164 ANDREW HIGSON PART FOUR CHARACTER AND TYPE Introduction Film actors have decried typecasting almost since the beginning of filmmaking. For instance, silent-film actress Louise Brooks viewed typecasting as a measure of Hollywood success but also as a limitation of the system: "I just didn't fit into the Hollywood scheme at all. I was never, neither a fluffy heroine, nor a wicked vamp, nor a woman of the world. I just didn't fit into any category .. . You see, I didn't interest them because I couldn't be typed" (Kobal 1986,46). Where Brooks described type in terms of roles, classical British actor Eric Portman linked typing to stardom and the actor's personality. He wrote, "So, personality can make you a film star. Whether you are a film actor or not, will depend on your histrionic talent. . . Still, if you have only a little Ulent, and a lot of personality, you may succeed—as a type. This means you will always be cast lor the same parts. Your film life will, then, not be a long one" (Cardullo etal. 1998, 97). Bringing home Portman's threat, silent-film star Mary Pickford, explaining why she left the screen, »iiRgested the dangers of being successfully typecast: "I didn't want what happened to Chaplin to happen to me. When he discarded the little tramp, the little tramp turned around and killed him. The little girl made me. I wasn't waiting for the little girl to kill me. I'd already been pigeon-holed ... I could have done more dramatic performances . . . but I was already typed." (Brownlow 1989,135) 1 11 iliese actors—and I could cite many more—typecasting represents commercial, mass-r' ■ liiction instincts that are opposed to artistry and disenfranchise the actor who wishes to 1 1 liirm more complex roles. 11'iwevcr, while the assumption seems to be that typecasting is a sign of an actor's limitation, Htoncession to commerclallim, and the antithesis of art and originality, we also expect actors |i ■■ 1 11 im-, rid His in pl.iy against type. As with typecasting, critics .....in in i". will tin pirniiv v........1 ■ 1' \ efforts to play against type as evidence of the actor's '• 1 iiii.ilriii Imi ni-.r tin-.ii im i< um iinvifii inj; m tin new role or as p.ioss commercialism— ^He^ftr at Ihr loir p. .iv. ipnri I I.. 111 it 11 i|i 1.11 1 .ill 11 1 111.111 .1 I ii-ll n ■. mini 111 it Irs set known III line Willi lliis virw, in llii I 1 I------.,: /..(■» \\„r,M .1. ■ ., nuhit khanl HnUuummé'a 166 CHARACTER AND TYPE All-time Worst Casting Blunders, author Damien Bona chastises Hollywood studios for casting actors against type and seems to view actors' desire to play against type as the worst kind of hubris. Bona's categories of miscasting include "ethnic impersonators," such as Marlon Brando in The Teahouse of the August Moon (1956), because they show a disregard for verisimilitude in favor of star power; "generation gap," including actors who refuse to age gracefully on screen or, alternately, are in too much of a hurry to grow old (think of an aged Mae West in Sextette (1978) or a youthful Barbra Streisand in Hello, Dolly! [1969]); "performers whose personas and modern sensibilities were completely out of place when they traveled to the past" (famous examples include John Wayne as Genghis Khan in The Conqueror [1956] and Tony Curtis in Spartacus [i960]); and, finally, a category called "out of their league," for "movie stars whose attempts at roles different from those they usually played were stymied" by a "too strongly established screen persona" (Bona 1996). As these tangled and somewhat contradictory responses to typecasting suggest, typecasting in film is, to a large degree, inescapable. Insofar as film acting is part of the business of film, typecasting will be crucial to the institution, enabling brand-naming and marketing of star commodities. But it is not the case that typecasting is simply imposed on actors from above by studio publicity departments; rather, typecasting occurs at the level of performance, through casting, and through audience demand. Typecasting contributes to narrative economy, allowing audiences to quickly and easily recognize a character by associating him or her with an actor's previous roles. Further, types and typing play into our everyday notions about people and identities, and our tendency to read people in terms of their age, sex, race, gender, region, nationality, class, or other categories, whether insidiously in racial profiling or in less sinister but no less stereotypical ways of assessing persons. Types in film do not, however, simply duplicate social stereotypes, but may create new types, or even the seeming contradiction of a unique type; they may mirror stock types from literature or advance new stereotypes. Rather than something static, types change according to changing notions of identity, changing politics, changing conceptions of realism, and changing aesthetics. Given all these complications, the essays in this section consider types, typecasting, and stereotypes from a variety of perspectives, considering typecasting as institutional practice, in relation to stereotyping and identity politics, and at the level of stardom as well as amony, character actors. They share in common a concern with the ideologies of identity embodied in notions of type and character and each, in different ways, proposes that the hierarchical institution of cinema should be modified to more realistically represent the lived experience of humanity. In "Typecasting," Pamela Robertson Wojcik explores competing notions of type, especially as they relate to discourses of realism, and discusses typecasting in its most literal sense as .1 labor issue and as institutional practice in Hollywood: that is, in terms of historical casting practices. Wojcik argues that the discourse of realism in most twentieth-century theotic. 1 acting deals with performance style, whereas typecasting reflects a complex web of institutional practices. She claims that, in Hollywood, acting style and institutional practice, and in partit 11l.11 casting practices, represent a case of uneven development, with acting style shifting increasingly to the dominant naturalist model while casting maintains a residual outmoded theatrical modtl that predates Stanislavskian realism. In particular, she links casting practices in Hollywood In I he < • 1 j ■ 111 < ■ < ■ r 111) 1 ci it my 11 in-. . .1 1111.1 lie-.-. 11.11 lit 1011, wIim 11 ,r. Milled hi .11 1111 In .1 1 ■■il.iin k 11111 . .1 role across his career. Ironically, Wojcik suggests that despite today's discourse of diversity, .....Iniipi .i.uy 1 .i-.l.ii(j; |il.n In <•-. iii.iy In- hi. .if up, I hi 111.'ii.....1 rjiliiiM ill ninthly thrill tlir r.tili. 1 INTRODUCTION 167 theatrical traditions, as casting directors, operating under shifting conceptions of realism, increasingly delimit the actor's roles by tying them to her physical appearance, race, age, gender, and sex. Donald Bogle's contribution examines three major African-American stars of the 1950s and asserts that these stars represented a shift in black representation from "mythic types" and stereotypes of earlier decades to "the emergence of distinct black personalities who, through theii own idiosyncrasies" came to be true stars. Bogle focuses on Ethel Waters, Dorothy Dandridge and Sidney Poitier, characterizing each star in relation to his or her roles and public reception in the 1950s. In each case, Bogle finds traces of a more "mythic" type, but is interested in the way each star personalized that type within a contemporary context. For Bogle, Waters represents an Earth Mother figure, but one who no longer fits into an alienated society. He describes her as signifying "some noble part of our heritage that was quickly becoming extinct ... the individualist foolish enough to assert herself yet strong enough to pay for the consequences." Dandridge portrays the classic tragic mulatto, though she was marketed as a more contemporary and daring figure. A socially significant figure—the first black actress ever to appear in the arms of a white actor on screen—Dandridge was also a tragic figure who seemed doomed to live out the sad plotline of her films. If Waters and Dandridge represented the revivification of classic black stereotypes, and ultimately suffered for it, Poitier seems to have created an original hero, perfectly in tune with his times. Bogle calls him a "hero for an integrationist age" and argues that he appealed to white liberals and middle-class African-Americans because he embodied middle-class ideals of education and refinement, and was the antithesis of the black buffoons of earlier decades. Despite his claim that Poitier was a throwback to the Uncle Toms and servants of the 1930s, Bogle still suggests that Poitier's integrationist message was a "beautiful dream," which is "what great movies and careers are all about." Rather than stars, the remaining essays in this section examine the often overlooked role of character actors. Rudolf Arnheim and David Thomson each offer an ontological view of the character actor. For Arnheim, writing in 1931, the character actor can be differentiated from the lead actor because he represents a specific type, close to reality, whereas the lead actor represents .i more general, idealized type. Arnheim recognizes a difference in modes of performance for 1 haracter actors and leads and suggests that the character actor's ability to individualize a role, »nd especially to bring out its grittier qualities, needs to penetrate into the hero's territory. I homson similarly suggests that character actors represent us, the unnamed throng, as opposed to idealized heroes. He queries whether character acting should only be viewed as "support," and argues that the "panorama of small lives" in ensemble acting may be closer to the experience of reality in which we all consider ourselves stars and not support. Taking a different view of the character actor's role as "support," Patricia White asks "What 1« it that supporting characters are meant to 'support' if not the imbricated ideologies of heterosexual romance and white American hegemony permeating Hollywood cinema?" txamining the career of Agnes Moorehead, White suggests that it is no accident that character ICtors like Moorehead—or, we might add, Edward Everett Horton or Eric Blore—embody Stereotypes of sexual difference, such as the lesbian, spinster, old maid (or, in the case of Horton or Blore, the pansy). Rather, she argues that Hollywood needs them, to define and uphold the 1 iMivriilioii.il kIi-.iI-, ic|in-.f-iili-il liy llie IimiI .11 loi\ I lilts, while il mi",ltl lie mote le.tlisln l<> linii|', lite li .lit', 1111 I1.1t.11 l. ntem let p. ii Is ■ .Ai. spokespeople were quoted in the liis AngelesTimes (27 March 1950) <•« ».iVHiK "Type..i• ■ 11111• • ■ Im 1111' I i" 11 |.leviii .in .!< toi who is established in the public mind as 1'" poitnyei "I i 'lie | Mil i. ul.....I. 11. .in I ii M n|<. 1'iveii I he opportunity to display his acting Uli'lilMii > ithei lypesi .1 I. iles l-'.il lii'i 111. il i I. ii 1. 11 (11 vei s 11 y SAC is 19r>() plot i 'si .limed to open tl|i< i ■ ■ 11111' pi. n lit e ■. 11'. 11111 w 111111 v 11111 11 ii I ill'i Ihr ilulil to poll lay ,i c live! sit y ol roll's. I.ithei All lie typed in niie hud "I i"l< m ill' i il" ii lni'. di-.lie to •.how llii'li vei'.. il 1111 y and I /() PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK also to escape being typecast in bit parts, thus failing to climb the Hollywood ladder to leading idles .ind st.irdom Interestingly, almost a hundred years earlier, theater actors had protested against versatility requirements and demanded a form of typecasting. In 1864, the American Theatrical Protective Association formed. In its first set of resolves the union asked for I) "a fixed minimum salary for each distinct line of business, from leading to utility" and 2) "a return to the old system of engaging members of the profession for definite lines of characters, thus obviating all professional misunderstanding and preventing any artists from undertaking any more than his or her legitimate business, and by such means keeping another professional out of an engagement" (McConachie 1992. 248). This protest differs markedly from the 1950 SAG protest in that it aims to protect an actor's right to perform a single type of role, or "line," consistently across his or her career rather than be forced to play multiple and diverse roles. Here, the stakes are job security and the right to maintain one's earned place in the "lines-of-business" hierarchy of roles (which I will discuss in detail shortly). Each of these protests, spanning three separate entertainment forms, and crossing three centuries, protest unfair casting practices. None of them succeeded in their goals. I begin with them because they seem to me to provide useful touch-points for thinking about the relationship between acting and identity, and particularly changing notions of type. Each ol them makes clear that typecasting is political practice, not only as a labor issue but also as a touchstone for ideologies of identity. The shift between the 1860s Theatrical Protective Association resolution and the 1950 SAG campaign, especially, reflect a sea change in the discourse around acting, and especially shifting notions of what constitutes realism in acting The 1990s NAACP protest represents the culmination of that changing discourse, which leads to an increasing demand for a homology between actor and role, and which, ironically enforces typecasting in the service of diversity. Typecasting may be, as one critic put it, "one of the theatre's deadly sins" and the "sublimation of the unprofessional in acting" (Isaacs 1933, 132) but, as these somewh.it contradictory responses to typecasting suggest, typecasting in film is, to a large degree inescapable. Insofar as the business of film acting, and especially the star system, relies on recognizability, marketability, and the necessity for known commodities, typecasting will he part and parcel of the institution. Further, insofar as the actor represents human character, film acting relates to changing conceptions of identity and identity politics, and thus tin actor will inevitably negotiate stereotypes and represent identities inflected by race, gendei ethnicity, class, and national differences. Rather than something imposed on actors and audiences from without, or simply an effect of casting or performance style, typecasting occurs at many varied levels, and is equally something spectators and fans enact or impose-on actors. As Patricia White succinctly explains: "Casting and performance are already .i reading of type; the audience performs a reading on another level, informed by cultural.....I subcultural codes, spectatorial experience of the star in other roles, and subsidi.uv discourses" (White 1999, 149). Rather than critique or defend typecasting, this essay explores competing notions of tyi 4 espei i, illy,us they relate to discourses ol realism, and disc usses lypei .istinj', in its most hi. i .1 sense .is < i l.iboi issue.ind .is uistitiition.il practice in Hollywood lh.it is in terms of histoin it catting practices. Types and realist discourse IYPECASTING 171 Horrowing Ironi K'li li.ml I >yn I .mi defining type as "any simple, vivid, memorable, easily-I'i.isped .iii.l wiilei\ i. . . igni/ec I , h.ii.u terization in which a tew traits are foregrounded and i lunge oi dev. I. -i >im. ni is kept to a minimum") Dyer 1980, 28). Type can be opposed to the in ivellstic character, "defined by a multiplicity of traits that are only gradually revealed to us through the course of the narrative, a narrative which is hinged on the growth or development ol the character and is thus centered upon the latter in his or her unique individuality, rather than pointing outwards to a world" (Dyer 1993, 13). Put simply, type is relatively simple, shallow, and unchanging, whereas character is complex, deep, and developing. In terms of acting, type refers most broadly to an actor's ability to embody something typical or representative of the human condition. Bruce Wilshire captures this broad sense i 'I type in his characterization oftheateras "the theory of actingand identity—orwhat wemust suppose about persons if we would understand how it is possible for them to be convincingly I in 'lected and enacted on the stage" (Wilshire 1991, 91). According to his formulation. The actor cannot stand on stage without standing in for a type of humanity. This characterization will occur even though there is no script and his character is given no name and he says nothing. We recognize him as a type in the family of man, and the fact that we abide in his presence and recognize him as such authorizes him as such; and since we stand in with the character only through his standing in, he authorizes us (Wilshire 1991,6). In its exemplary form, this general human type will exemplify moral or metaphysical principles, as an archetype or allegorical type. In its most insidious form, typing is exclusionary, as in the stereotype. A narrower definition of type relates to the actor herself, who Iiiik tions as a unique type, characterized by her appearance, distinct performance style ind type of role (often tied to certain genres) across a body of work. In between, we can locate |i k úl types such as the doctor, the politician, or the teacher; stock characters such as the heavy, the ingenue, and the clown; genre-specific types such as the zanni (zany) of commedia ■ t.ll arte-,2 and national or regional types, such as Australia's larrikin,3 or the Yankee of American theater and film. In any given situation, these different and often overlapping functions of type • ire likely to be at play. As I've said, in most modern discourses on acting, the notion of the actor as type is viewed as a sign of an actor's lack of talent, a limitation imposed on the actor by a brutal and un-iiii.i;-.inative studio system, a sop to audiences' inartistic tastes, or a combination of all three Stanislavski's opinion has been particularly influential in this regard. Stanislavski's 'i ■ ■ on type reflect his larger project in developing a new naturalistic approach to acting, ni. I .ire typical of realists such as Ibsen who seek to replace stock types from earlier theatrical traditions with individuated, complex characters. Stanislavski says, 'To my way of thinking I lien- i .in be onl\ one type ol actoi the character actor" (Stanislavski 1968. 18) lint he ím knowledges thai theater, .ne tilled with types, not characters. Stanislavksi claims that I vi ii < .isting stems Ir din I lie i.....litu nr. ol work in 19th-century repertory theaters. In particular, lie links typei .isling to the lines ol business" li.idil ion which dominated IKtli and 1 * »t 11 .. ni my i he.itei ,ii ii I w.iIndliirnotfl tttlliP Moc k system, appearing in virtually all professional thrillers i >l I mope In nn die p. i........ I. nw.ud 172 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK As lames C. Burge explains, "lines-of-business" refers to the notion that, within a stock company, there is a "tacit and implicit agreement between actors and managers concerning the casting of that actor through a season or series of seasons" to allow an actor to maintain a particular line, or type of role (Burge 1986, 5, 277; see also McArthur 1984). The lines are hierarchical and based on the idea that an actor can ascend through the ranks (see Figure 1). Thus, an actor may begin as a supernumerary or extra, then gain general utility roles, until he ascends to roles in a line such as the heavy or juvenile, and possibly lead comedian or tragedian. Men Supernumeraries (extras) Dancers, singers, musicians General Utility (minor parts—filled by lower members of company and those whose lines aren't represented) Respectable Utility (slightly bigger or more complex minor parts) 1st and 2nd Walking Gentleman (variety of small parts) ist and 2nd Old Man ist and 2nd Heavy Business ("heavies") ist and 2nd Low Comedy Juvenile Business Light Comedy and Eccentric Business (later developed into distinct lines: Irishman, Scotsman, Jew, Yankee, Mose the Fireboy) Leading Business (Tragedian or Comedian) Women Walking Gentlewoman ist and 2nd Old Women (one usually low comedy) Chambermaid (sometimes "singing," soubrette) Juvenile Lady Leading Lady Figure 1 Lines of business Rather than view each character as a psychologically defined individual—as realist modi-, of performance and dramaturgy would do—the lines-of-business tradition sorts character, into recognizable and repeatable roles. Therefore, the lines-of-business tradition emphasi/v. the similarity between plays and assumes that in each play there will be roles suited to mosi of the various lines. In virtually any given play performed by the company, there would be need for one or more musicians or dancers, some supernumeraries or extras, various non-speaknm parts for those actors assigned to general utility roles, one or two small speaking parts Im I hose,k tor, slot led to play the walking t'.elitleineri or old m.in, .i role lli.it could he c ateg< iri/ei I ,is.k lumber m.iid role, .mother lot,in old worn, in, some qui iky ori oiiiedu < li.ir.ic let refill 111« ,1 lilt ol t'i i rill Hi I »1 l-.l i it 1.1 i .id h .ill li il el In i|. imper.. Hi.ilH Hi .Hid hr.ivlly .ii i elileil |. ,|. —ii.■» mm ■■■ullal ln.il> up ami , . Mini ug |. | lei li.i| ». Millie vlll.lllii .11«. lole ,i| i| Hi .| H i.it. Ii .1 1 TYPECASTING 1 73 heavy, young and romantic roles for juveniles and ingenues, and two leading roles, whether tragic or comic. Despite the promise of mobility and versatility, in the lines-of-business tradition, an actor's movement is limited and determined by the actor's seniority, rules of succession, precedence in performance, and "possession of parts." "Possession" refers to "the assumption by an actor of the privilege to play every part in which he appeared with success before the public in any and all subsequent revivals of the play until he resigned the part, retired, or died" (Burge 1986, 3). In the lines-of-business tradition, "possession" is literal. Since actors are not given whole scripts, but only the "sides," or sheets with just their lines, if an actor owns the sides, he owns the part. Thus, the actor may, through possession, stay in a line that another actor could perform better and for which he or she is no longer well suited—and there-seem to be numerous cases of juveniles being played by actors with seniority who are well past their prime. Most often, an actor in the lines-of-business tradition will settle into a line and perform all roles in the repertoire that apply to that line, occasionally picking up general utility role-, when a play does not contain his or her line. As is the case with Hollywood's division between character actors and stars, actors in the lines-of-business tradition are unlikely to shili between leading roles, such as Hamlet or Tartuffe, to mid-level character roles, such .is heavies or eccentric business. Rather, an actor will develop a specialty within a line, perhaps serving only as a lead tragedian, never doing comedy, or narrowing his eccentric business to specialize in Irish or lewish roles. Furthermore, the interpretation of the role in the lines of-business tradition is, to a large degree, fixed. Historically, the interpretation ol .1 role was taught to an actor by the playwright, and then handed down from one actor to another, ,ilong with sides and costumes—and the interpretative mode tended toward frontal displays, declamation, and codified poses. As the 1860s American Theatrical Protective Association protest suggests, lines-of-business and possession of parts were the actors' preferred mode of operation In I lie si01 I lystem, actors worked in a number of different plays, in high rotation, with virtu.illy no rehearsal, and they supplied their own costumes. Thus, it was in their interests to be Identified with a particular line or set of roles and typecasting was a very practical response to the material circumstances of theater production. From Stanislavski's perspective, the stock system necessarily produces bad mass-produced acting and leads actors to create types rather than characters. Citing the large (lumber of plays performed and the general lack of rehearsal for them, he asks, "Is it astounding then that these unfortunate and hard-pressed actors have recourse first to i t.ilt ,ind then to mass production methods in their parts? What happens is a division of labor wiilie. 11 h actor having his own specialized field of endeavor"! Stain si. ivski l%K, lf>| I le claims 1I1 ill he division ol labor, in turn, attracts people who cannot act but who can be a type: "The ......1 ardent partisans of the custom of type-casting are the poorly endowed actors, whose i fVnge Is not broad but rather one-sided. Such gifts as they have are somehow made to do for narrowly circumscribed types, but they are unlikely to be sufficient to meet any wider ilem.mils" (Sl.mr.l.ivsh I'ViM IM In .111 interesting Iwlsl on the St.misl.ivski.iii t ntique ol typecasting, avant-g.irdists sue Ii «k lllei lit h.ive Viewed the .Hill le.illsl ,i\|>ei I ol typei .istlll(; ,is olleimi; ,i c lll( l.il alternative In 111.Hie.I le,mi 1 iiiniiiei, 1.1I |ii.n 11. r ami have enilil.n ed the use 1 it types linked to iummi'i/lil Mat If and ulliel .Hill le.illsl 11.h III lolls like vaudeville as a lliralis i .1 .11 lilrvlllg alien. It loll 1 74 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK effects that de-naturalize the assumed fit between actor and role. By contrast, some avant-garde theorists and practitioners have regarded typecasting as a means of ensuring greater realism. In Soviet cinema, for instance, a form of typecasting, called "typage." calls for the use of non-actors, selected solely on the basis of appearance, to create a realist effect. The principles of typage were articulated by Lev Kuleshov in his 1929 Art of the Cinema Arguing that "real things in real surroundings constitute cinematographic material," Kuleshov states that "imitating, pretending, playing are unprofitable, since this comes out poorly on screen" (Kuleshov 1974, 56,63). For example, he relates, "If you need a tall, stout man, but your actor is thin, and you pad your thin actor with cushions, and the like . .. the results on screen will be obviously false, theatrical, a prop, a game." Therefore, he claims: Because film needs real material and not a pretense of reality—owing to this, it is not theater actors but "types" who should act in film—that is people who, in themselves, as they were born, constitute some kind of interest for cinematic treatment. That is, a person with an exterior of character, with a definite, brightly expressive appearance could be such a cinematic "type" (Kuleshov 1974, 63-64). For Kuleshov and his followers, including Eisenstein, and, later, Italian neo-realists like Dp Sica, the use on non-actors lends films a documentary touch. The non-actor not only fulfills realist criteria for physical appearance, but also is taken to reflect and be typical of the reality represented. As Siegfried Kracauer puts it, "It is precisely the task of portraying wide areas of actual reality, social or otherwise, which calls for 'typage'—the recourse to people who are part and parcel of that reality and can be considered typical of it" (Kracauer 1960, 99). In its emphasis on the exterior appearance of the non-actor, and its recognition of real persons as types, typage differs from those versions of typecasting that refer to stock character types, such as the juvenile, or the heavy. Ironically, however, as Kracauer points out, the non actor in typage clearly resembles a different concept of type in Hollywood—the star: The typical Hollywood star resembles the non-actor in that he acts out a standing character identical with his own or at least developed from it, frequently with the aid of make-up and publicity experts. As with any real-life figure on the screen, his presence in a film points beyond the film. He affects the audience not just because of his fit ness for this or that role but for being, or seeming to be, a particular kind of person . . . The Hollywood star imposes the screen image of his physique, the real or stylized one, and all that this physique implies and connotes on every role he creates (Kracauer 1960, 99). Both the non-actor in typage and the Hollywood star create a role homologous with themselves, a "character identical with his own or at least developed from it" that is, as Kuleshov says, defined in large part by "exterior of character" and "expressive appearance." One term used to describe Hollywood casting that would also apply to Soviet typage is "face casting," or casting based on external appearance (Yoakem 1958) This mode of casting— in which a pretty girl and not an aged male, plays the ingenue, and tin- in. in wilh I lie broken nose and cauliflower ears will be cast as, i boxer, not ,i b.inkei I fin Is lo In - t.ikrn lor gr.mtri I However, it is worth notint: Ili.it ot11■ • r modi-, ol |><■ rI< >rr11.111■ • .mil ■ .iMlng do not pl.u i In - •., inn ■ imi11>li.isis upon l In ■ .i< toi's individual .ippr.it.ini <■ I < n Inoln......'M.im kinds < I TYPECASIING 176 in hi umIi'.i i I ir.it ii ,,iiiuii,,(m ,/, II .m,l k.ilmki .iin(Hi« them—rely on masks and ritualized model of performance In wliii h the actor's face and external appearance are irrelevant. In a (llllcicnt vein. I in . 111 ■.< ■ ol ii'. i-inpli.i'.i'. upon song. I lindi cinema has long relied upon the use ol pl.ivb.ick sinc.i'i'. lo dub .k lois voices, and in the 1940s attempted "voice casting, or the ir.r ill .i singing vihi r lli.il in,iU lied both the speaking voice and personality of the actor"' |Ma|umdar 2001, 167). Later, and continuing to the present day, Hindi cinema dropped the i i ii lice of voice casting and created a new model of stardom in which both the on-screen n Ioi and the playback singer achieve stardom with a split between visual and aural stardom. While the on-screen star may be cast according to principles like those of Soviet or Hollywood iiMina, the playback singer, cast as only a voice, and equal to or greater in stardom than 1 ii i mscreen actor, challenges the primacy of the face. Rather than assumed as the norm, i' n, face casting should be seen as merely one possible response to certain conceptions . .1 ii'.ilism. While both Soviet cinema and Hollywood emphasize face casting, however, the non-actor In I ypage differs markedly from the Hollywood star because the two models of type are based impeting notions of identity and the role of the individual. In typage, the non-actor icsents a social type, characterized by social class and social role—a Bolshevik, a sailor, ......mber of the aristocracy, etc. The individual serves as a stand-in for a class or caste and ......iningless in himself.4 Rather than individual psychology, typage relates the character's Individual personality and problems to larger social forces, such as poverty, and uses non-I 'i'. to represent "ideas, elements in an intellectual argument" (Heath 1981, 183). Thus, a i .i 'ii may be cast as something he is not, since the role is based on physical appearance hwks like a czar) and is not meant to reflect his real identity. In fact, the role might run tiler to the non-actor's ideology, personality, and class. For instance, according to l i■ 11-.t. 111 when he cast non-actors, they often resisted playing characters different from lltpinsclves when the role was viewed as negative, because they did not want their friends i 11 ike their screen persona as reflecting their real self. Thus, he would have to "resort to III I •, " He says that when filming Ten Days, "Everyone wanted to play the Bolsheviks and nc wanted to play the Mensheviks . . . |so| we gave the actors the text ofan inflammatory i" • ■• Ii and they spoke it with great fervor. After this we added titles that said the exact i" Ho ll.iscnstein 1988, 198). In i ontrast to the Soviet model, Hollywood characters are generally defined in psycho- ii ,il and not social terms. Social situations, such as a war or the Depression, may establish in, bill then the narrative will focus on how individuals respond. Thus, Hollywood adopts ' isslcally realist model of narration and character: narrative action springs from individual i.....lets who function as causal agents with psychological motivation, goals, and desires. hi u i pi i singly, then, the Hollywood star is not generally seen as representing a member ' i l.iss < H caste. Instead, she is considered a unique individual. Stanley Cavell usefully • •|il.ilii'. I he distinction Ihe t fe.it ion ol ,i ( m ii *( 'ii) | ict lor met is also the creation of a character—not the kind oi character an author creates, but the kind that certain real people are: a type . Doesthis iin-.in that movies i .in in n -i i H ili' Individuals, only types? What it means is that this is 11 ir in, ivii". w. iv ol i iimI 11 in linlivldii.il'. 11 icy i ic. ite individualities. For what makes someone u I V| h- Is not hiss.....I.HIIy Willi i illii i Inrinliris ol that lypc but his slnkllif, scp.if.iteiiess In,in , illiri |.,',,|i|, |( .w.lI I'i'U "i H| 1 76 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK This notion of type, then, emphasizes not only the actor's unique physiognomy but also his personality and performance style, and these are viewed as distinguishing him from the masses. An additional difference between the actor in typage and the actor in Hollywood has to do with issues of recognizability and repetition. The actor or non-actor cast according to the rules of typage can appear and fulfill his role as a type in a single appearance on film. By contrast, if viewed only in a single appearance, the star might be viewed as performing a role as a realist character, in the Stanislavskian sense. Typification—and, indeed, stardom— occurs through the actor's recurrence across a number of films in different roles Recognition of the actor in a series of films creates a double identification in which we see not only the character but also the star. This recognition is crucial both to the star's function in the text and his or her extratextual success. On the one hand, as Murray Smith notes, recognition is the most basic level on which viewers grasp and construct characters. We know a character in a film and perceive her as a continuous agent because we recognize the body that coheres around her and "the star system provides an especially well-developed set of charactei models" to enable recognition (Smith 1995, 119). On the other hand, repeated recognition enables the commodification of the star. As Gaylyn Studlar suggests, "acting stars who disappear into their roles are never stars for very long": The Hollywood system appears too dependent on the extratextual as well as textu.il overvaluation of star faces and bodies as recognizable commodities . . . While it is noi unknown for stars to transform themselves physically in the process of creating code-, of character (such as Robert De Niro's weight gain for Raging Bull), it is generally acknowledged that making your star unrecognizable is dangerous. This is because thl value of stardom is most frequently measured in audience anticipation at seeing—.....I recognizing—their favorite box-office attraction (Studlar 1996, 237-238). Whereas typage requires only the recognition of the social type through external clue, recognition in Hollywood entails a complicated relationship between audience recognition of the star and the character. In Hollywood, the star image is used in the construction of character and the chara< ti I that a star plays are seen to reflect aspects of the star's "real" self. To borrow a phrase from ErvingGoffman, the star achieves a form of "expressive coherence" between his social fronl his outward performance and appearance—and his "true" inner self (Goffman 1959 36| There may be instances when the star and role seem at odds but these are generally view | as exceptions to the rule: failures. Understood in this way, not only stars but also charai ti I actors are types. As Cavell says, "Not to remember the name of a traditional Hollywo. .< I lui player is possible, if hardly excusable: not to remember their faces and temperament- i unthinkable" (Cavell 1979,76). Of course, the individual actor type may also represent a social type, stock charactei ni stereotype. Smith notes that particularity, even in the realist novel, will also be in the Mrvd I of types. For instance, proper names individuate agents but also perform a typifying fuf> tion insofar as proper names bear connotations of class, region, nationality, gender and raefl (Smith IW), 10 .111(1 passim) lot (\ivell, their is ,i dlstllii I..... detwt't'll I he- ,i> ten ,is .1 ■ VI ■ • Individuated tlltollttll III'. i'm i-lit lie It V "I '.lllklllK -.• ■ | >.11.•!• -1" Ii. .in i ill nr. .Hid the c .r.li •.y.li'ln ■ .1 •...... 11 I yi m ■*.. 11MI \l i'11 ■. .1 yI •* "• I li"..iy. 1111111 11'• i ■ 1111 y I vl >••'• "I lil. K l( 11 il n i. in I it'll itf TYPECASTING 177 were not created in film: black people were stereotypes ... We were not given, and were not in a position to be given, individualities that projected particular ways of inhabiting a social roles; we recognized only the role" (Cavell 1979, 33). To be a type is to individuate the social type, stock character, or stereotype. Thus, according to this notion, Marilyn Monroe may be the quintessential dumb blonde, representative of a class-, Thelma Ritter may never rise .ibove the rank of low comedy eccentric: and Butterfly McQueen may be stuck in racist maid roles; but, as a type, each is unique in the way she inhabits the role. Ironically, then, it is Hollywood's adherence to realist principles of individual character psychology which allow the realist character—who exists in a single film—to be transformed into a recurrent type, the star or character actor. This suggests that, despite the anti-type discourse of realism, the break between pre-Stanislavski acting and post-Stanislavski acting isn't as strong as it might seem. And, in fact, in his essay on type, Stanislavski's litany ol types includes not only traditional stock roles, such as "farce comedians" and "dandies," but .ilso realist types such as "Ibsen types" and "neurasthenic Hauptman roles," thus emphasizing his point that typecasting occurs due to the way theaters are organized, and cannot be simply altered by performing different kinds of texts (Stanislavksi 1968, 13). The seeming conflict between a realist aesthetic and typecasting in Hollywood, then, can be explained by acknowledging the fact that the discourse of realism in most 20th-century theories of acting deals with performance style, whereas typecasting reflects a complex web I 'I Institutional practices. It is not the case that acting style and institutional practice are unrelated. ■ I mislavski, after all, recognized that in order to transform acting one had to transform the Institution of theater by enhancing the role of the director, adding rehearsal time, cutting the number of plays performed, creating new realist set designs, etc. However, in Hollywood, • ii ting style and institutional practice, and in particular casting practices, represent a case of uneven development, with acting style shifting increasingly to the dominant naturalist model while casting maintains a residual outmoded theatrical model. typecasting and acting in early cinema 11.my critics and film historians have argued, because technological limitations encouraged i In - use of a frontal, presentational style of acting and the lack of dialogue seemed well-suited .....tomime, early cinema adopted the performance style and character conception of 19th- 111111v melodrama rather than Stanislavskian or novelistic modes of realism. Most accounts til early Hollywood acting thus recount a tale of the new film form having to overcome iiiitinoded theatrical traditions as part ol a progressive march toward a more naturalistic "" I more cinematic acting style. For instance, in her analysis of acting in the films of D W. ' iiillith. Roberta Pearson argues that there is a shift from a "histrionic" or theatrical, melo-ill.im.it ii p.uitotni me stylo of acting influenced by theories of pantomime, such as Delsarte's .......t poses, to a "verisimilar" style, which is more realist, and involves by-play and kin.ill t.'esiuies .in.I ..lie link', tins stylistic change to cinema's transition from its status as i heap .• 11111-.<-r11• -111 1.1 lespei i.idle in.inisiic.iin mass media (Pearson 1992). With a different (Itiph.isis lien Hiew.lei and I ra |.n . ids aiuue III.il mote naturalistic styles developed as him lli'veli iped l.istei ei III I li« win. Ii lell .11 loi'i I ill It- I line It 11 posing ,nid insisted instead on Ii i: ■ 1111 ■ 111 11 U *. 11 h- prill.mm,iii.....In p.llli. Illli'w'.lel .Hill I.ii oils 1997, l()9| Si iii 11. ii ly, I.ii...... ■remort tracei tin ihlll (torn melodramatic ■tyle* to more nnturallitlc or "Invisible" 1 78 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK approaches. Acknowledging that pantomime exists residually in classical Hollywood, Naremore also argues that cinema realizes a Stanislavskian ideal through such technical innovations as close-ups, directional microphones, and shot-reverse shot editing, that enable a transparent, gestureless, un-ostentatious acting style (Naremore 1988, esp. 9-98). Without denying the importance of melodramatic styles and theories of pantomime, or technical limitations, for understanding acting in early cinema, 1 would suggest that we can supplement these accounts of early him acting by considering early Hollywood's institutional structure, which increasingly models itself on the outmoded stock system and lines-of-business tradition at the same time that it moves toward progressively more naturalistic acting styles. By most accounts, the lines-of-business tradition and theatrical stock companies largely expired in America in the 1860s and 70s.6 First, as I have been suggesting, the turn to realist modes of theater challenged the precepts of lines. More importantly, realist theater displaced the manager in favor of the director, and placed casting in the director's hands, not the actors'. In addition, the rise of the star system threatened stock. The rise of the star can be traced back to 18th-century Licensing Acts in England, which limited the number of new plays performed and stabilized the repertory so that companies tended to rotate a stable group of plays, thus highlighting the work of a few actors, like David Garrick, in roles that could be repeated time and again. The star system developed further in America in the 19th century through the development of long-runs and combination systems. Motivated by economic rationalization, the long-run allowed a performer to play a single role for a longer period of time than repertory theater, and thus highlighted the role of the virtuoso. Combination systems created traveling companies that would tour a single play throughout the country, rather than perform a repertory in a single theater. Consisting of a star and supporting players, combinations meant that actors were hired for single parts, instead of lines. However, while touring companies and headliners displaced one version of stock, 19th-century melodrama created another. According to David Grimsted, melodrama arose in large part as a way of competing with the burgeoning star system. Whereas stars were associated with sure-fire old plays and revivals, especially Shakespeare, stock companies offered new plays, and especially melodrama, in order to compete (Grimsted 1968, 92-93]. Due to its reliance on stock characters such as the virtuous heroine, the villain, the old man father, and low comedy men and women, melodrama was well suited to the lines-of-business tradition In addition, the lines-of-business tradition was still an undercurrent in casting practice outside the stock system. As Benjamin McArthur explains, the combination system created new casting needs (McArthur 1984, 17). While the star headliner might tour with the show, smaller parts were often cast city-by-city. No longer an in-house process, casting became rationalized in the 1860s and dramatic agencies were created. Much as they do today, dramatic agents served as brokers for actors and managers. Actors registered at agencies and filled out questionnaires, describing the parts they had played, their physical characteristics, and their wardrobe. When managers contacted agencies, they tended to request actors usinc terminology from lines-of-business, calling, for example, for a soubrette or a heavy, rathei than describing the particulars of the role. So, lines-of-business typecasting existed residually In 19th century melodrama and casting practices. In addition, the realist theater created ■ new kind < >l i vi »• The new realist '.I vie. ,r. |" »pl 11, lll/i'd in All li-Mi ,l I >v Will I. ill i An hel ildvi >i .llei I ill I...... "ti I ire.i il i. ill I v II'. I III', w.i-. M!ll| 11V 111< Ml It 11 lilt I he ,ii 11 HI I ill i'.ii I III'. I ii 'I si ill. ill I V llili i 11" i ■ 'I' In' | >l. I veil openly TYPECASTING 179 .nul with, ml ,i| i. .1.iMiAlthill 1984 IM) This was intended to help the actor break free from lypiln .itum and ti iw.inl i le.itini individuated and psychologically defined characters, but "critics charged that modern actors . . . played every role in a similar fashion, making the author's character merely a vehicle for their individual personality" and decried "an era of I V| n ' astmg, willi i ii it waid appearance valued more highly than proven acting skill" IM< Arthur I'»84. 183). This new type, defined by the actor's appearance and personality, is akin to, and often overlaps with, the star. Thus the 19th century establishes new trends toward typecasting despite anti-type discourse and changes in theatrical institutions. Lines-of-business and typecasting by role exist residually in melodrama and the rise of dramatic agencies; and star systems and realist acting create an emergent new type, hinged on the individual actor. All these tendencies and t lends will be reproduced in early cinema. In terms of performance style, early cinema adopted many of the features of 19th-century melodrama, including not only its presentational style and use of pantomime, but also its mode of characterization and reliance on stock types (Musser 1990, 3-5). More importantly, mid with more long-lasting institutional effects, early cinema modeled itself on the stock /item. Initially, as Charles Musser points out, when films were first made, there was not y«*t a category of the film actor. Early cinema has been famously described by Tom Gunning as a "cinema of attractions" linked to novelties, amusements, and modes of display and apectacle, rather than narrative. Early film included actors from theater and vaudeville, intertainers from the circus, boxers, dancers, and non-actors caught in actualities or put on •creen for staged events (Musser 1987, 57-62; Musser 1990, 3; Gunning 1990). Rather than acting, their activity on film was understood as a form of modeling, or posing (DeCordova 1990, 34f). As the "cinema of attractions" gave way to story films, the notion of film acting lirgan to be developed. The rise in story films coincided with the nickelodeon boom in 1907 which created a demand for more films and, therefore, greater rationalization (Musser 1987, i ''Cordova 1990, 27). To handle the greater demand, film companies could no longer rely ii i he casual and intermittent use of actors for individual films and so created permanent itock companies of actors. These stock companies initially emphasized versatility. An actor in a Griffith film, for Instance, might, according to Roberta Pearson, "play the lead in one film and appear as an II i .it a garden party the next" (Pearson 1992, 88). And, as late as 1909, there are claims that |i i. .is in stock companies receive equal pay, five dollars a day (DeCordova 1990, 79). In •' I- hi um, indicating how far removed film acting still is from theater, actors were uncredited nud anonymous. Despite these differences, film production was similar to the mode of l.....In. linn in theatrical repertory theaters Until about 1912. film production was still in it ' nncerned with the whole script. Leads might be given a script beforehand, but minor players wouldn't know anything about the film until they were called for rehearsal and they ullll wouldn't know the whole (Pearson 1992, 85-86). Over time, rather than diverge further from theatrical models, the stock system became 11ii le.i'.nijiJv smiil.ii 111 11'pi Hi ii\ '.1 ni i Ac c ending to a 191 3 actor's manual by Frances Agnew. Would be hi in ,k 11 us would trglsli'i wit h di.im.it ii agenc ies to gain entry to the studio system Mild both agents and studio*. Ivp''l m tots by lines She writes The nilinliel ol pi.r,i i .......I in I he nloi k litg.llll/.llloli dlllei with the various lihn i on ip, ii ill ", '....... hi.......... 1« Ihllly ol inoir i ni I he U'uul.il llsl, both at t he pllnc Ipal 1 80 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK studio and in the western headquarters. Such a company includes five or six emotional and ingenue leads (actresses); about the same number of leading actors; three or four "heavies" (both actors and actresses) (this type is sometimes called the villain of the play); three or fourcharacter artists; two children for juveniles and half a dozen or more minor players who serve for general business, playing various parts and requiring some versatility (Agnew 1913. 51, 53). As in repertory theater, actors were required to supply their own costumes, and do their own make-up (Agnew 1913, 75-78). Under the stock system, the director initially controlled casting, selecting leads from his stock company and extras from anyone who appeared at studio "bull-pens" (Bordwell, Thompson and Staiger 1985, 149). As in the lines-of-business, actors in the studio stock system could ascend through the ranks, from extra to lead (Agnew 1913, 44, 65). As actor Charles Graham makes clear, early film casting adopts terminology and practices from the lines-of-business tradition. He describes how he was picked out of a bullpen to begin acting in 1912: We joined a crowd of people . . . We had said not a word to a soul, and no one had questioned us, when a man in shirt sleeves and with a green shade over his eyes came into the room and scrutinized first one and then another. He picked out one or two, then came to Arundel and myself. "I can use you," said he, and handed each of us a card. My card bore a number and the mystic words "Walking Gent Card Scene." Arundel's card bore the same number and the same words. We learned that the film would be known by this number till its name was revealed to a waiting public, that we were the "walking gents" in a card playing scene which was to be shot that morning and that we were to take the card to the wardrobe room. Told to wear their own clothes, but with straw hats, Graham and Arundel are made up and sent to the studio. For about three hours, "we smiled the same smiles, we frowned the same frowns, we played the same cards and at last the big lights went on and we did it all again while the cameras shot the scene." Graham, limited in knowledge to his activities, has no idea of the whole film: "Mr. Young . . . was the producer, and if he knew what he was producing I certainly did not" (Graham 1998, 19-20). As film production expands, and director units are overseen by producers, the assistant director takes over casting and major players hire agents. Then, in 1915, the first casting director is hired.7 As lanet Staiger explains: The phrase "type-casting" has literal implications within this mode of production. In order to set up such a system, the casting director, an expert who replaced the more casual approach which the firm had employed, needed some method to classify the potential players for his system . . . the selected classification became somewhat permanent as it went down on a card with other statistics and into the casting director's indexed and cross-indexed hies (Bordwell. Thompson and Staiger I9H5, 149). Ini renseil ral mnall/.illnn nl Ihc stm k system thus leai Is In im m.....Ill In I sysli-ms 11| i ,isl I lie .111(1 mi leased I v|.....IslllIJi TYPECASTING 181 Al I In' s, in ir inn.' ihr si i H In . ..im k system like I heat tit al stock. 11 lids that it cannot Itutliil.iin its poll! y ill .tin uiyiniiy .mil vets.it lllty. The stock system of repetition leads film fans 11 >(.■ n i /t ■ le, ii line | il. ivi i •■ .mi 1111 tin kii.n tie them according to which studio's stock company Ihry belonged. For Instance, Florence Turner becomes known as The Vitagraph Girl, and first I lortnet Lawrence and then Mary Pickford are recognized as Biograph Girls. Recognition n lies a star system. Competitive bidding for leading players begins in 1909 when Carl i h mmle hires Florence Lawrence away from Biograph to become the Independent Moving I'll iiueCompanyGirl.orlMPGirl (Musser 1987, 58-59).Then, publicity for individual actors i it'll, producing what Richard DeCordova has called the "picture personality," an mieimediate identity for him actors before a full-fledged star system develops. I .in recognition begins with the actor's image—her physical appearance. The picture ' inality indicates fan interest in "the personality of the player as represented on him." Ai 11 nding to DeCordova: Personality existed as an effect of the representation of character in a film—or, more iiccurately, as the effect of the representation of character across a number of films. It I.....I toned primarily to ascribe a unity to the actor's various appearances in film. However I he illusion that it had its basis outside the film was constantly maintained (DeCordova 1990,86). 111111 ilisi nurse around personalities asserts a connection between the actor's identity and the It urn lets she plays on screen This in turn requires that the personality portray consistent It 'i.icter types, if not literally the same character from film to film. As DeCordova points out, 'il liltns show an especially insistent version of this homology in that the serial character's ...... is often conflated with the actor through naming, so that King Baggot plays a character ■• ' I King in the IMP detective series, and Kathlyn Williams stars in The Adventures ofKathlyn ■ nrdova 1990, 89). However, despite claims that the actor's real identity was an extension i screen image, the picture personality was a "professional existence—a history of ii'l" -iciti' '". m films and plays and a personality gleaned from those appearances," but did veal very much about the actor's private life (DeCordova 1990,92). it" pn lute personality establishes the screen actor as a type defined by physical .........and role. In the teens, "the private lives of players were constituted as a site of ledge and truth," thus leading to the development of the star proper (DeCordova 1990, \s fan discourse shifts to the star's personal life—her marital status, homes, leisure, ii iinipiinn, political views, etc.—the homology between actor and character isdeepened. ■ inie time, the development of the star system alters the nature of studio stock --p.tnles so that they are more hierarchical. Rather than a company of versatiles that in In il led upon to play any mle. the star system creates a hierarchical system. In it, stars ■ i i I' mi Is. a iii I sin. 11 let | >. it is ate hi lei I l>y a range of non-star types. The character actor Ii ips In this period as a mid-level player, recognizable and associated with a particular lllir nl liiisiiiev, lint nut kiinwii as.i icil in piiv.iie person In addition, there are bit players din I mi i. is win 1111. iy i 'i iu.i\ ii"t a si 'in 111 in nii'.li I Im i.mks In bet nine si. us or character actors While '.Lie. .mil i li.ii.h lei .1. 11 in in pi 1111.111• • 111 members nl stock companies, extras are in ■ I ii" ' - .mil III led tlllnllgll 11.........1......1' ' nl 11'H.lt Ii Hi. Ii il met I iii 1925 Hfl'.e, I . in this I iii'i. ii i I ill .il .il ii I ,1»i mull ll|| Myulrlli ill Inles, I he stllilln system 11 ii'i eli He Mill n il s 11 it • i mi I li l '.link '.y...... ulillii mil I.....I bill i ill the iilliel Ii nil with I he i le.ll 182 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK hierarchy between stars and character actors, and the tendency for studios to loan headlines out for particular projects, Hollywood re-invents the combination system. Throughout I In classical system, Hollywood studios have stock companies. In addition, certain director, and producers, like Preston Sturges, lohn Ford, and David Selznick, maintain theirown stabla of players within the studio. When actors become free agents in the 1960s, the official stoc k system breaks down, but continues in defaclo stock companies such as the stable of player, linked to Martin Scorsese, lohn Cassavetes, Spike Lee, the Coen Brothers, and Paul Thorn.r. Anderson. Emphasizing practical considerations, many actors' manuals recommend that the actoi must be willing to be typecast in order to be more easily classified with agencies. For instanc 11 one manual acknowledges, "There are stars, of course, who are remarkably versatile. But Ii >i a beginner it is wise to work out one especial type of thing, one sort of characterization, whi< Ii will be particularly good, even though he should try to learn to play every sort of role. Then there is no difficulty in making classifications when one registers with a casting director c >i agent" (Klumph 1922, 72-74).* An essay entitled "The Value of Specialization" suggests thai an actor should not just adopt a broad specialization in comedy or drama, but should carve out a niche in small roles. The list of possible specialties includes butlers, smart city men bookmakers, doctors, flunkeys, and judges for male actors; and cooks, maids, half-caste, aunts, nurses, and typists for actresses (Pickford, 6-12). This highly stratified division of lain u is aimed at keeping the actor employed in a regular line of business when being a lead may not be a reality. Stuart Hemward puts it bluntly in his actor's manual: The average feature picture usually has two "leads" which call for a good looking younu girl and boy . .. but there is also the surrounding cast. . . older men and women, heavlei comedians, singers, dancers. Therefore in point of quantity there is a greaterdemand fi i| the homelier, standard types than for the ingenue and leading man . . . Your face may bi your fortune, but not exactly in the way you think. There are many types of comedienne-, who are not known as beauties, but who, nevertheless, have been successful Therefore, first of all, type yourself (Hemward 1937, 9). Interestingly, and in contrast to Stanislavski, early cinema discourse views typecast inn not only as a practical strategy but also as key to naturalistic acting. Arguing against versatiliiy in a how-to acting book, producer Kenelm Foss argues: Acting, in the sense of impersonating a character foreign to the player's personalir, does not exist. All actors deny this: all actors can play anything, given the cham I according to their own account... If an actor is not himself the part, or if his personality does not approximate to that of the part, he's not the man to play it... Types! Thai || what casting comes to, first and last—the selection of proper types (Pickford, 25-201 Similarly, Hemward emphasizes that typing will produce more realistic performances: "You must know your type and then develop naturalness of acting within the characteristics ol the personalities you desire to portray" (Hemward 1937, 13) In addition, lype< asting is viewed as the result of the camera's 'accural y" whu It demands a p.ntn ill ii kiln I . 'I le.tlism akin I., lypai'.e I lam es Agliew writes IVI'I i ASIINt Oil. th.il wold lypei In d.iy. ol yoir......itlsl was always an artist Uy the aid ol make up and ait 1st ii leinpeiainniil ,i y.....iig man ol woman played a i liarac tel many year. his semot, oi an oldei playei was likewise considered capable of giving an artistic youthful c h.itac irrigation . To-day the cry of managers is for types; a child must be played by a child, sweet sixteen must be sweet sixteen, not only in years, but In appearance "offstage" as well as on; the stage mother, aunt, old maid, etc. must be played by actresses possessing the appearance in private life; the handsome hero, the gallant old gentleman—each must look the part to a certain extent when engaged (Agnew 1913, 59). While the idea of typing oneself goes against the grain of most theories of naturalism, in Hollywood, typing oneself quickly became and continues to be a practical necessity, and has been institutionalized and formalized in casting practice through the production and distribution of casting directories and casting services. Casting directories and services Almost as soon as casting becomes rationalized through the development of dramatic agencies and in-house casting directors, casting directories that promote and categorize actors are published and circulated. These directories feature photographs of actors and wtresses, sometimes listing their credits and/or studio affiliations, in alphabetical order and within certain categories. The earliest casting directories categorize actors using terminology that closely resembles the lines-of-business tradition.9 For instance, the undated Directory ol \rtists Under Exclusive Management of the Edward Small Company—which we can assume to be from i lie picture personality" era, due to its epigraph, "Personality is a Commodity"—categorizes actors in descending order as either leading men. juveniles (including leads, characters and heavies), males (including second leads and heavies), or character men. Women are similarly nttegorized as leading women, ingenues, females (including second leads and heavies), and character women. In 1924, The Screen Artist breaks down its listings into feature men, feature i' 'medians, leading men, juveniles, heavy men, and character men, with virtually the same groupings for women and a separate category for children. Reflecting the need for increased •penalization, The Standard Directory of Motion PictureTalenl from 1922 lists principals according 'inpressed lines-of-business—feature men, leading men, juveniles, character men, (iature comedians—but also adds a section for "supporting cast," comprising those minor roles that would have been filled by the lower ranks in the lines-of-business tradition. This "nupportingcast" includes an amazing array of specializations, defined by appearance or role, and Including male roles as acrobats, bits and parts, character men (old) and character men (young), Chinamen, doctors, female impersonators, Jewish (old and young), Russian types, Iwlns, underworld types, and well dressed men (old and young). For women, supporting parts lin hide not only i ham lei women and nit'.eliues, bill also cooks, dancers, grande dames. Illllis, small town (old and \.....nri i.ill women (old and young), and witch types I v-ni nails these spei i ill/ it lull', will i llsappe. il lloin pi i in, il y < ash tig duei lot les and will he 11'legal eil 11' i .r.l 11 if sen li i i |i dli alrd I,. exit, is I 01 instance, in I'Mft I he t lassllied groupings lni I he I enli.il i iMIHg t iil|iiilrtllnii lln hide the lollowmg Amein an Indian',. Alal'l.ilr. alili i" handl. . .....I '.....I dl ■ '.'. an. I i hal. i, 11 l Imlli'l'. llillli-.e il«.llelte 184 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK girls; clowns; cops; girls—sweet looking; Hindus, able to handle elephants; midgets; rough characters; strong men; and short men. These specializations also exist residually in studio files on contract players such as those of casting director William "Billy" Gordon. Gordon was casting director at MGM Studios from the 1930s to!947, and then at 20th Century-Fox until I960, and he became head of talent at Columbia for the 1960s and 1970s. Gordon's files on actors from his tenure at MGM consist of typed lists of actors placed in folders with headings such as the following for male actors: Anglo Saxons, Arab, bald, bartender, beards, character, collegiate, colored/Negro, cripples/midgets/freaks, fat, fencers, juveniles, nances, rubes, and underworld. For actresses, Gordon's files include: beautiful, blonde, characters (young), colored/Negro, exotic, fat, heavies, hookers, maids, old, old maids, prison matrons, showgirls, and singers. As general utility and supernumerary specialties fall increasingly under the category of extras and bit parts, most casting directories are then focused on actors who can fill principal parts; and typical directories list lines-of-businessand include information about whether an actor is under contract. There is some overlap among categories. For instance, in 1924 s The Screen Artist, Francis X. Bushman is listed as both a leading man and a feature man, indicating a distinction between starring roles and other major roles. Similarly, in The Players Inc. Screen Casting Directory of 1928, Skeets Noyes is listed as both a heavy and a character. There is some mobility among the lines—an actor can ascend from juvenile or ingenue to lead—but the distinction between starring roles and roles as characters or comedians seems firm. At this time, the actors listed are almost all white but race and ethnicity figure heavily in the category of "character," which seems to refer back to the categories of light comedy and eccentric business in traditional lines and generally includes actors who play distinct ethni< types, roles in uniform or other elaborate costumes, and roles in heavy make-up.10 For instance, in a lune 1928 issue of The Players, Inc., character actor William Vox Mong lists his specialities: "Chinamen, Frenchmen, Russians and Americans and am learning English. Roman and Eskimo." By the 1930s, race becomes its own category as The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Science Players Directory Bulletin (generally referred to as The Academy Players Directory) includes separale sections labeled "Colored" and "Oriental," which list all African American and Asian actors and actresses, adults and children, together while it classifies white men (without identifying, them as such) as leading men, younger leading men, characters and comedians; whilr women as leading women, ingenues, characters and comediennes; and white children at boys and girls. While African American and Asian actors and actresses exist outside the lines as it were, with no indication of whether they are, for instance, characters or ingenues, white actors such as Bela Lugosi and Peter Lorre who play ethnic types are still listed in the main male categories as "characters." By 1945, possibly in response to NAACP calls for bettei representation in Hollywood, actors of color are included among the regular categories I >Ul are indexed separately. Initially, there seems to be an unwritten rule that an African American or Asian actor cannot be a lead. Lena Home, for instance, is listed as a "character and comedienne" in the 1945 Academy Players Directory, despite her eroundbreaking st.ir (onli.u I While actors of color were eventually included among leads, they were still Indexed separately ,is. lusl Colt net I then Nee.ro. .mil event u.illy .is Ml.it k Today this pi,it lit e t out limes Willi Hit le.iMim ,it lentli in in iii ult it nil iii.il Kin .mil | mill it .il t in lei n.....h, .1» m tori tint I actrr»Kr> ~ ......1"Mill, ahi.i, but ulkoiikAillt.lt. Willi l'K.iliilillea(liii lutlliitiilii TYPECASTING 185 specific nature of their disability, such as quadriplegic, amputee, etc.), Deaf and Hard of Hearing Artists, Little People, Asian Pacific Artists, Hispanic Artists, Native American Artists, and, oddly, Twins." Ultimately, through the combined forces of increasing rationalization and the star system, Hollywood develops a complex and hierarchical ladder of types—some defined by lines, some by appearance, some by personality, some associated with certain stereotypes, .hkI some with social types, some operating as stars and some as character actors. Over the years, the categories into which these types can be sorted changes according to changing tastes and mores. And, as the assumed homology between actor and role, and role and appearance gets increasingly rigid and increasingly politicized, types are diversified and increase exponentially but are still recognizable as types. For instance, a recent survey of casting calls in Breakdown Services, the leading print and web source in Hollywood foi casting, found roles described largely in terms of types. These types ranged from stock characters such as "high school sweetheart" and "mother type" to racial categories and corresponding stereotypes ('African American, 20-35. Dance . . . Basketball skills requlrex I I to types defined by pre-existing actors and characters ("a young lodie Foster or Queen I ..itil.ili, or Peppermint Patty from Peanuts" in a call for "real" and diverse girls).12 Thus, in a certain sense, the older lines-of-business practice was less traditional In its conception of casting—insofar as what enabled an actor to play a line was nol stmtly speaking his physical appearance but rather his costume and make-up, whereas in today's seeming diversity, the actor is defined increasingly by physical appearance, race, body type, age, gender, and sex. In the interests of upholding shifting conceptions of realism, Hollywood has proliferated rather than blurred the lines." Conclusion To conclude, I would suggest that a consideration of casting helps deepen and expand our understanding of film acting. First, casting needs to be seen as an interpretive process. A consideration of casting could complicate current models of authorship and of stardom. I.x.imining casting helps acknowledge not only the way roles are characterized but also the Ideologies about identity they embody. In addition, a consideration of casting helps show . lunges in performance styles as only one part of what constitutes acting on screen We need i > more consciously relate performance styles to casting practices and take into account i political, cultural, and labor issues at the time of performance. On a related note, just as the meaning of the word "type" has evolved, notions of "realism" have undergone a meta-ini uphosis to reflect changing ideas about acting and identity; and, therefore, the discourse of realism which has dominated studies of classical cinema needs to be more specifically liiloiiiiiil by .in ii mil'i si. mi line ol institutional practice and historical context. Finally, while let. .|'.iii/m!'. I In ■ 11 ill in-ii. e . .1 i ■ml it'tit let I I.Hi 11 11 Mil my theatrical t r, id it ions on contemporary . 11iic m.iy le,iiI lis to view I vi'i'i .r.linn .is inevitable, it should also open a door to change. H, as StatlKI.IVski slier..".i ■. |ielloim.Hti e style ,md llistltlltltin.il pi.it In e t'.tt h.ilitl in hand. IIipii we net •! I now I in 'ii vi si, hi w.iy. It 11 ne.ili liee Iii mi 11 ■*. 1111 j. 11 .mil perhaps outmoded casting tl.i.lili.His lo 11. 11.11111,111 / ■ ■ Ii.il in.ill.iii .iii.I lne.it lire It,,m I.....les ol le.ilisin lh.it simply I frpli ii I in e i nil own evelytl.iy lent lent Irs 1111 V| »• i ,isl 186 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK Acknowledgments Portions of this essay were presented at the Chicago Film Seminar, at the University of Notre Dame, and at the Society for Cinema and Media Studies and a slightly longer version of the essay appeared in a special issue of Criticism. Special thanks to lames Naremore.Tom Gunning, Donald Crafton, Lesley Brill, and readers at Criticism for their comments. Casting directors lane Alderman and Debra Zane generously shared their thoughts with me; Gary Marsh at Breakdown Services provided sample breakdowns; and Barbara Hall at the Margaret Herrick Library of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences helped me to fi nd archival casting materials. Notes 1 For more on Non-Traditional Casting, see Gibbons 1991; Schechner 1989; and the website for the Non-Traditional Casting Project, www ntcp.org 2 The zanni is the clownish underling or servant, an acrobatic mimic, a Harlequin. 3 The Australian larrikin is a young street rowdy, a delinquent. Though the term refers to minor criminals, it can also be used to name valued Australian characteristics such as irreverence, non-conformism, and impudence. 4 Typage tends toward representations of what Richard Dyer calls "member types." Member types "are linked to historically and culturally specific and determined social groups or classes and their praxes, which are almost bound to be outside the present cultural hegemony (in so far as it has so much invested in the notion of individuality)." Dyer values member types because they hold out the promise of collective identity, and therefore, political action, as opposed to social types and stereotypes which operate on an exclusionary basis. See Dyer 1980, 37. 5 On "expressive coherence" and theories of acting in Hollywood, see Naremore 1988,68-82 and passim. 6 On the demise of the lines-of-business tradition, see Burge 1986, 212-213; McConachie 1992, 248-256; and McArthur 1984, 7-8 7 See "Casting Efficiency," Motion Picture World 26, no 11(11 December 1915): 1985 8 Similarly, in contrast to her own discomfort with typecasting, Mary Pickford advises actors to know their strengths and weaknesses and find types or roles they can play. She writes "The producer will probably help you in your selection of the part. If he knows his work, as most producers do, he has divided humanity in sections—young men, old men, comedians, tragedians—and within a few minutes of your first appearance before him he will have allotted you to one of those sections, and more often than not his judgment will be the right one." Pickford, 29. 9 All casting directories listed here are available at the Margaret Herrick Library of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, Los Angeles. 10 This sense of the category of "character" parallels the use of the term "character" in dance, where, the "character dance" is invariably ethnic in nature and principally from the Russian or Slavic traditions, although there are Mediterranean character dances such as the Tarantella; and "character dancer" refers to those dancers who portrny older or comical i 11. ii. i. tee. '.hi 11 as I >i ('< !|>|m'li,r. ml n, ;>elm i n the step rm it ln-i in i iin/rn-l/ii (usually played I I am in. lei il ril 11 i Kevin I Meyei I, ,| lie. inpl.ili.ll li hi n| this let llllllc ill >Uy 12 13 TYPECASTING 187 According to a February 2001 telephone interview with Keith Gonzalez, the current editor of theAojdemu Planers Directory, actors and/or their agents decide whether to list themselves as leads, younger leads or ingenues, or characters and comedians, and they also decide whether or not to be cross-indexed. Gonzalez, like casting directors I interviewed, feels that actors are poor judges of their type and often mis-categorize themselves. Breakdown Services, Ltd. Provides "breakdowns" or capsule descriptions of all roles needing to be cast for most Hollywood productions, including feature films, TV shows, commercials, student films, and industrials. The breakdowns are written by casting directors and/or in-house writers and breakdowns are sent to agents, managers, and other subscribers daily. See www.breakdownservices.com An anecdote will indicate how traditional "non-traditional" casting can be. When I was doing research for this article, I had a conversation with a Chicago-based casting director who told me that if a director asked to fi 11 a role for a Polish female bank teller (which she assumed would be played by a Polish female actress), she might suggest the role be played as black, gay, and male instead; but her conception of who could play black, gay, and male was limited to actors who were themselves black, gay, and male. Thus, her conception of "non-traditional" casting consisted of swapping one type for another and her conception of type was tied to the actor's individual "real" identity. I had similar conversations with casting directors in Los Angeles. references Agnew, Frances. Motion Picture Acting: How to Prepare for Photoplaying, What Qualifications are Necessary, How to Secure an Engagement, Salaries Paid to Photoplayers New York: Reliance Newspaper Syndicate, 1913. hogle, Donald Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks. An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. 1973. Reprint, New York: Continuum, 2001. lordwell, David, Kristin Thompson, and lanet Staiger. The Classical Hollywood Cinema. Vilm Style and Mode of Production to I960 New York: Columbia University Press, 1985. ■irewster, Ben and Lea lacobs. Theatre to Cinema: Stage Pictorialism and the Early Feature Film Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. lurge, lames C Lines of Business. Casting Practice and Policy in the American Theatre, 1752-1899 New York: Peter Lang, 1986. Cavell, Stanley The World Viewed: Reflections on the Ontology of Film. Enlarged edition. Cambridge, MA Harvard University Press, 1979. DeCordova, Richard. Picture Personalities-. The Emergence of the Star Si/stem in Amerun i In. ■ University of Illinois Press, 1990. Oyer, Richard "Stereotyping."\n Gays and Film, edited by Richard Dyer, 27-39. London British Film Institute. 1980 "The Role of Stereotypes In 'IV Mutter of Images: Essays on Representations New York Rout ledge I «*<>"* lllrnslein. S M The I'lin. Iples . .1 Hie New Russian Cinema " In Selected Worfev Volume i WritincA. 192^ ium edited ami iiaiiKhiteil by Richard Taylor. Bloomlngton: Indiana Ulllveisily i'n".'. I'>88 (illil'. He. |. >titi I I lie Amen, .in I In,Hie . AllflM/H In Ai lilei'e Mii/lii ii/|iim/imh mi ' .laae I liminili Niw Tniililiniinli icliiii) I'll I) dim NhiIIiwmIpIH IInlvnr»11 v IWI 188 PAMELA ROBERTSON WOJCIK Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Anchor Books, 1959. Graham, Charles. "Acting for the Films in 1912." In Playing to the Camera-. Film Actors Discuss their Craft, edited by Bert Cardullo, Harry Geduld, Ronald Gottesman, and Leigh Woods, 19-21. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. Grimsted, David. Melodrama Unveiled: AmericanTheater and Culture, 1800-1850. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968. Gunning, Tom. "The Cinema of Attractions: Early Film, Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde." In Early Cinema-. Space/Frame/Narrative, edited by Thomas Elsaesser, 56-62. London: British Film Institute, 1990 Heath, Stephen. "Body, Voice." In Questions of Cinema. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1981. Hemward, Stuart |. How to Get in Motion Pictures. Hollywood: The Hemwood Publishing Company, 1937. Isaacs, Edith |. R. "Type-Casting: The Eighth Deadly Sin," Theatre Arts 17 (1933). 131-138 Klumph, Inez and Helen. Screen Acting-, lis Requirements and Rewards. New York: Falk Publishing, 1922. Kracauer, Siegfried. "Remarks on the Actor." In Theory of Film-. The Redemption of Physical Reality I960. Reprint, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. Kuleshov, Lev. Kuleshovon Film, translated and edited by Ronald Levaco. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974. Majumdar, Neepa. "The Embodied Voice: Song Sequences and Stardom in Popular Hindi Cinema." In Soundtrack Available-. Essays on Film and Popular Music, edited by Pamela Robertson Wojcik and Arthur Knight, 161-184. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. McArthur, Benjamin. Actors and American Culture, 1880-1920. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984. McConachie, Bruce A. Melodramatic Formations-. American Theatre and Society, 1820-1870. low.i City: University of Iowa Press, 1992. Musser, Charles. "The Changing Status of the Actor." In Before Holli/icood: Turn-of-the-Cetiimu American Film, 57-62. New York: Hudson Hills Press in Association with the American Federation of Arts, 1987. -The Emergence of Cinema-. The American Screen to 1907. History of the American Cinema, vol I Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. Naremore, lames. Aclino. in the Cinema. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. Pearson, Roberta E. Eloquent Gestures-. The Transformation of Performance Style in the Griffith Biograp\ Films. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. Pickford, Mary !'...,„ | If \<) \'KtH Kt •prim Now York Kt.utle<><> :.111> ll.ii (,.iylyii Kir. Mad Masquerade Stardom and Mum ulmitu in llif tail Ai/i' New Yolk (.'uluinU.i UlllVelMlyl'l.".-.. |Wf, TYPECASTING 189 _ The 1950s Black Stars DONALD BOGLE Ethel Waters sways her massive shoulders as she sings "His Eye Is on the Sparrow," and suddenly, becomes—for a new generation—its great earth-mother figure. . . . Dorothy Dandridge, first as Carmen, then as Margot, later as Bess, acts her heart out, wins her Oscar nomination, and emerges on screen and off as the living embodiment of the tragic mulatto. . . . Sidney Poitier enters the era shyly as a young unknown in No Way Out, only to close the decade as one of the most important leading men—black or white—in the movies. . . . Writer Richard Wright, baseball player lackie Robinson, boxer (ersey |oe Walcott, tennis champ Althea Gibson, football player Woody Strode, trumpeter Louis Armstrong, crooner Nat "King" Cole, songstress Eartha Kitt, comedienne Pearl Bailey, jazz stylist Ella Fitzgerald, and calypso artist Harry Belafonte invade the movies and go "dramatic.". . . And problem pictures continue, alternately engaging and alienating their audiences. It was the 1950s, an era to be remembered as apathetic and sleepy-eyed, vulgar and hypocritical, grandiose, spectacular, and tasteless. Yet the Eisenhowerage was one of change find turbulence, a decade that encompassed an array of incongruities: McCarthy in the Senate, troops in Korea, a Nobel Peace Prize for Ralph Bunche in Sweden, the National Guard in Cicero and Chicago, the Supreme Court Decision of 1954, Marian Anderson at the Met, ĽmmettTill lynched in Mississippi, bus boycotts (later bombings) in Montgomery, the rise ' 'I M.irtin Luther King, sit-ins in Oklahoma, federal troops in Arkansas. The 1950s' social-political whirl penetrated the motion-picture industry, which like the n .1 "I I he ' ountry, had to undergo change. Already the industry had lost some of its best i ilenls because of blacklist ing Slowly, too, the look of the American feature film was altered n- I' itiger stamped with the big-studio gloss but marked now by the individual signature of llir independent duei toi or pioducei television sets had come into homes across the nation nnd when box oil u e allelic lam e. altei its great boom in the war years, tapered off drastically iI m 111 ■ 11 i m lust ly otleied the glatil wide sc teens Cinerama, ("inemaScope, VistaVision, 3-D— no ii despeiale means 11| holding llir auilleiii e likewise the industry picked up bold themes III pall to hue the Iclevlsli ill .Hlilíniu r iiwuy lieHn 1»Hue anci in pall as a realistic reflect ion ol llir glowing ' h.ins in I he i n . i nl '.m. n. i niii In the psyc lies ol Its c Ill/ens (.lone alllli isl tllllrly was Ihe mágii al n u......Hi Lienu I lull llir daydlrain i|llallty ol llir old movies as 192 DONALD BOGLE independent filmmakers brought to the public not only more problem pictures but "message" pictures, "serious" pictures, "thoughtful" pictures, "studious" pictures, and "controversial" pictures, all interchangeable but carrying different labels. For black actors this era of silent change was important. The great gains of the late 1940s were continued in the 1950s with the emergence of distinct black personalities who, through their own idiosyncrasies, invigorated the Negro Lead Character and the Negro Theme. Almost immediately three diverse black personalities stood out prominently, and they were to remain so throughout the decade, making the greatest breakthrough for the black actor in American motion pictures. Sidney Poitier, Dorothy Dandridge, and Ethel Waters transformed the history of blacks in films from a study of pictures or parts or personalities to one of star dimensions. As already seen, in the early days of moviemaking black actors were rigidly consigned to mythic types. Through the push and power of their personalities, some actors had created great pop figures. Everything in Hollywood was a game, they knew, and they did not expect to be taken very seriously. Movie audiences loved and laughed at these great comic strip characters. They left theaters having enjoyed themselves but with little reason to think twice about what they had seen. No one ever cared what Bill Robinson was really thinking as he danced up the staircases with Shirley Temple. Nor did anyone give a second thought to how Hattie McDaniel must have felt as she ripped the bandana from her head after a particularly humiliating scene Occasionally, with black actors such as Stepin Fetchit or Lena Home or Paul Robeson, because their off-screen exploits paralleled their on-screen images and because they were publicized by their studios, audiences felt they had some insight into the person on celluloid But still unlike the important white stars—such as Garbo and Gable—the old black actors were not monolithic figures. They did not symbolize disparate elements of their audience's personalities. They were not able to affect lives dramatically or touch on the mass imagination Indeed, the moviegoing public was not yet prepared to be swept off its feet by the intrigues of a colored personality. But in the 1950s Poitier, Dandridge, and Waters reached out and affected the imagination of the mass audience. Patrons believed in them. Often because of their private lives or because of a strongly rooted image, the trio overpowered the films in which they appeared. Moreover in this strange psychoanalytic age when audiences started dissecting not only their own inner selves but those of their movies and movie stars as well, when patrons went to see black performers not for mere entertainment but for a comment on the black experience these three performers became popular because of what they represented to moviegi» < Like all great stars, they were aesthetic beings in themselves. To contemplate Waters' humanity or Dandridge's beauty or Poitier'scodeof decency was worth the price of admission and the three made a slight dent at the place Hollywood has traditionally cherished most the box office. Ethel Waters: earth mother for an alienated age Ethel Waters was the first of the three to win mass audience apptov.il She had been around lor n long time, and her lite and < areet were a tale ol disotdei and i.....Ii e.nly soin >w Growing up in ( hestei, Pennsylvania, she had stolen lood to eat, tun eitaluk Ii >i win ilrs been a lookoiil THE 1950s: BLACK STARS 193 lor pimps, nu I um lei wi >i Id Humen AI llililaan i he was married At fourteen she was separated. At lilleen she was a i li.iinlu n.....I and l.nin. Iiess ai a Philadelphia hotel where she earned '"I /'> a week Tin -i i aliin tst niii.n uli iie.ly she rose Irom poverty to international acclaim, first in the i ell,us anil. ales wheie she was billed as "Sweet Mama Stringbean" and later on the i ice in such stu . • -----1111 pioductions as Afričana, Blackbirds of 1930, Rhapsody in Black. As 'thousands Cheer. At I \omi Abroad. Mamba's Daughters, and Cabin in the Sky. I.thel Waters later reached a whole new audience with her impressive film work. But suddenly her spiraling career fell flat in the mid-1940s. Overwork, exhaustion, exploitation, im I personal unhappiness had made her "difficult" and chronically suspicious of everyone, ii.i outbursts on the set of Cabin in the Sky remain a part of Hollywood legend. Subsequently there was a six-year period of unemployment in the film capital, and by 1948, when Darryl muck asked her to test for Granny in Pinky. Ethel Waters was almost at the point of begging lor a role. Her Granny was an old typed vehicle but she got mileage out of it, and her career • ung back into full gear. Today, because of her appearances in such films as Cairo (1942), Tuli". of Manhattan. Cabin in theSky. Stage DoorCanteen (1943), and Pinky, many still thinkof Ethel Waters as an exclusively 1940s figure. It was during this period that, singlehanded, she brought .....w style and substance to the time-worn mammy. But as significant a figure as she was In I he 1940s, it was in the Eisenhower era, in the film version of Carson McCullers' play The Ii mber of the Wedding, that she scored her greatest screen triumph and an overwhelming |Krsonal victory. i lir Member of the Wedding was more than simply a movie. It was in two very important inspects a motion-picture event. Foremost, it marked the first time a black actress was used my a major-studio white production. Secondly, the movie was another comeback for llhel Waters. Her autobiography His Eye Is on the Sparrow had recently been published and ' r. a best seller In it. she told all the lurid details of her life—the fights, the lovers, the in images the career troubles. Curiously, instead of alienating her audience, the turbulent Wants in the autobiography convinced patrons that Ethel Waters, who had always portrayed nu suffering women, was indeed the characters she played. Moreover, audiences knew llhel Waters had truly suffered. Now patrons rooted for her to succeed—to triumph. When I In Member of the Wedding finally opened, audiences got just that. I he Stanley Kramer-Fred Zinnemann feature was a serious, oddly structured film for 1952 ili an moviegoers. It starred the original Broadway cast. It had little plot, and focused Hi 11 id on the interactions ol three outcasts: l; rankle Adams {played by lulie Harris), a twelve-\> ii i 'Id motherless girl entering adolescence and wanting desperately to belong: lohn-Henry ■Ion de Wilde), Frankie's six-year-old sickly cousin-playmate; and the weathered and a family cook, Berenice. In the course of the film, Berenice is revealed as the guiding l|ilill in the children's solitary lives. She is cook, housekeeper, protectress, reprimander, ^Har, and confidante. "Come on. Let us play a three-hand game of bridge." says Berenice • In and t he children sit in the kitchen. "Play the King, |ohn-Henry," she tells the boy when ha Is about to cheat at their bridge game. "You know you got to play the rules of the game." Ill I In".r i|iiiet oi -.ol 11 el 111 ii ", 11111 ii i lei it nu hi lent s among the three, author Carson McCullers' • •• ii Ivm i mi i w.r. appan-til .r. nun Ii ,r. In i theme ol human loneliness and alienation. "We id I lying one thing Then......11 hi Yei we te si ill i aught,' Berenice tells young Frankie, lliilhei lime in hei most innvliig momilouue, she explains to the two children the lin-iil.-.1 Mind ill. ■-, ol hei llli It. n i ili. Mist in in I evel loved Therefore I had to go • ■ -py my.el I li nevel all el and what I did wa- to many oil little piei es ol I mil w hei level 1 94 DONALD BOGLE I run across them. It was my misfortune that they all turned out to be the wrong pieces." She comforts the two and helps them grow from her experiences. She sings to them "His Eye Is on the Sparrow." The him is resolved with Frankie grown and over that aching period ol adolescence. Berenice stands alone in the kitchen of the house. She is leaving to work else where, and we understand that her talents as an earth mother, to nourish and comprehend, are needed in a new household. The Member of the Wedding was a critical success, but reports of its strange plotlessness and unconventional characters scared off many viewers. Others found them baffling. But Ethel Waters, the actress and the human being, was praised by everyone, even by those who did nol like the film. Berenice was a perfect role for her, and there were obvious parallels between the seamy, confused tragic life of the movie's heroine and the legends about the entertainer. In the film version of The Member of the Wedding, the role was so well written and the character si I well etched that Waters at long last had the material for a bravura performance. In her hand', every line, even a seemingly unadorned statement, was delivered with a warmth and irony th.ii went beyond the script. "Can't bid," she said during the card game. "Never have a hand tin si days." "All my life I been wanting things I ain't been getting," she uttered plaintively. Ultimately, because The Member of the Wedding, with its skinny tomboy heroine and its pint-sized bespectacled leading man, was so unlike the typical Saturday evening movie fare, audiem e tended to accept Ethel Waters and her life rather than the lives portrayed in the film. She emerged now as more than just a representative of the long-suffering, strong black woman She was a great "serious" popular myth come true. For black audiences, Ethel Waters wa: personification of the black spirit they believed had prevailed during the hard times of slavey and they felt she brought dignity and wisdom to the race. For the mass white audiem e Ethel Waters spoke to an inner spirit of a paranoid and emotionally paralyzed generation thai longed for some sign of heroism. Movie stardom itself has often been based on a thin lira between actress and myth, and with this performance Ethel Waters became a genuine movir star. Her personality, rather than her character or her movie, had grasped the publll imagination, and thus the history of the Negro in American films gained a new perspective But if Ethel Waters altered black film history, she was perhaps the last to know about it For in spite of her impressive performance, she curiously became in the mid-1950s a victim of audience indifference. From The Member of the Wedding she went on to important Broadw.iv appearances. There was also the successful television series "Beulah." Then new trouble! arose: income-tax evasion and other debts. Finally, her debts and problems mounted so liiuh that she was forced to make an excruciatingly painful appearance on the television qui* show "Break the $250,000 Bank." The great actress stood before millions in their homes tiyinn to win money to pay her taxes. Surprisingly, audiences took her plight in stride. There w.n neither outrage nor great sadness. In a frightening way, Ethel Waters' public sorrow .mil humiliation were considered fitting for the tough endurable mythic figure who had alw.iv» shown America that she could prevail, even under the most trying situations. When het iienl film, The Sound and the Fury (1959), was released, Twentieth Century-Fox's publicity depa ft nifiil announced that "everybody's favorite," indeed "America's favorite," Ethel Waters, w« back. As Dilsey, the "indomitable skeleton," the part Faulkner himself might have written ln| her, Waters again acted the strong black woman in grand style The movie at first kinkm! prom is inc. with .i cast th.it included Yul Brynnet, loanne Woodwanl and Mali'., net I .eif.lili ill Hut the act ins floundered in one mess (it a si npt. and Walois Imiidil In slay alloat II was I ml l.i .1 111 IT t ol the del ade till Iv&Oi: «IA( K NAM IV» The I <>'>()', .in lei I wllli I I In I Walrls having appealed III but two motion |>l< lilies hill Ii i this .ilielliK nr.i ■■ mi i|....... m ale,I n| Us own shadow and temlled "I lahtii' 11 ■. *■ ■. ■ In was all echo (il I he p.i'.l I I hel Water, seemed to lie some noble part ol olll hell lac thai ■ , (|uk kly bc( onuiit: exiim i In a period ol mass uniformity, she was the Individualist looluh em nigh to asseil I hi,.I I v'l ■.! n him enough to pay lor the t onseqiiom es In I In end liei Image—the myth she lived out—loomed larger than life over the decade Through tht 1990s Into the early 1970s, Waters made occasional television appear.im es on sin Ii plotll.....» .t» "Route 66, "The Great Adventure," and "Owen Marshall," again playing the strong inainan hi I heroine. In her later years, she appeared with Billy Graham's Crusades In 1977, W.ilei* died at age 80. Dorothy Dandridge: apotheosis of the mulatto Dorothy Dandridge was the second of the black stars. Before the apathetic Eisenhower amended, she had infused it with hergreat intensity and risen as its most successful black loading lady. For a period that prided itself on appearances, hers was a startling presence. She was a grpat beauty Her eyes were dark and vibrant, her hair long and silky, her features sharply defined. And she had the rich golden skin tone that had always fascinated movie audiences, black and white. Moreover, she was a distinctive personality, schizophrenic, maddening, [ euphoric, and self-destructive Before her Nina Mae McKinney had displayed uncontrolled rnunchiness. Fredi Washington had symbolized intellectualized despair, and Lena Home had acquired a large following through her reserve and middle-class aloofness. On occasion, Dorothy Dandridge exhibited all the characteristics of her screen predecessors, but most Important to her appeal was her fragility and her desperate determination to survive In a way never before demonstrated by a black personality, she used her own incongruities | and self-contradictions to capture and extend the mass imagination. Her life and career were ■ rously reported on by the white and black press. At times she seemed to bask in her own publicity, and it was obvious that she took pains to create an image, to package it, and then Ii • market it for mass consumption. The irony that overshadowed Dorothy Dandridge's career was that although the image Ihe marketed appeared to be contemporary and daring, at heart it was based on an old and I classic type, the tragic mulatto In her important films Dorothy Dandridge portrayed doomed, iinliillilled women Nervous and vulnerable, they always battled with the duality of their personalities. As such, they answered the demands of their times. Dorothy Dandridge's . liaiai ters brought to a dispirited nuclear age a razor-sharp sense of desperation that cut llin 'Ugh the bleak monotony of the day Eventually—and here lay the final irony—she may have been forced to live out a screen image that destroyed her. I >( itothy Dandridge came to films after a lengthy and arduous career as a stage entertainer 'Ihe da lighter of a Cleveland minister and a comedienne-actress named Ruby, she performed |an child with her oldei sistei Vivian in a vaudeville act billed as "The Wonder Kids." At fifteen In mil Vivian aloiii: wit h am .1 lei IiI.h 1 r.iil appeared as the Dandridge Sisters, louring the toiintiy with the liniuiy I urn eloid band Al sixteen. Dorothy Dandridge performed at the lot Ion l lull, whole she 11 id 11.in ill I Nli hol.is ol t he da IK i tig Nicholas Brothers She married Inn i and I mho III lii a da i It'.hl ei I alei I ho | sin ill vol i od Thioiii'hi nit the 1940s, she worked in nii'lii lull', as well ,i\ in a •.Inn,1 . •! Iilm sin Ii as I ajii /i,hh I mmiiiiifi ( I'MI I Hahama Passage l||94.'| Hiniir. ,i/ lln ( ,'iiiin l I'M;I I I'.'ini I'.n.i.li an. I llic 11,1 I'atadeol I'M I 196 DONALD BOGLE In the early 1950s, a trio of low-budget movies in which she played "good girl" roles served as springboards for Dorothy Dandridge's rise. The first, Tarzan's Peril (1951), was typical jungle fare with one twist. In a crucial episode, Dandridge, as a kidnaped African princess, was tied to the stakes by a warlike tribal leader. As she lay with legs sprawled apart, heaving and turning to break loose, it was apparent that never before had the black woman been so erotically and obviously used as a sex object. From the way Lex Barker's Tarzan eyed the sumptuous Dandridge, it was obvious, too, that for once Tarzan's mind was not on lane or Boy or Cheetah! In Columbia's The Harlem Globetrotters (1951), Dandridge was cast as a sympathetic young wife trying to keep a decent husband from going bad. She had little more to do than look lovely. MGM's 1953 all-black Bright Road, followed, giving Dorothy Dandridge her first starring role. As a grade-school teacher working to reach an unhappy wayward student, she was cast opposite child actor Philip Hepburn and a shy newcomer named Harry Belafonte. Here she revealed a soft, radiant, melancholic quality. "Her work in MGM's See How They Run |the title was changed upon release| projects sultry Dorothy Dandridge into the enviable role of Hollywood's No. 1 female star," wrote Ebony. Life magazine also ran a special article on the film, spotlighting its leading lady. Thus by 1953, the momentum for Dandridge's career was well under way. Had she continued playing such nice-girl roles, her career might have been entirely lackluster. But Dorothy Dandridge learned early that there were better thing', ahead on the other side of virtue. Carmen \ones was the celebrated movie that established her as the definitive tragic mulatto. It also contains the definitive Dandridge mulatto performance. The legend of how directot Otto Preminger first decided to cast Dandridge for the lead in his film reads like a press agent's dream tale, but it appears to be true. Initially, Preminger had thought her too sleek and sophisticated for the role of a whore. But he underestimated the talent and determination of the actress. When it appeared as if she had lost the role altogether, Dorothy Dandridge completely redid her appearance and style. She taught herself a Southern dialect. She mastered wildly uninhibited body movements. She shrewdly exploited her own nervous tension. With her new image perfected, she tossed her hairabout her head, made up her eye, darkly, dressed herself in a sheer low-cut blouse and a long, tight skirt, and then audaciously strutted into Preminger's office. Vivacious, sportive, alluring yet somehow haunted and vulnerable, Dorothy Dandridge was the living embodiment of the director's Carmen. The role was given to her. Carmen \ones, released in 1954, was the 1950s' most lavish, most publicized, and mosi successful all-black spectacle. If audiences truly yearned for relief from the tedium and routine of their lives, surely this was perfect pop entertainment. Based on Bizet's comic-strip opeu Carmen, it cleverly transformed the opera's colorful Spanish cigarette girl into Carmen lone, a sexy black factory worker in the South. Her foil is a Good Colored Boy, |oe, portrayed k Harry Belafonte. Carmen lures him into deserting the army, goes with him to a sleazy Chicago • hotel where they evade the law, then deserts him for a prize fighter, and finally is strangle. I by him for her unfaithfulness. The plot and the characters of Carmen \ones were pop creations, and I he film relied on tin stock situations: hair-pulling fights between black females, the inevitable barroom brawl, thl exaggerated dialects, the animalistic passions and luries ol the le.uk old style kitsch, h w.r. made impressive nonetheless by its director's exuberant style and III cait't great Alan l.veiyone seemed to be theie to have a good time I Huhaliii < am ill had a small dei oialiv, THE 1950s: BLACK STARS 197 tole as oiii' . 'I i ai in. n : i:.....I inn.' i'ii I Ii lends t )lga lames portrayed the submissive Cindy I mi Pi... !• I vier. sii.ii lei I gl. .Mi Hisly as the villainous Sergeant Brown |oe Adams as prise llghtei Husky Milhi was sin h an overtly sexual performer that audiences could understand why he never went lar In Ulms White audiences still found sexually assertive black males hard to accept Pearl Bailey was an open delight as she belted out a rousing "Beat Out That Rhythm on a Drum." But Dandridge's Carmen dominated the production. On the one hand, cool, calculating, and perfectly confident, on the other, reckless and insecure, she is animalistic and elemental. When pursued by Belafonte, she kicks, she screams, she claws, she bites, and at one point, she crawls on all fours. Belafonte must tie her hands and feet to prevent her from escaping. Here again Dorothy Dandridge was the jungle queen tied to the stakes. But her performance was curiously detached. Certainly, audiences knew that here was a woman who was acting. But the sheer theatricality, the relish she poured into her pole, made audiences forget the incongruities of the plot and instead delight in Preminger's black fairy tale and this extravagant, high-strung bumblebee. "Looka here, baby," she seemed i.1 say, "it ain't real, but I am!" "The range between the two parts \Carmen \ones and Bright Road\ suggests that she is one of the outstanding dramatic actresses of the screen." wrote Uewsweek. "Of all the divas of grand opera—from Emma Calve of the 90s to Rise Stevens—who have decorated the title role of Carmen and have in turn been made famous by it, none was ever so decorative or will reach nationwide fame so quickly as the sultry young lady ... on Li/c's cover this week," wrote the editors of Life when Dorothy Dandridge became the first black ever to grace its cover. Carmen \ones made Dandridge a star. Her performance earned her an Oscar nomination as best actress of the year. Although she lost the award to Grace Kelly, no black performer had ever before been nominated for a leading actor award. (Hattie McDaniel's award and Ethel Waters' nomination were for best supporting actress.) Afterward the first rushing whirl . 'I publicity closed in on her. Paris-Mated and Ebony ran cover stories on her. A score of other publications, from Time to Confidential, carried feature articles about her. Dorothy Dandridge Wiis reported on, probed, studied, dissected, discussed, scrutinized, and surveyed. There were Incredible rumors and stories about her that yet live on in Hollywood, tales about her retarded diiughter, her "hidden" son, her white father, and, in keeping with the image gradually growing about her, of her white lovers. She was said to be involved with everyone in Hollywood in in Tyrone Power to Otto Preminger to Peter Lawford to Michael Rennie to Abby Mann to Ailhur Loew, |r. What with the publicity and gossip, Dorothy Dandridge now seemed a star nl the first magnitude. But despite the great fanfare and recognition after her triumph in 1954, Dorothy Dandridge '..idly disi overed there was no place lor her to go. Bigotry and bias still had their place in I li .llywood. Very few film offers came her way. Those that did were little more than variations on Carmen. Always she was to be cast as exotic, self-destructive women lust such a character was Dandridge's Margot in Robert Rössens island in the Sun (1957). line she was cast in the lust ol hennterrai i.il love roles Today some might think it totally unimportant that Doiothy I >.un Itnlge was the first black woman ever to be held in the ^~na of a white man In an American movie. Yet, because she was permitted to bring integrated e lo I he 111. r.s at id lei ii e in an age at >■ ml 1.1 etllpl in < haos ovel I he Issue of integral ion, slit ■ finalns a soi i.illy signltli .nil ligim m ihr. Illm It was a testament lo her importance .is a Rlilt that Twentieth ( entmy I ... il !•. d Ii ilmiiiu fiel opposite white a< loi |olin Instill But. ■ 11 -1 1111 ■ .lilt .is I he II love W.I I I.....I III I In .... • I'. Ill.lllei I by ■ i illlplt muses I VI • 11 11 s plOll III t'l 198 DONALD BOGLE Darryl F. Zanuck, has admitted not liking the finished film because of them. Because of its theme of miscegenation, Island in the Sun was controversial even during the shooting. Before its release, some theater owners (mostly Southern) threatened to boycott it. The South Carolina legislature even considered passing a bill to fine any movie house that showed the film $5000. That bill was never passed, but the threats had their effect. Cautious steps were taken to avoid too much controversy. In the movie, Dandridge and lustin held hands and danced together, but little else happened. "The one scene I objected to seriously was the one in the summerhouse where lohn confesses his love for me," Dandridge later said. "We had to fight to say the word love." In the summerhouse scene, Dandridge's Margot seemed tense when asked about her background. Audiences associated that nervousness with the character rather than the actress. As patrons watched Dandridge and lustin dance together, surely they thought how lovely the pair looked and how happy they could have been if only the jittery beauty weren't colored. She had everything else going for her! Surprisingly as controversial as some thought the miscegenation theme to be, it attracted movie audiences. island in the Sun was made for $2,250,000 and grossed $8 million. That same audience reaction, however—pity for the poor racially "tainted" beauty on screen—seemed built into the subsequent Dandridge films TO? Decks Ran Red (1958), Tamango (1957), and Malaga (1960). The latter two were filmed abroad. Like Paul Robeson, Dorothy Dandridge fled this country, hoping to find in Europe an opportunity to play diversified, untyped characters. But she too encountered only disillusionment and repeated compromises. Tamango cast her a mulatto slave loved by a white ship captain (Curt lurgens). Two versions, one French, the other English, of all the love scenes were filmed. Then because of the interracial love theme no major American company would distribute the picture, and it failed The Decks Ran Red fared a little better. In this tempestuous tale of a ship mutiny, Dandridge was surrounded by a trio of handsome white actors, lames Mason, Stuart Whitman, and Broderick Crawford. As all three furtively undressed her with their eyes, it was apparent thai had she not been black she would have ended up in the arms of one or the other before the picture's conclusion. In Malaga. Edmund Purdom and Trevor Howard were her leading, men. Asa woman torn between two loves, Dandridge was peculiarly remote and melancholy So immersed was she in despondency that her performance at times seemed separate from the rest of the movie. Here Dandridge was fully stripped of the fire and passion that dominate I her Carmen. Instead she appeared at her most vulnerable. What weighed her down was nol so much her character's dejection as her own. "No one knew what her nationality was to be in the picture," her manager, Earl Mills, later reported. "The problem as to whether Trevi >i Howard should kiss her on the screen was called ridiculous. This was Dorothy's most frustrating acting experience by far." Curiously, the important aspect of these three European movies (as well as island in theSuni was that Dandridge was bringing her own personal disappointments and frustrations to hri characters. Audiences responded to the sadness on screen as an outside force. Perhaps t hey told themselves that the reason Dorothy Dandridge—this exquisite black love goddess was unfulfilled was because of that drop of Negro blood. It was wrecking her chances l< it fulfillment. And indeed, for Dorothy Dandridge, on screen and off, in the mass imagination the tragic flaw was her color. I),indinine's last imp)id,ml Aini'in .in him was Voniu and IW m \'>">'> As < '.itfish Kim'', 11 il I id lie.',, she pill lii-i si, ii i|ii.ililli". i Hi In llll.ml display I >■ .. i In i n ',11.Halls l< mg I |gl il THE 1950s: BLACK STARS 199 skirt and dark wide-brim hat made Dandridge a stunning creation. As she walked through the theatrical sets of the film, she was Dorothy Dandridge. Even star performers Pearl Bailey find Sammy Davis, |r., failed to take the screen from her. Costar Sidney Poitier was literally dwarfed. Again Dandridge portrayed the woman at odds with society, again the Bad Black Girl living to go right, again the tragic heroine who ends up leaving the good Porgy to wander Up No'th to Harlem with Sportin' Life. Dandridge gave a highly unusual interpretation of Bess, ii less obviously sexual woman (she refuses to play Bess as a whore), a far more haunting one. I he performance won her a Foreign Press Golden Globe Award nomination as best actress In a musical. The rest of Dorothy Dandridge's career was a sad story. She appeared in but two more i 11ires. Producers and directors seemed unable to think of her in any terms but that of the i ic, doomed mulatto, and already by the late 1950s and early 1960s the mulatto figure was •lilted. There was talk of starring her in Cleopatra, but the plans fell through. Off-screen she was beset by a number of personal conflicts. In many respects, she epitomized the confused, unsatisfied movie star dominated by the publicity and life style that informed her screen linage. She was openly seen with white actors. And the stories circulated that she was ,m 1.11 ted to white men only. On the set of one film in which she worked opposite a very dark ltl.it k actor, she underwent a minor trauma, it was said, because she did not want his black ......Is to touch her. In the late 1950s her marriage to the silver-haired white restaurateur I >enison seemed to confirm suspicions that Dorothy Dandridge had fallen victim to acting mi her screen life in private. In 1962 her troubles were heightened when after her divorce lliim Denison she found herself bankrupt. There were no movie jobs, few club offers, and 'iil\ ■« i asional television appearances. Dorothy Dandridge found herself a has-been, an in.i' luonism unwanted in a new Hollywood. Slowly, it was rumored, she drifted into alcohol, i'ill-, .mil self-destructive love affairs. Then in 1965, at the age of forty-two. Dorothy Dandridge was lound dead, the victim of an overdose of anti-depression pills. In the end, Dorothy 1.....fudge lived out and apotheosized the role she was always best at, the doomed tragic mulatto, trapped, so the film industry believed, because of her color. M.I ney Poitier: hero for an integrationist age iiii'V Poitier was the 1950s' third black star. His career proved more substantial, profes-ii illy uid personally, than those of his predecessors. Poitier came to the movies almost 1 '' ui ly Horn in Nassau in 1927, the youngest of eight children, he had lived in Miami i nniing to New York in the 1940s. With no thought of a film career, he worked in New 'i it odd jobs as a dockhand, dishwasher, chicken plucker, and bus boy. One day while ""i'.....I hlough l lie Tlic Ni'ic York Times, he stumbled on an ad for actors at the American ^■fO Theater. He auditioned—with disastrous results. But soon he became determined In In' .i si i, , i". si ii I ,ii I or All i-i null..i ■. l. ii'i- loli". .mil some road tours, Sidney Poitier came to lllllii.....I 111-.t . il" nil 11",f "in plilllri's ,isi elision lo si.in Ii 'in in I In- mid I 'iMls w.r. no ,u i idenl There were three 11.1ni i■'.isoir. wliv lii ii.....Ii ' I ui' I wi ui .m amlii'in e .il a lime when other black actors • * I It'll I. Hide/ .Mid I i Iw. Hi Is weir Ii mlllg i ml I on-in,,si w.r. t lie l.n t I h.it iii i Ills 11 lie |(«l Ion i si ,i|',' I'oil let w.is i lii iii, " I, i ii...... il i.....si I ui" In ill Ills lllms he was edili .lied JUtl lull 11 ii'i ul He s|m|tr plopel I Ittfllftlt dH'oi'il i oln.elv.il i vely and had I lie Ih'M ol table 200 DONALD BOGLE manners. For the mass white audience, Sidney Poitier was a black man who had met then standards. His characters were tame; never did they act impulsively, nor were they threats to the system. They were amenable and pliant. And finally they were non-funky, almost sexl< ■ and sterile. In short, they were the perfect dream for white liberals anxious to have a colored man in for lunch or dinner. Poitier was also acceptable for black audiences. He was the paragon of black middle-class values and virtues. American Negroes were still migrating north and were gradually incre i their political power. The rising middle classes and the power (limited as it might havi seemed) of their money supported Poitier. Black America was still trying to meet whin standards and ape white manners, and he became a hero for their cause. He was neitliei crude nor loud, and, most important, he did not carry any ghetto cultural baggage with him No dialect. No shuffling. No African cultural past. And he was almost totally devoid of rhythm In short, he was the complete antithesis of all the black buffoons who had appeared bet. m in American movies. This was one smart and refined young Negro, and middle-class Amen. ,i both black and white, treasured him. But the second reason for Poitier's ascension was that in many respects his characters were still the old type that America had always cherished. They were mild-mannered tour, throwbacks to the humanized Christian servants of the 1930s. When insulted or badgered, tin Poitier character stood by and took it. He knew the white world meant him no real harm I li differed from the old servants only in that he was governed by a code of decency, dut) and moral intelligence. There were times in his films when he screamed out in rage al thl injustices of a racist white society. But reason always dictated his actions, along with li for his fellow man. Most important, he did not use his goodness only as a means of sa\ position. Past good Negroes in the movies, notably Bill Robinson, were usually concerned about pleasing the master in order not to be booted out of the Big House. But Poitiei dl not care about the Big House. Nor did his goodness issue from some blind spot of Chirr.11 IK faith (as with his screen "mother" Louise Beavers.) He acted as he did because an overriding intelligence demanded that his characters be humane. Finally, Poitier became a star because of his talent. He may have played the old to IB dressed up with modern intelligence and reason, but he dignified the figure. Always on dispU was the actor's sensitivity and strength. One can trace in all the Poitier features of the Wll the qualities that made him a national favorite. Interestingly, the evolution of the Poltll | screen personality was swift. In his first film, No Way Out (1950), audiences saw all the qualltli that would make Poitier characters so "laudable" for the rest of the decade. loseph Mankiewicz's No WayOul launched not only Poitier's career but the cycle of problem pictures in the 1950s. Literate and sophisticated, the movie spotlighted the race riotsth.it hid broken out after World War II, at the same time presenting a sensitive portrait of the edm .ilml Negro. The plot centers on a young Negro doctor, Luther Brooks, at a large metropolii IM hospital. When two white hoodlums are wounded during an attempted robbery, Brook', lend the pair. One of the men dies. The other then accuses Brooks of murder. Thereafter the y >illl| doctor is embroi led in controversy, and he fights to prove his innocence. When the remaining white hoodlum organizes a group of racist friends to attack the ghetto area, the city veig»| on a major race riot. By a lucky stroke of Hollywood imagination. Brooks proves his innoc ring through an autopsy, and equilibrium returns to the city With Its (risp and qiile k wilted dialogue No Willi ( Mil lo •.....» drgiee i apluied the n......I ol p, .'.I wai Amen. .1 and '.limine. I up lis leplessei I 1.1. i.il I n e.l it It les I i la-wise Its N. i ' THE 1950s: BLACK STARS 201 i Ii.ii.ii irr, weie walking exponents of the postwar black doctrines of racial integration mid oveiprove You got em. All A's," the doctor's wife tells him. "No wonder you're tired. Even I m a little tired (leaning up after parties. Eating leftovers. One day off a week to be with my husband To bea woman . We've been a long time getting here We'retired. but we're here, honey. We can be happy. We've got a right to be." No Way Out garnered critical praise. The New YorkTimes called it "a harsh, outspoken picture wiih implications that will keep you thinking about it long after leaving the theater." But Ntrong. original, and honestly stated as the movie was, it failed to win a large audience. The public was already weary of the Negro-struggle film, perhaps because the struggles of previous . inematic Negroes such as the mulattoes Pinky and Carter had been so hokey and superficial I rom its advertising campaign, No Way Oul must have seemed only one more in the lot. What distinguished the picture was Sidney Poitier. As Brooks, he had the archetypal modern integrationist torn role. He was a brilliant young doctor whose achievements—the ill As, the correct diagnosis—summed up the eciua I -by-being-superior philosophy He was handsome. He stood straight, spoke well, and never trod on anybody's toes. He was a man who could be reasoned with. He and his wife represented the average middle-class black nnpirants trying to make it. But he never made a move against the dominant white culture. Instead he nourished it. In one scene, after having been shot by the white hoodlum, Poitier oliuggles to save that man's life. In a purely Christian way, he forgives his opponent, saying: "Don't you think I'd like to put the rest of these bullets through his head? I cant.. . because I've got to live too. .. . He's sick. .. . He's crazy . .. but I cant kill a man just because he hates inr " What red-blooded all-American white audiences in this Eisenhower age of normalcy Could not have liked this self-sacrificing, all-giving black man? What integrationist-aspiring hla. k audienc e would not be proud of this model of black respectability? Poitier was clearly ■ in,in for all races When one thinks of how much of Luther Brooks was to remain with actor Poitier. he is tempted to ask it scriptwriters Mankiewicz and Lesser Samuels should not be credited with i iralingthe most important black actor in the history of American motion pictures. Obviously, 11 ley did create was the character, the screen persona that Poitier was to popularize and ■ i 11. ilize on. In the early days, Poitier no more molded his image than did Stepin Fetchit; he lived out Hollywood's fantasies of the American black man. I he actor's second film wasZoltan Korda's 1952 adaptation of Alan Paton's South African ilium.i Cry. the Beloved Country. The feature starred Canada Lee as an old village priest |i in neying to lohannesburg in search of a son gone astray. In the city, where he is saddened by the poverty and filth and bewildered by the racism, he is aided in his search by a young I prlrst played by Poitier. The movie made an ultimate plea for racial harmony and conciliation. ' .in.id.i Lee had the finest role of his careen Poitier was a supporting player, but he brought got id humor and a relaxed gregariousness to his priest. Moreover, the young Poitier was there i«i help a battered old man no one else in lohannesburg had the time for, and the humanity I his ' li.u.i. in mi keeping, with his heroic code) merely added to the momentum of his llrel Ills next two lilms kY.I Mull I r<"-v 1111111.11 v advelllllle tale did piovlil.....Item es with glimpses ol one ol Polliel's gteat in - i, ,;mI i vi". as a poslwal heed Ma. k I..... I In rlnotlon.ll explosion "Look. I'dl/ whele I c nine ll< \.....loll I give i mil i i ■ hi i ,1. . i......r.l '., ,1,1 hi '.li, .up. when I', nl n i asks lol a i up 202 DONALD BOGLE of coffee. But Poitier jumps upon him with passion and regains any lost dignity. Young black audiences loved him for it. Here at long last was a sane black man, free and strong enough to shout back to whitey. Shouting back was very much a part of The Blackboard\ungle (1955). In this harrowing expose of American high schools Poitier was costarred with Glenn Ford, Anne Francis, and Vic Morrow. He portrays Gregory Miller, an intelligent, complex student who fears that in the outside world there will be no place for a second-class citizen to take the lead. He hounds and torments white teacher Ford, who represents the oppressive system. He snarls, acts tough, and displays his virility more effectively than in any other film. "Come on! Go ahead! Hit me!" he yells to Ford. Here the disaffiliated young of the 1950s saw a man with a choice. He didn't have to take anything. Even before it was fashionable, he was bucking the corroding system. Yet at the same time, Poitier's Miller was an easily hurt, sensitive young man forced to live outside society. He was the classic loner of the 1950s, much like Marlon Brando and lames Dean. And young audiences understood his loneliness, his confusion, and his entrapment because it was a comment on their own in the Eisenhower age. At The Blackboard \ungle's conclusion, when he aids teacher Ford against a student with a switchblade, some of his earlier impact is diminished, but his code of decency is reaffirmed, and Poitier's Miller becomes a hero for young and old. During the next four years Sidney Poitier worked in six motion pictures. In Something of Value (1957), with Rock Hudson, Band of Angels (1957), with Clark Gable and Yvonne De Carlo, and The Mark of the Hawk (1958) with Eartha Kitt and luano Hernandez, he was an unlikely amalgam of The Blackboard )ungle's Gregory Miller and No Way Oul's Luther Brooks. Sullen, angry, quick-tempered, and headstrong, he rebelled in many of these films, occasionally playing a modernized version of the black brute. (In the movies, most black men politically militant or merely politically motivated are simplified by the scenarists into the unreasonabli I, animalistic brutes of old.) But always, as if to save Poitier's image and the scriptwriter's whitr supremacist neck, the features concluded with Poitier's goodness and humanity reasserte I and once more audiences discovered him to be on the side of the angels. In this four-yen period, the archetypal Poitier roles—the two that remain among the finest in his gallciy of characters—were as Tommy Tyler in Edge of the City (1957) and as Noah Cullen in The De/imii Ones (1958). The David Susskind-Martin Ritt production Edge of the City was an adaptation by Robert Alan Aurthurof his own television drama "A Man Is Ten Feet Tall," in which Poitier had already appeared. The story is about two men, a white and a black. In a true gesture of integratiomsi harmony, railroad worker Tommy Tyler befriends a wayward and confused army deserter (lohfl Cassavetes). The story has a twist because for once it was the black man extending In-, hand to the white. Poitier helps the white man find a job, and then as his greate'.l manifestation of friendship invites him home to meet his wife (Ruby Dee) and have dlnm I A Christlike figure, he stands for conscience and humaneness. But he is destroyed by hit kindness and loyalty. During an argument with a fellow white worker in which Poitier delem In Cassavetes, a fight breaks out. Poitier is winning. But he begs his white opponent to quit When he turns to walk away, the white man stabs him in the back. Poitier dies in CaSMVttt arms. Poitier's role won him great favor with the critics The Neu' York HtftU 'Vnbune called Im. hi,l< k 111.111 one ol tlet f plive silnplh ily "Wit ll his quit k Millie .lln I en hi I, mil Inn I,ilk," Wl( lie t Iii levlewei he i ,.....i|i ile I lie hoy 1 ml 1 it deep ylooln Willi .i |ntr lie i in ■.lop .Hi ugly he Id I THE 1950s: BLACK STARS i>0 before it begins. But underneath he is a man of serious faith and deep strength, and whet it's time for him to listen sympathetically or to say something important, he is the finest kim of friend." After Edge of the City, no moviegoer in America had any doubts about Poitier's talents Nor did any fail to see what he represented. He was fast becoming a national symbi i| i il brotherly love. Oddly, when viewed today, the incongruities and disparities ignored by the audience of 1957 are blatantly apparent. Poitier's character falls into the tradition of the dying slave content that he has well served the massa. His loyalty to the white Cassavetes destroys him just as much as the old slave's steadfastness kept him in shackles. In this case, writer Aurt Inn smooths over the black man's death by having the white Cassavetes hunt down the killer. Curiously, Edge of the City also revealed Sidney Poitier as a colorless black. So immersed is he in white standards that there is little ethnic juice in his blood. The dinner scene between Poitier, his wife, and their white friends is not an interracial summit meeting because there are no cultural gaps. Nor are there any cultural bridges to cross. All four are decent Anient an citizens. Poitier also seems sexless in this movie. In previous features, scriptwriters were sure to keep Poitier's sexuality well hidden. He seldom had a serious movie romance. In those films in which he was married, it was generally to a sweet homebody type who seemed dew ild of sexual passion. Mildred lones Smith played this part in No Way Out. In Edge of the City it was Ruby Dee. She now remains the model movie mate for Poitier. (They have appeared in live lilms together.) An intense and talented actress, Ruby Dee is known for deft performances as unfulfilled, timid, troubled women. Certainly in Edge of the City, as she smiles sweetly .il Poitier or proves how understanding and sensitive she is, audiences must have found 111■ two a well-scrubbed sexless pair. One can understand why later militant patrons would view them both as sterile products of a decadent, materialistic Western culture. It should be not id ili.it in one of their next films together, A Raisin in the Sun (1961), they effectively portrayed a couple with bedroom blues. Poitier's romantic apathy just about drives Dee up the wall in this him, and it is one reason why she wants to abort their expected child. In the 1960s, Sidney Poitier's sexual neutralization became embarrassingly app.iirni particularly when Hollywood provided romantic interest for him, albeit in a compromised manner. In The Long Ships (1964), when as a villainous Moor he kidnaps a beautiful while w. iman, he has been made to take a year's vow of celibacy. Therefore Poitier's sexual impulses remain safely suppressed. In A Patch of Blue (1965) he has a brief screen kiss with a blind white rill I llizabeth Hartman). Everyone knows there is a romance developing between the Iwo ii il the movie's end, rather than assert himself and bed the girl, he dutifully ships I hi ..II 1.1 ,i •.( hool foi the blind. And in the notorious Guess Who's Coming to I Hmui I 1967) he wins tin i> in. I of a white girl in marriage, but they are a peculiarly unromantic couple who are seen klxKliiK but once in the film, and the audience views this passionate event through a ■ibdrlver's rear-view mirror. Later, in They Call Me MISTER Tibbs (1970), Poitier was finally i iisi opposite a vibrant, overtly sexual black woman, Barbara McNair. But audiences were u|irnly bullied at seeing this Lenity made up (with halt licit I y gloomed .mil < lollies i tit fly dull and "tasteful") to look like Ruby l>eel I'olllei's sexuality was still a problem loi Hollywood Hit ivlem. ikef s, alii I the .ll tempi s i.. keep 111 n i . . tol wele so obvious that he seen let I I ut lit i' ills 111 the I9')()s, howevel, .illillein i h i epletl llie nriili.tllly .tnil ml her lespei lei I him lol il The IV/iiiitf t >>tr. was Mtlney I'olllri « mo»l lllipolt.tlil him ol Ihe tlet .tile In It he played llUMh t'tlllen. a til.it k i niivli I huliilt llllnii In fl white (Tony t'urlln) tin the Iwo em ape Hi. 204 DONALD BOGLE developed. For, once they have been unchained, the good Poitier comes to the rescue of Curtis, not out of necessity but out of brotherly love. Again he sacrifices himself, this time not with his death but his freedom, all for the sake of his white friend. In this film, one of his biggest hits, Poitier alienated a certain segment of the audience. When he saved his honky brother, he was jeered at in ghetto theaters. Black audiences were consciously aware for the first time of the great tomism inherent in the Poitier character, indeed in the Poitier image. Stanley Kramer's drama had glossed over the real issues and bleached out its black hero. Yet to Poitier's credit, his power as an actor demanded that the role and the film be taken seriously, and the jeers were somewhat muffled when he received an Oscar nomination for best actor of the year. Porgyand Bess was Poitier's last film of the 1950s. The movie portrayed blacks as the singing, dancing, clowning darkies of old. Poitier accepted the role of Porgyonly after much pressuring, and, although his performance was engaging, he seemed out of place. Here it was 1959. There was Martin Luther King. There were sit-ins, demonstrations, and boycotts. And what was America's black idol doing? There he stood singing, "I got plenty of nothin', and nothin's plenty for me." In retrospect, it can be said that all the Poitier films of the 1950s were important and significant. Because they were all made to please a mass white audience at a time when the main topic of conversation was school desegregation, today their messages may seem rigged or naive. But they retain a certain raw-edged bite and vigor. Audiences still respond to the actor's sophistication and charm, to his range and distinctly heroic quality. In the 1960s, Hollywood belittled and dehumanized Poitier's great human spirit by making it vulgarly superhuman. He became SuperSidney the Superstar, and he was depicted as too faithful a servant, the famous Poitier code then a mask for bourgeois complacency and sterility. Bui in the 1950s his work shone brightly. For black and white Americans he was a marvelous reason for going to the movies. And whether an integrationist or a separatist age likes it 01 not, Sidney Poitier's movie characters in the 1950s singlehandedly made audiences believe things would work out, that they were worth working out. It was still just a beautiful dream but often that's what great movies and careers are all about. In Praise of Character Actors RUDOLF ARNHEIM Ulld The players in our films can be divided at first glance into two categories, as we would say in ■ German school composition: leading actors and character actors. The character actors' •cling surrounds that of the heroes like a baroque frame surrounds a renaissance painting. The fat uncle with a monkey and travelling blanket, the skinny piano teacher with a bun and pince-nez, the decrepit mayor, the hunchbacked inventor, theGalician profiteer, the bloated Ship's cook—these are the character actors. They lend spice to the film. Sweetness and beauty, though, we get from people of a different type and a higher pay scale: neatly combed and hly washed, the lovers romp around the inner circle of the plot. i character," according to Meyer's Universal Encyclopedia is to be understood as an exaggerated id caricaturized element of art. On the contrary, we would I ike to propose that the character lor shows man as he is; the heroic actor shows man as he would like to be. The character letor is a special type, the heroic actor a general type. The character wears the individual am.i of the genuine, and this starts with his clothing. From the iron cravat to the laced boots, JtDrn the coiled coiffure to the tooth on the watch fob, the character actor's costume offers 111 > .i i omplete, highly disparate collection of the curiosities of human apparel. The leading H Ii 'i ■, »,irb presents us with schematic Standard types, tuxedo and evening dress, bathing Hill nnd pyjamas—flawless models that dare not bear the physiognomical imprint of their net's uniqueness. One spot on the vest, a lost button on the trousers—highly recognized •in nr. nl distinguishing the character actor—would cause the hero to give the studio l| mln v.. i a tongue-lashing and provoke the publi M. I. k.. -----»----L - lesser a tongue-lashing and provoke the public to unseemly laughter. The character »li ii is by request unshaven, (reckled, cross-eyed, has wrinkles on his neck, dirty fingernails, tin I missing teeth I lero and hen line, on the dt her hand, are bathed in lily's milk, and a pimple iR Ihr i hin can destroy entire days of shooting The acting displays the same differences as the make-up. The character actor swallows the way or swallows his words, he scratches his head, he slips, he licks a stamp, he kisses tfll.....lie on both i heeks Willi a stn.i. k I lie lead ,k tuts tall into each other's arms like dancers ||{»y |||i le up and down stairways, they turn their heads graciously from the en face view to the vlfMi profile they lilt their shapely hands, thay spread their arms, and their facial expressions ■t hi h,inning symineliy even In liilmi ■ pain . lolh slyll/e iilhnwlsr Ihey wnlllilli I lie Hi lulu Kill the i h.n.ii lei ,u tins tinulels exist In Illy III the pli InlUl AllVtrtiMrtlPI111 nl the i 11'