C, London;-! Library. 4 The role of flies in public health campaigns is discussed in Rogers 1989. 5 Anstey interviewed in On the March, series on the history of the March Newsreel, Flashbacks production, 1985. ................ .............---- 6 For the nutrition debate, see Smith 1986. \ 7 BSHC Propaganda Committee meeting, 16 Oct 1922, CMAC SA/BSH/Cj 8 BSHC Propaganda Committee meeting, 19 Mar 1923, CMAC SA/BSH/C, F 9 Several authors have explored the implications of Nichols' distinction for vafibi of documentary film; see Pearson 1982, Kuhn 1988. * 10 In H. B. Brackenbury's book, Patient and Doctor (1935), 'The patient is conl a passive object, expecting from the doctor certain qualities - knowledge, s fulness, judgement, sympathy, understanding, mora! character and ethical; (Armstrong 1982: 113). I References ::\| Armstrong, D. (1982) The doctor-patient relationship: 1930-1980', in P. Wfrg| A. Treacher (eds) The Problem of Medical Knowledge: Examining the SocialCor, of Medicine. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 109-22. L| Bloor, D. (1991) Knowledge and Social Imagery. Chicago: University of Chicago I Boon, T. M. (1993) 'The smoke menace: cinema, sponsorship, and the social;-rcl| of science in 1937', in M. Shortland (ed.) Science and Nature. BSHS Mont, Oxford: BSHS, 57-88......................................... _(1997) 'Agreement and disagreement in the making of World of Plenty',j_. (ed.) Nutrition in Britain: Science, Scientists and Politics in the Twentieth Ce\ London: Routledge, 166-89. (1999) Films and the Contestation of Public Health in Interwar Britain. Unp ' | PhD dissertation, University of London _(2000) "The shell of a prosperous age": history, landscape and the modern1 n| Röthas The Face of Britain (1935)', in C. Lawrence and A. Mayer (eds) Rege? England: Science, Medicine and Culture in the Interwar Years. Clio Med •! Amsterdam: Rodopi, 107-48. (2004) 'Industrialisation and catastrophe: the Victorian economy in Briti lij documentary, 1930-50', in M. Wolff and M. Taylor (eds) The Victorians Sinn Histories, Representations and Revisions. Manchester: Manchester University Pres British Commercial Gas Association. (1939) Modern Films on Matters ofMonw Kí (1935) Patient and Doctor. London: Hodder and Stoughton. íHeilth Education Year Book. London: CCHE. J)*g3) 'Film entertainment as ideology and pleasure: a preliminary approach Sy-of audiences', in J. Curran and V. Porter (eds) British Cinema History: idenfeld and Nicolson, 24-35. Health Propaganda, Ways and Means. Leicester: Bell. >9) 'The Central Council for Health Education: the first twenty-five years', nation Journal, 17, 24-35. m;c)24) 'The organisation of propaganda in the interests of public health', Ijktih, (September), 305-13. f|8:8): Ctnema, Censorship and Sexuality, 1909—1925- London: Routledge. 1)95) '"When every street became a cinema": the film work of the Bermondsey council's Public Health Department', History Workshop Journal, 39, 42-66. ?9a) Documentary and Educational Films of the 1930s. London: George Allen h) Films of Comment and Persuasion of the 1930s. London: George Allen and §1990) Questions of Power: Electricity and Environment in Interwar Britain. liter: Manchester University Press. |(1925) Public Education in Health. London: HMSO. 076177) 'Documentary theory and practice', Screen, 17, 4, 34—48. 2) 'Speaking for the common man: multi-voice commentary in World of ifrLand of Promise', in P. Marris (ed.) PaulRotha. London: BFI, 64-85. „(1-984) The Age of the Dream Palace. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. §§and D. Sheridan (eds) (1987) Mass-Observation at the Movies: Cinema and pondon: Routledge. ffls989) 'Germs with legs: flies, disease and the New Public Health', BHM, 63, r(l936) Documentary Film. London: Faber. ~3) Documentary Diary: An Informal History of the British Documentary Film, '939. London: Seeker and Warburg. ^ s(1936) 'A statistical survey of the cinema industry in Great Britain in 1934', of the Royal Statistical Society, 99, 67-129. (1986) Nutrition in Britain in the Twentieth Century. Unpublished PhD _tation, Edinburgh University. P (1989) The British Documentary Film Movement, 1926-1946. Cambridge: ridge University Press. , Rv (1983) 'British film history: new perspectives', in J. Curran and V. Porter ""ritish Cinema History. London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 9-23. 11. (1935) Intelligence and Public Relations. London: Public Record Office, " 147.