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DOI: 10.1177/0963721413475622
2013 22: 233Current Directions in Psychological Science
Dan P. McAdams and Kate C. McLean
Narrative Identity
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Current Directions in Psychological
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DOI: 10.1177/0963721413475622
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Human beings are natural storytellers. In forms that range
from traditional folk tales to reality TV, stories are told or
performed in every known human culture. People construct
and share stories about themselves, too, detailing
particular episodes and periods in their lives and what
those experiences mean to them. Out of the episodic
particulars of autobiographical memory, a person may
construct and internalize an evolving and integrative
story for life, or what psychologists today call a narrative
identity (Singer, 2004). Narrative identity reconstructs the
autobiographical past and imagines the future in such a
way as to provide a person’s life with some degree of
unity, purpose, and meaning. Thus, a person’s life story
synthesizes episodic memories with envisioned goals,
creating a coherent account of identity in time. Through
narrative identity, people convey to themselves and to
others who they are now, how they came to be, and
where they think their lives may be going in the future.
The idea that people create identity through constructing
stories about their lives has emerged, over the past 2
decades, as a broadly integrative conception in both the
humanities and the social sciences (McAdams, 2001).
Within psychological science, researchers use empirical
studies to examine both the internal dynamics of private
life narration and the external factors that shape the public
expression of stories about the self. In many studies,
investigators ask participants to tell extended stories
about scenes or periods in their own lives, and they then
code the narrative accounts for dimensions and features,
such as those presented in Table 1. As just one example,
researchers have shown that middle-age adults who
score high on self-report measures of generativity, indicating
a strong commitment to improving society and
promoting the well-being of future generations, tend to
construct life stories that showcase many instances
of redemption sequences (McAdams, 2013; McAdams,
Reynolds, Lewis, Patten, & Bowman, 2001). As indicated
in Table 1, a redemption sequence marks a transition in
a life narrative account from an emotionally negative
scene to a positive outcome or attribution about the self.
By conceptualizing their own lives as tales of redemption,
middle-age adults may sustain the hope or confidence
that is needed to weather short-term setbacks
475622CDPXXX10.1177/0963721413475622McAdams, McLeanNarrative Identity
research-article2013
Corresponding Author:
Dan P. McAdams, School of Education and Social Policy,
Northwestern University, 2120 Campus Drive, Evanston, IL 60208
E-mail: dmca@northwestern.edu
Narrative Identity
Dan P. McAdams1
and Kate C. McLean2
1
Department of Psychology and School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern
University, and 2
Department of Psychology, Western Washington University
Abstract
Narrative identity is a person’s internalized and evolving life story, integrating the reconstructed past and imagined
future to provide life with some degree of unity and purpose. In recent studies on narrative identity, researchers
have paid a great deal of attention to (a) psychological adaptation and (b) development. Research into the relation
between life stories and adaptation shows that narrators who find redemptive meanings in suffering and adversity,
and who construct life stories that feature themes of personal agency and exploration, tend to enjoy higher levels
of mental health, well-being, and maturity. Researchers have tracked the development of narrative identity from its
origins in conversations between parents and their young children to the articulation of sophisticated meaning-making
strategies in the personal stories told in adolescence and the emerging adulthood years. Future researchers need to
(a) disentangle causal relations between features of life stories and positive psychological adaptation and (b) explore
further the role of broad cultural contexts in the development of narrative identity.
Keywords
narrative identity, life stories, self, development, culture
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234	 McAdams, McLean
while reinforcing long-term commitments to improving
the lives of others (see also Walker & Frimer, 2007).
Adaptation: How People Narrate
Suffering
The theme of redemption points to the broader adaptational
issue of how human beings make narrative sense
of suffering in their lives. In general, research on narrative
identity suggests that adults who emerge strengthened
or enhanced from negative life experiences often
engage in a two-step process (Pals, 2006). In the first
step, the person explores the negative experience in
depth, thinking long and hard about what the experience
felt like, how it came to be, what it may lead to, and what
role the negative event may play in the person’s overall
life story. In the second step, the person articulates and
commits the self to a positive resolution of the event.
Research suggests that the first step is associated with
personal growth—the second, with happiness.
With respect to the first step, studies by King and colleagues
have examined how people narrate difficult life
challenges, such as learning that one’s child is disabled or
coming to terms with divorce (e.g., King & Hicks, 2007).
Those narrators who were able to articulate detailed and
thoughtful accounts of loss and struggle in their lives
tended to score higher on independent indices of psychological
maturity, and they showed increases in
Table 1.  Examples of Life-Story Constructs Used in Research on Narrative Identity
Coding construct Definition Example (of high score)
Agency The degree to which protagonists are able to affect
change in their own lives or influence others in
their environment, often through demonstrations
of self-mastery, empowerment, achievement,
or status. Highly agentic stories privilege
accomplishment and the ability to control one’s
fate.
“I challenge myself to the limit academically,
physically, and on my job. Since that time [of
my divorce], I have accomplished virtually
any goal I set for myself. ”
Communion The degree to which protagonists demonstrate or
experience interpersonal connection through
love, friendship, dialogue, or connection to a
broad collective. The story emphasizes intimacy,
caring, and belongingness.
“I was warm, surrounded by friends
and positive regard that night. I felt
unconditionally loved.”
Redemption Scenes in which a demonstrably “bad” or
emotionally negative event or circumstance leads
to a demonstrably “good” or emotionally positive
outcome. The initial negative state is “redeemed”
or salvaged by the good that follows it.
The narrator describes the death of her father
as reinvigorating closer emotional ties to her
other family members.
Contamination Scenes in which a good or positive event turns
dramatically bad or negative, such that the
negative affect overwhelms, destroys, or erases
the effects of the preceding positivity.
The narrator is excited for a promotion at
work but learns it came at the expense of his
friend being fired.
Meaning making The degree to which the protagonist learns
something or gleans a message from an event.
Coding ranges from no meaning (low score) to
learning a concrete lesson (moderate score) to
gaining a deep insight about life (high score).
“It really made me go through and relook at
my memories and see how there’s so many
things behind a situation that you never see.
Things are not always as they seem.”
Exploratory narrative
processing
The extent of self-exploration as expressed in the
story. High scores suggest deep exploration or
the development of a richly elaborated self-
understanding.
“I knew I reached an emotional bottom
that year . . . but I began making a stable
life again, as a more stable independent
person . . . it was a period full of pain,
experimentation, and growth, but in
retrospect it was necessary for me to become
anything like the woman I am today.”
Coherent positive
resolution
The extent to which the tensions in the story
are resolved to produce closure and a positive
ending.
“After many years, I finally came to forgive my
brother for what he did. I now accept his
faults, and, as a result, I think he and I have
grown closer.”
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Narrative Identity	 235
maturity over the following 2 years. Bauer and colleagues
have examined negative accounts of life-story low points
as well as stories about difficult life transitions. People
who scored higher on independent measures of psychological
maturity tended to construct storied accounts that
emphasized learning, growth, and positive personal
transformation (e.g., Bauer, McAdams, & Sakaeda, 2005).
McLean and Pratt (2006) found that young adults who
engaged in more elaborated processing of turning points
in their lives tended to score higher on an overall index
of identity maturity (see also Syed & Azmitia, 2010).
When it comes to the narration of suffering, then, selfexploration
often produces lessons learned and insights
gained, enriching a person’s life in the long run.
Nonetheless, narrators should not go on so long and so
obsessively as to slide into rumination, for good stories
need to have satisfactory endings. Accordingly, many
studies demonstrate that positive resolution of negative
events is associated with higher levels of happiness and
well-being (e.g., King & Hicks, 2007; Lilgendahl &
McAdams, 2011). In a longitudinal demonstration,
Tavernier and Willoughby (2012) reported that highschool
seniors who found positive meanings in their narrations
of difficult high-school turning points showed
higher levels of psychological well-being than those students
who failed to construct narratives about turning
points with positive meanings, even when controlling for
well-being scores obtained 3 years earlier, when the students
were freshmen.
In American society today, a major arena for the narration
of suffering is psychotherapy. Therapists work with
clients to re-story their lives, often aiming to find more
positive and growth-affirming ways to narrate and understand
emotionally negative events. In a series of studies,
Adler and colleagues asked former psychotherapy
patients to tell the story of their (remembered) therapy
(e.g., Adler, Skalina, & McAdams, 2008). Those former
patients who currently enjoyed better psychological
health tended to narrate heroic stories in which they
bravely battled their symptoms and emerged victorious
in the end. In these accounts, the theme of personal
agency (see Table 1) trumped all other explanations in
accounting for therapeutic efficacy. Moreover, agency
emerged as the key narrative theme in a prospective
study of psychotherapy patients who provided brief narrative
accounts about the course of their treatment before
each of at least 12 therapy sessions (Adler, 2012). As
coded in the succession of narrative accounts, increases
in personal agency preceded and predicted improvement
in therapy. As patients told stories that increasingly
emphasized their ability to control their world and make
self-determined decisions, they showed corresponding
decreases in symptoms and increases in mental health.
Development: The Formation of
Narrative Identity
Given the importance of narrative identity to well-being,
it is important to understand how individuals develop the
abilities to engage in the complex process of narrating
stories about the self. Building on Erikson’s (1963) theory
of psychosocial development, McAdams (1985) originally
argued that narrative identity emerges in the late-adolescent
and early-adult years, partly as a function of societal
expectations regarding identity and the maturation of formal
operational thinking. Constructing and internalizing
a life story—McAdams argued—provides an answer to
Erikson’s key identity questions: Who am I? How did I
come to be? Where is my life going? Accordingly,
Habermas and Bluck (2000) proposed that it is not until
adolescence that people can construct stories about their
lives that exhibit causal coherence (a convincing account
of how early events cause later events) and thematic
coherence (the derivation of organizing themes or trends
in a full life). Consistent with their claim, a growing body
of research suggests that as people move from late childhood
through adolescence, their life-narrative accounts
show increasing evidence of causal coherence, thematic
coherence, and other markers of a well-formed narrative
identity (Habermas & de Silveira, 2008).
Working within a Vygotskian tradition, McLean,
Pasupathi, and Pals (2007) have developed a sociocultural
model to guide examinations into the development
of narrative identity. The model suggests that a narrative
identity builds slowly over time as people tell stories
about their experiences to and with others. Over developmental
time, selves create stories, which in turn create
selves (McLean et al., 2007). Through repeated interactions
with others, stories about personal experiences are
processed, edited, reinterpreted, retold, and subjected to
a range of social and discursive influences, as the storyteller
gradually develops a broader and more integrative
narrative identity.
To develop a narrative identity, a person must first
learn how to share stories in accord with particular cultural
parameters and within particular groups—in families,
with peers, and in other formal and informal social
contexts. Employing cross-sectional, longitudinal, and
experimental designs, developmental psychologists have
repeatedly shown that conversations with parents about
personal events are critical to the development of narrative
skills in children (Fivush, Haden, & Reese, 2006). This
research demonstrates that parents who use an elaborated
conversational style—focusing on causes and explanations
in personal stories and underscoring emotional
evaluations of past events—tend to stimulate the development
of strong self-storytelling skills in their children.
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236	 McAdams, McLean
Greater parental elaboration is associated with a variety of
positive cognitive and socioemotional outcomes in children,
including greater levels of elaboration in children’s
personal storytelling.
Early parent-child conversations provide the foundations
for children to learn how to make meaning out of
personal events (Reese, Jack, & White, 2010), and meaning
making (see Table 1) is a process central to the development
of narrative identity. Through meaning making,
people go beyond the plots and event details of their
personal stories to articulate what they believe their stories
say about who they are. Storytellers may suggest that
the events they describe illustrate or explain a particular
personality trait, tendency, goal, skill, problem, complex,
or pattern in their own lives. In making meaning, the
storyteller draws a semantic conclusion about the self
from the episodic information that the story conveys.
Developmental research shows that meaning-making
skills show age-related increases across the adolescent
years (McLean & Breen, 2009; McLean, Breen, & Fournier,
2010), as do other kinds of interpretive narration
(Pasupathi & Wainryb, 2010), particularly in middle adolescence
when individuals become better able to manage
paradox and contradiction in personal stories. The
research also shows that meaning making can be hard
work, and it may sometimes exert a cost. Especially in
early adolescence, boys who engage in greater levels of
meaning making in relating autobiographical stories tend
to show lower levels of psychological well-being compared
with boys who engage in less meaning making
(Chen, McAnally, Wang, & Reese, 2012; McLean et al.,
2010). It may be the case that some boys come to adolescence
less prepared for the work of narrative identity,
perhaps because they have had less practice in processing
emotions and reflecting on the meanings of personal
experiences. By late adolescence, however, boys seem to
catch up with the girls, such that their meaning making
efforts in late adolescence may become associated with
higher levels of well-being and greater levels of selfunderstanding
(Chen et al., 2012; McLean et al., 2010).
What is happening over the course of adolescence to
produce age-related changes in meaning making?
Cognitive development likely plays a crucial role in the
ability to represent the self in more abstract ways and to
deal with the contradictions and paradoxes of life experiences.
In addition, social pressures to define the self
become more prominent, encouraging adolescents to
“figure out” who they are. As adolescents broaden their
social networks, they may begin to share themselves with
others more often and in a wider range of conversational
contexts. Such sharing typically requires having interesting
stories to tell about the self and being able to tell
them in such a way as to capture the attention of potential
listeners.
Research on adolescents and emerging adults has now
shown that several aspects of conversational contexts
matter for the degree to which conversations become
important for meaning-making processes. First, the reason
for sharing a memory matters. When trying to entertain a
listener, meaning does not appear as relevant as when
one is trying to explain oneself to another (McLean, 2005).
Therefore, stories told exclusively for the entertainment of
others typically contain few examples of meaning making.
Second, the listener matters. In experimental designs in
which listener behavior is manipulated, Pasupathi and
colleagues have shown that attentive and responsive listeners
cause tellers to narrate more personally elaborated
stories compared with distracted listeners (e.g., Pasupathi
& Hoyt, 2010). In this sense, attentive listening helps to
promote the development of narrative identity. Third,
relationships matter. In a short-term longitudinal study,
McLean and Pasupathi (2011) found that the more romantic
partners agreed on the meaning of a shared memory,
the more likely the teller was to retain that meaning over
time. Therefore, when important people in a person’s life
agree with his or her interpretation of a personal story, he
or she is likely to hold on to that story and to incorporate
it into his or her more general understanding of who he
or she is and how he or she came to be.
Conclusion
In this article, we have focused on two central themes in
the wide-ranging empirical literature on narrative identity:
adaptation and development. A strong line of
research shows that when narrators derive redemptive
meanings from suffering and adversity in their lives, they
tend to enjoy correspondingly higher levels of psychological
well-being, generativity, and other indices of successful
adaptation to life. Important exceptions to this
rule, however, have been identified in studies of young
adolescent boys, indicating that future researchers need
to more carefully track the moderating effects of demographics,
developmental stage, and a range of other factors,
as they may impact the relation between the quality
of life stories on the one hand and psychosocial adaptation
on the other (Greenhoot & McLean, 2013). In addition,
researchers need to conduct more longitudinal
investigations and controlled experiments to disentangle
causal relations. Does the construction of redemptive
narratives increase well-being, or does enhanced wellbeing
lead naturally to the construction of redemptive life
stories? Results from Adler (2012) and Tavernier and
Willoughby (2012) are consistent with the former possibility,
but considerably more research—employing a
broader range of methodologies—is needed.
Studies tracing the development of narrative identity
from childhood through the emerging adulthood years
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Narrative Identity	 237
underscore the power of conversation and social contexts
for learning narrative skills, shaping identity expectations,
and formulating a meaningful story for one’s life.
Reinforcing the significance of social context, future
research on the development of narrative identity would
benefit from a broader consideration of the role of culture.
Hammack (2008) and McAdams (2013) have
described how cultural narratives about national history,
ethnicity, religion, and politics shape the personal stories
people live by, and how personal stories can sustain or
transform culture. In a study of Israeli and Palestinian
youths, for example, Hammack found that both groups
imported into their personal narrative identities dramatic
master narratives about their respective cultures, resulting
in a preponderance of redemptive stories for Israeli
youths and stories of contamination and tragedy for the
Palestinian youths. The striking mismatch between
respective narrative identities of Israeli and Palestinian
youths may contribute to difficulties, Hammack argued,
in finding cultural common ground and establishing
peace. McAdams et al. (2008) documented sharply different
styles of redemptive discourse in the life stories of
American political conservatives and liberals, reflecting
competing national ideals that prevail between conservative
and liberal subcultures in the United States.
It would seem that different cultures offer different
menus of images, themes, and plots for the construction
of narrative identity, and individuals within these cultures
appropriate, sustain, and modify these narrative forms as
they tell their own stories. Beginning even in childhood,
narrators draw selectively from the menu as they gradually
develop story forms that capture well their personal
experience. Therefore, because narrative identity is
exquisitely contextualized in culture, future researchers
need to examine the development of life stories in many
different societies, nations, and cultural groups.
Recommended Reading
Hammack, P. L. (2008). (See References). A broad and scholarly
overview of theories of narrative, self, and identity as well
as their application to culture.
McAdams, D. P., Josselson, R., & Lieblich, A. (Eds.). (2006).
Identity and story: Creating self in narrative. Washington,
DC: American Psychological Association. A collection of
essays and research reports sampling a range of approaches
to studying life stories, which together address the issues
of unity versus multiplicity, self versus society, and stability
versus growth in narrative identity.
McAdams, D. P., & Pals, J. L. (2006). A new Big Five:
Fundamental principles for an integrative science of personality.
American Psychologist, 61, 204–217. The authors
conceive of narrative identity as one of three levels of
personality, along with basic dispositional traits (such as
those subsumed within the Big Five taxonomy) and characteristic
adaptations (such as goals, values, and cognitive
schemas).
McLean, K. C., Pasupathi, M., & Pals, J. L (2007). (See
References). A process model for the development of narrative
identity in adolescence and emerging adulthood and
a review of related research.
Singer, J. A. (2005). Personality and psychotherapy: Treating the
whole person. New York, NY: Guilford Press. An application
of research and theory on narrative identity (and other
features of personality) to psychotherapy.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with
respect to their authorship or the publication of this article.
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