The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe
Author(s): Manfred W. Wenner
Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Aug., 1980), pp. 59-79
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/163627
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Int. J. Middle East Stud. 12 (1980), 59-79 Printed in the United States of America
Manfred W. Wenner
THE ARAB/MUSLIM PRESENCE
IN MEDIEVAL CENTRAL EUROPE
INTRODUCTION
For nearly three centuries after the famous Battle of Poitiers (Tours), which
is usually regarded as the high-water mark of Arab/Muslim expansion into
Western Europe, the Muslims continued to maintain a series of relatively isolated
presences in regions of Western Europe outside the Iberian Peninsula. Although
these presences have tended to be forgotten within the larger picture of
Muslim/Christian relationships during the medieval period, the researches of
some nineteenth and twentieth century scholars would seem to indicate that
they left behind a considerably larger legacy than has previously been sus-
pected.
Perhaps the most interesting of these presences was the one which resulted
in Arab/Muslim control of the Alpine passes which connect Italy with the remainder
of Western Europe for a number of decades in the tenth century A.D.
The present study, then, is first a brief summary of the relevant events of this
period. More importantly, however, it seeks to analyze the motivations for this
particular incursion into Western Europe, the method of administration of
these non-Muslim areas, and finally, the modern legacies from this brief period
when Arab/Muslim forces controlled an essential part of Western European
communication.
THE EVENTS
Sometime around the year 889 A.D. a small force (perhaps as few as 20) of
"Saracens" landed and established a base-camp or small settlement at the
northern end of the small inlet on the French Mediterranean coast which is best
known today because of the town at its southern end, St. Tropez.1 Known to
the medieval chroniclers as Fraxinetum, it is today known as Garde-Frainet (or
simply Frainet) in the Department of Var. Apparently the location and general
environment were satisfactory, since defensive installations and further immigration
took place during the next few years - perhaps even including women
and children. The nearby mountain, Mont de Maures (mountain of the Moors),
provided the cornerstone of defense against land-based attacks and the settlement
apparently grew in size and population.
Once the settlement had been sufficiently fortified against possible counterattacks,
its "Saracen hordes" undertook pillaging expeditions, especially
against the Kingdom of Burgundy and the Kingdom of Italy (Piedmont). Since
? 1980 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/80/050059-21 $02.50
60 Manfred W. Wenner
these predations apparently encountered little or no resistance, and the amount
of booty obtained was high, Fraxinetum attracted further waves of Saracens
from Spain as participants. According to contemporary account, the major reason
for the relative freedom of movement throughout these areas was the fact
that they were widely contested between a large number of different petty
princes, dukes, and other nobility. The latter, in order to gain a temporary
upper hand against one another, were not above making alliances with the invaders
in order to strengthen their own individual positions.2
During the first three decades of the tenth century, that is until 930 A.D., little
if any effective counteraction appears to have been taken by local leaders. It
was during these years that the invaders succeeded in attacking and destroying
- in whole or in part - such diverse towns and cities as Asti and Acqui in the
East; the monasteries at Novalese and Oulx; Embrun, Vienne, and Valence in
the West, with major attacks upon such additional cities as Aix-en-Provence
and Marseille in the south.3
Of much greater importance, however, was the fact that by this time the invaders
controlled the three major passes between France and Italy; the little St.
Bernhard, Mt. Cenis, and Mt. Genevre, and were thereby able to seriously disturb
developing commercial routes and the substantial flow of pilgrims from
points North and West using these passes on their way to Rome.4
It was apparently this latter fact which brought about the first serious effort
to drive the invaders from Fraxinetum. In 93I, elements of the Greek (Byzantine)
fleet attacked the settlement from the sea. This effort appears to have been
completely without effect, however, since accounts from the same year have
the Saracens still in control of the major Western Alpine passes. Indeed, Saracen
operations appear to have increased in both size and ferocity, since for example,
it appears likely that they were the forces responsible for the death of
Archbishop Robert of Tours on his return from Rome through one of the Western
passes.5
In the following decade, the areas into which the Saracens advanced increased
markedly. Their raiding and related activities now extended north of
the Alps, and included the sacking of the famous Monastery at St. Maurice in
the Rhone Valley. At the same time, they make their appearance in the upper
reaches of the Rhine Valley, sacking the Bishopric of Chur in Rhaetia.6
Since the Hungarians had also begun their forays and invasions of central
and western Europe during this time period, contemporary accounts of these
decades of the tenth century are somewhat confused and not always dependable.
As a result, it is not entirely clear by what route the Saracens advanced
into what is today southern Switzerland and then further north. Three alternatives
have been suggested, each of which has some evidence in its favor, and
some proponents and detractors. The first of these suggests that the invaders
proceeded almost methodically up the Rhone Valley, crossed the Furka Pass,
and from there followed the Rhine. Some place names (e.g., the Tour des Sarrasins
near Vevey) as well as an alleged Saracen graveyard in the area of Geneva
are suggested proof of this route.
The second route is from Mont Cenis through the northern Italian plains, and
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe 61
then northward into present-day Switzerland through the Bernhardin and Septimer
Passes; one contemporary account of Saracen activities tends to support
this path, though the lack of any accounts of Saracen activities in the neighborhood
of some sizable towns through or near which the invaders would have had
to pass casts some doubts on this alternative.
The third alternative is through the little St. Bernhard into the Val d'Aosta,
through the successive valleys in the foothills of the Alps, and then northward
through whatever passes were available, the Monte Moro, the Lukmanier
(Luqman?) and others. This route would have provided the route of least resistance,
and is supported by the sizable number of place names which may be or
are of Arabic origin.7
In any event, by whatever route, it appears that by the third decade of the
tenth century the Saracens were well-established both in some northern Italian
towns in the foothills of the Alps (e.g., Vercelli, discussed below), and had control
of at least the following major North-South routes through the Alps: the
Great St. Bernhard, the Bernhardin, and the Septimer, with likely control of
the Monte Moro, the Lukmanier, and perhaps the Simplon.
Once again, the extent of the Saracen expansion and the nature of their activities
brought about an effort to destroy Fraxinetum, apparently widely recognized
as the base of operations. Forces under the leadership of King Hugo of
Italy attempted a joint attack with the Byzantines on the town.
According to contemporary accounts, the Greek control of the sea coupled
with King Hugo's land-based attack through the massif of Mont de Maures was
on the verge of success when King Hugo decided to concern himself more
closely with his personal interests, that is, his future on the Italian throne. At
the time, a contestant for the Italian throne, Count Berengar of Ivrea, was accumulating
support for his pretensions; specifically he sought the support of
Hermann of Swabia, and crossed the Great St. Bernhard on his way north for
the necessary assistance. At this point, King Hugo called off his attack upon
Fraxinetum and entered into an alliance with the Saracens. Under the terms of
the alliance, the Saracens received control over all the Alpine passes from the
west (Mont Genevre) to the east (the Septimer).8
Despite their having become the "establishment" according to some chroniclers,
the Saracens made further attacks upon the territories north of the Alps.
For example, Chur was attacked more than once, and the great Abbey at St.
Gallen, located near the Lake of Constance, was sacked in 954, the same year
in which Grenoble, in the west, also fell into the hands of the Saracens.9
It would appear that this was the highpoint of Saracen power. Although there
are accounts as late as 972 (specifically, the holding for ransom of St. Maiolus
of the Abbey of Cluny) of Saracen control of the St. Bernhard, the contemporary
accounts agree on a general decline in Saracen activity.10 (In addition,
there are accounts in the chronicles of conversions to Christianity of various
pagan elements in the mountain regions as late as the beginning of the eleventh
century.)1l Grenoble was recaptured in the late 960s, and a series of other
mountain passes were no longer in Saracen control when significant kings or
other political figures traversed them.
62 Manfred W. Wenner
In the year 975 (983?), another joint effort to recapture Fraxinetum was undertaken
by Duke Wilhelm of Aries, Count Arduin of Ivrea (the Marquis of
Turin), and possibly Count Robald of Provence. This time, the effort was successful,
and the town of Fraxinetum was taken. Its Muslim inhabitants were
dispersed; some were driven off, some were forcibly converted to Christianity,
some were exterminated, some were sold into slavery (and their descendents
were still slaves in the area more than four centuries later), while a few apparently
married and settled locally.12
MOTIVATIONS
Precisely why the settlement at Fraxinetum should have been established is
difficult to determine with any certainty. According to many writers, including
the contemporary chroniclers, the western Mediterranean was the home of
large numbers of Muslim pirates, whose predations upon the ships and ports of
the Christian rulers in the area substantially disrupted the local economic life
and trade. It has been suggested, therefore, that this particular settlement was
established by a small force which had been driven ashore during a particularly
violent storm. In brief, the founding of the Fraxinetum colony was an accidental
occurrence.13
On the other hand, during the reign of the Amirs (later Caliphs) of Cordoba,
there arose the practice of undertaking regular summer incursions, known as
Sa'ifa from the Arabic word for summer, into the territories of the Christian
rulers of present-day France and Spain. Apparently, their original purpose was
to demonstrate the religious merit of the participants, who through their commitment
to thejihad would extend the Dar al-Islam.14
Since the participants also gained large amounts of booty, it seems clear that
another motive was soon important for many: the prospects of substantial additional
personal wealth. This would explain, for example, the (fragmentary) evidence
that some Christians and Jews also participated. In any event, the Sa'ifa
wreaked considerable hardship upon the populations affected, since despite
whatever Christian-inspired exaggeration of Muslim behavior colors the accounts,
it is clear that pillaging, burning, and general destruction of small settlements
and the harvest were a common practice.
There is some evidence that at least some of these incursions were undertaken
for the express purpose of obtaining primarily male prisoners, called
Saqaliba, who upon their return to Spain entered the personal service of the
Amir/Caliph. Since they are described as a strong, highly reliable armed force
and body-guard, and since they were educated and trained in Muslim academies
for this purpose, the whole process bears a remarkable resemblance to the
later practice of the Ottoman Sultans in recruiting and employing Christian
prisoners (the so-called Janissary Corps). In both instances, it might be added,
the male prisoners were frequently eunuchs.15
Medieval Muslim and Christian accounts both refer frequently to the practice
of obtaining such Saqaliba from various areas, although the preferred source
appears to have been the lower Rhone Valley and northward as far as Metz and
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe
Verdun. It is interesting to note that Jews in this area frequently acted as
middlemen between the Spanish Muslims and their European sources of supply;
further, Jews in the area of Prag, another center of supply, also participated
in this particular form of commerce. We do not know, however, whether
these middlemen were dispatched from Spain, or whether it was a commercial
activity into which the members of the Jewish community in these areas gravi-
tated.16
The origin of the term itself, Saqaliba, has resulted in a dispute among linguistic
scholars due to the fact that the Slavs were known to medieval Arab
travellers in Western Europe as Siqlab, plural Saqaliba. It is not known
whether this particular Arabic term is derived from the Latin root esclavus,
meaning slave, or from the Arabic word for Slavs; it would seem possible to
trace it to either origin.17
ADMINISTRATIVE PATTERNS
It is generally agreed that the Muslim/Arab armies which established the vast
empire in the century following the death of Muhammad had a relatively welldeveloped
set of principles for dealing with administered, occupied, and incorporated
territories and peoples.18 Despite these principles, however, it is more
than likely that the forward elements of the conquering armies were less than
wholly cognizant of, or caring about, the niceties of public administration. The
elaborate law which existed or was developed for the treatment and administration
of new territories and populations was not in fact always strictly adhered
to.
Once occupation became permanent, regularized administrative procedures
were established, which provided a substantial level of toleration for the subject
populations and their religious and social beliefs and practices. It seems
superfluous at this point to review, for example, the administrative and cultural
accomplishments of the Arab administration of Spain, Sicily, or some other
Muslimized territories.
The important question in this regard would appear to be: When, and for
what reason, did the Arab/Muslim armies and their leaders decide what the status
of any new territory and its population was, and what administrative patterns
were then implemented? Despite the generous and positive characterizations
of the Cordoba caliphate, European chronicles of the period provide
accounts of Muslim incursions into other areas of Europe after the defeat at
Poitiers which are filled with reports of less than exemplary behavior. To what
may we attribute these widely disparate behavior patterns on the part of the
Muslim/Arab forces?
It is, of course, difficult to be precise at this late date concerning such events
and the behavior patterns which were associated with them. There is, clearly,
good reason to treat contemporary Christian sources concerning the Muslims/Arabs
with some skepticism.
It nevertheless appears possible to reach some general conclusions. It is of
some significance that we do not possess a single contemporary Arab account
63
64 Manfred W. Wenner
of the events which have been recounted here. Though it is possible that in the
future some such account will come to light, it appears legitimate in the interim
to conclude that the relevant elites in the Cordoba Caliphate placed no great
value on the activities of the Fraxinetum settlement. In fact, though the available
evidence indicates large numbers of Saracens were involved throughout
the nearly IOOyears of the settlement's activities, even the geographical and
sociopolitical knowledge of the area which would have been gained never made
its way into the general knowledge of Europe which existed among later Muslim/Arab
geographers.19
While there is evidence that commercial contacts were developed, and we
know from the European and Arab sources that at least one diplomatic contact
between the Christian Europeans (Otto the First) and the Cordoba Caliphate
('Abd al-Rahman III) was undertaken (for the express purpose of requesting
that the Caliph cease his support of the Fraxinetum settlement), the whole
range of events and conquests here described were not specifically recorded by
any of the Arab chroniclers or historians.20 We may consider this as indirect
evidence of two conclusions: (1) the activities of the Fraxinetum colony were
indeed largely, if not solely, carried out by irregular forces, that is, an ad hoc
group including pirates and mercenaries (including Christians, Jews, and
"pagans"), among whom no one with any scholarly pretensions was present;
and, (2) that the Fraxinetum settlement and its activities were never conceived
of as being anything more than a highly successful Sa'ifa.
In the contemporary and later European literature, the only explanation offered
for why these forces began their retreat from the Alpine regions is the
outrage of the indigenous population at the holding of St. Maiolus for ransom.21
In view of the rather ineffective attempts made during the first few decades of
their presence, this explanation is not quite convincing. A close reading of the
sequence of expansion and contraction on the Fraxinetum settlement suggests
that another factor may have been important, one which does not seem to have
occurred to previous writers. This is the role of the Caliph in Cordoba in countenancing
and at least tacitly supporting these Sa'ifa.
It appears that the death of the Caliph 'Abd al-Rahman in 96I, and the ascension
of his son Hakam II, marks a crucial turningpoint. From all accounts, both
contemporary and moder, Hakam II was considerably more peaceful and tolerant
than his father. The domestic and foreign policies, as well as personal behavior,
which the accounts attribute to him make it possible to argue that he
refused to support the continued use of Sa'ifa to harass Christian central Europe.
It is at least possible that he withheld permission for reinforcements to
leave for Fraxinetum from Spanish ports, perhaps even influenced in this decision
by the earlier mission from Otto the First. Eventually, such a lack of support
(both material and personnel) would have made it easier for the local populations
in the Alpine regions to gain the upper hand. Since the Muslims
presumably suffered personnel losses in their continued engagements with the
indigenous population, and perhaps in occasional battles with the Hungarians
who were simultaneously sweeping westward, a source of reliable reinforcements
would seem to have been necessary.
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe 65
Even a cursory review of the events in the mid-tenth century shows a precipitous
decline in their holdings after the mid-96os, especially when contrasted
with the almost unbroken record of success until that time. But, we have no
evidence that the forces which were operating in the Alpine passes suffered a
long series of reversals or defeats at the hands of the local population. If anything,
the evidence indicates a process of withdrawal was underway when, for
example, the St. Maiolus incident takes place at the great St. Bernhard. It,
therefore, seems at least possible that some change in the policies of the
Caliphate offers a more logical explanation for the fact that within at most a
decade or so, the Saracen presence in the Alpine regions disappears.
CONSEQUENCES AND EFFECTS
This brief survey covers a period of just under Ioo years when one of the
most important geographical regions of Europe was only infrequently under the
control of the indigenous Christian population. Indeed, these Alpine passes,
separating northern and western Europe from Italy, retain much of their geopolitical
significance even into the I970s. It is, therefore, of some interest to summarize
and analyze the available evidence concerning this century of Saracen
activities.
Archeological Evidence
Systematic archeological research on the subject of the Saracens in southern
France and the Alpine regions appears to have been undertaken only since the
end of World War II. Earlier writers interested in the period cited primarily the
various towers and fortifications whose origins are attributed to the Saracens,
especially by local legend and occasional documentary evidence;22 the discovery
(in the nineteenth century) of a number of caches of Muslim coins;23and, a
few isolated and sometimes dubious inscriptions.24 It was not until the researches
of Jean Lacam that extensive evidence of the Saracen presence was
unearthed. This includes to date, cemetaries, weapons, coins, wells, buildings,
and most significant of all, the discovery of mihrabs in the walls of some
churches in southern France, notably in Narbonne.25 It is possible, also, that
some other present-day churches and cathedrals in the Department of Var and
the Rh6ne Valley may have originally been built as mosques and later converted.
Unfortunately, no similar work has been undertaken in Switzerland.
Linguistic Evidence
It is in the area of linguistic research that perhaps the greatest disputes concerning
the presence of Saracens in the Alpine regions exist. The lack of certainty
is due to a number of causes. First, there is considerable doubt concerning
the origins of many place and family names which may be found in the
Alpine regions. This led a number of nineteenth century scholars and writers to
speculate on a possible Arabic origin for some of them.26 No doubt this was
66 Manfred W. Wenner
occasioned by the extraordinarily large number of place names in Switzerland
which begin with the syllable "al," the Arabic definite article. Examples include
Almagell, Albula, Albana, Albris, to name just a few.
Second, many locations in northern Italy (especially in the Anzasca Valley),
southern Switzerland, and southern France contain variations of the word
"Moor," as part of a proper name, for example, Mont de Maures (in southern
France), and the Monte Moro (on the border between Italy and Switzerland).
What is striking in most cases is that the places so named are those where it was
either logical militarily for the Saracens to have built redoubts or fortifications,
or in the event of passes and locations, the word is applied to routes which it
would have been logical for the Saracens to have used.
Linguistic research of this type is highly speculative; it is, of course, impossible
to know, (a) precisely what language or dialect the Muslim invaders employed
(more on this below); (b) what the pronounciations of certain key words
might have been; and (c) what corruptions of (presumably) Arabic words might
have been employed, or how many metamorphoses such corruptions might
have undergone in the intervening centuries at the hands of German, French,
and Italian speakers.
There are, in addition, some specific problems associated with these speculations.
For one, any place name in Switzerland beginning with the letters "a-lb"
is immediately suspect, since it is more than likely that the current name is
simply a contraction of "alp" or "alb" (depending on the dialect in different
areas) with a locally derived name. Therefore, this writer does not place much,
if any, confidence in the Arabic origin of such place names.
Furthermore, although a number of the other names with suggested Arabic
origins (see below) are quite evocative and even plausible sounding, we do not
have any systematic methodology for deriving such possible associations or
derivations. Studies of language development do not, of course, rule out the
kinds of derivations suggested: the point is that the writers who have made
these suggestions have not detailed the methods used to reach the stated conclusions,
other than they appear to be both logical and appropriate to the
named place.
The following table gives a brief summary of the place names which have
Current Name Origin Description
Pontresina Pons Saracenorum Important town on the Bernina
Pass road
Almagell (Saas- Al-Mahall (the Village in the Saas Valley near
Almagell) place) Monte Moro
Allalin, Allalain ala al-Ain (to the Mountain near head of Saas
source) Valley; a source of the Visp
Alp Aien Ain (source) Mountain in Saas
Valley; source of
the Visp
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe 67
Current Name Origin Description
Mischabel Mushbil, Mushabil Mountain group in the Saas Val(Lioness
with' ley
cubs)
(Gstein)-Gabi Jaba, Jabi (to levy Village on the route to the Simtaxes)
plon Pass
been most frequently cited in support of the contention that the presence of the
Saracens is responsible for these terms, still in use today:27
It should be noted here that only the first can be documented from contemporary
sources.28 It is beyond doubt that the origin of the name Pontresina is from
the Latin descriptive name, bridge of the Saracens, which in turn may be presumed
to have its origins in the fact that the Saracens here erected an important
bridge. Furthermore, a family name which is common in the area - Sarraz - is
associated with a coat of arms which contains a clear depiction of a bridge.29
There are, in addition, numerous place names - Chateau Sarrasin, Pont Sarrasin
- as well as the names of some small villages in western Switzerland as far
north as the Berner Jura (La Sarraz) which could be assumed to have their origins
in the Saracen invasions.30 Since in most cases there is documentary evidence
that these appellations did not exist until after the Saracen presence, it
could be argued in some instances that there is a historical relationship. Direct
evidence, however, is lacking.
It is with names which are alleged to have been derived from Arabic antecedents
that the greatest difficulty lies. One may argue that the logic of the relationship
between a certain term (in Arabic) and its referent's present location
and/or characteristics lends credence to the claim. This argument, however,
suffers from certain problems. For one thing, a systematic check of the Arabic
vocabulary for words that one might assume to have been used in these regions
- snow, ice, fort, glacier, pass, avalanche, ravine, gorge, barrier, and so forth produces
no appreciable correlations with current place names. While this
alone is not sufficient to completely rule out those place names which are said
to have been derived from the Arabic, it does highlight the relatively low likelihood
of finding a specific name having survived a full millennium of use in these
areas.
Furthermore, in at least one of the instances cited above, "Muschbil," there
is substantial evidence that the name is in fact derived from the local dialect. In
the view of one prominent local historian, this particular mountain group derives
its name from a local corruption of the term "mistgabel" (manure fork),
since the grouping closely resembles the tines of the widely-used local tool.31
This line of argument is further supported by the fact that many locations in the
area did not have any names at all until the very recent past; indeed, some local
names prominent today may be directly traced to events which have occurred
within the last fifty years, and whose origins are known only by local (elderly)
inhabitants who can recall the specific event. (Apparently the source of the appellation
is not a part of local folklore.)32
68 Manfred W. Wenner
On the other hand, it must be added that the local population of these mountain
valleys is extremely sensitive to the allegation that they may have part of
their origins in the Saracen occupation. They have, on occasion, denied in the
strongest possible terms any Arab antecedents, so it may be that this has colored
more recent local lore and provided an incentive to find alternative explanations
for any evidence which would appear to support the contention.33
Economic Evidence
Some writers have suggested that the Saracens were responsible for certain
innovations in the economic life of the populations under their domination,
especially in France and Switzerland.
In France, these suggestions include the following: (a) the introduction of
buckwheat cultivation, especially in the Department of Var. Buckwheat is
known in French by two names, ble noir (black wheat), and in support of this
contention, ble sarrasin (Saracen wheat); (b) the introduction of corktree cultivation
in the area around Garde-Freinet, as local legend suggests; and (c) the
introduction of the Arab method of turning pine-resin into pine-tar for the
caulking of naval vessels. In support of this, the writers offer the fact that the
French word for pine-tar is goudron, derived from the Arabic qitrn.34
This "evidence" is not, however, without its problems; it is utterly dependent
upon linguistic relationships in two instances, and local tradition in the
other. In the case of the first, such relationships do not conclusively demonstrate
a causal link; in the case of the second, we have already seen (note 22)
that local legends are not consistently reliable.
Some of the evidence is more tangible and reliable: It has been suggested that
the Saracens undertook mining activities, specifically in Tende and La Ferriere,
near Barcelonette, where they apparently manufactured weapons. In
this instance, the remains of their forges have been excavated. Furthermore, in
the mines near Tende (as well as in the mines of Valauria), there are galleries
which bear the name "gallerie sarrasine," presumably due to their exploitation
by the Saracens (and, in this case, supported by archeological remains).35
In Switzerland, the evidence is less conclusive. In fact, all of what has been
adduced to date is dependent upon local legend, though some extraordinary
characteristics of the suspect regions appear worthy of mention. For example,
there is a local legend in one of the Rh6ne valleys that a particular variety of
grape which is grown there was introduced by the Saracens when they settled
in the valley. The fact that the wine made from these grapes is known locally as
"Heidenwein," that is, pagan wine, presumably in commemoration of its introduction
by non-Christians, has been cited by some as evidence.36
Others have suggested, as will be discussed below, that the Saracens were
responsible for the introduction of sheep as a meat source, and the refusal of
the local population to raise swine, as one of those extraordinary circumstances
which cannot be easily explained except through recourse to the Saracen pe-
riod.
In sum, then, the evidence for extensive Saracen economic activities is not
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe
great. On the other hand, the indicators we do have at least suggest that the
activities of the Fraxinetum colony had a greater impact that one might suspect
from a cursory reading of the contemporary accounts; perhaps the actions of
the Saracens were substantially more diversified and extensive than was suspected
at the time. This, of course, raises the question as to whether the Saracens
planned a long-term presence in these regions, only to have such plans
negated - perhaps by a directive from the Caliph (Hakam) in Cordoba, as I have
suggested above.
Ethnographic Evidence
In many ways, this is the most fruitful source of "evidence," and at the same
time, the area which is of greatest interest as a means of assessing events in the
past through "signposts" in the present.
In the case of France, the writers have suggested that a number of curious
usages and customs found in Provence and the Rhone Valley date from the time
of the Saracen invasions and occupation. Included among such customs are
certain folk dances, as well as some specific celebrations to mark the departure
of the Saracens from certain small villages.37Other authors have tended to treat
such suggestions with skepticism, arguing that the attribution to the Saracens
may have been made later in time and carelessly attributed to an era about
which the rural population knew very little.
On the other hand, scholars of the relevant periods (late antiquity and the
early Middle Ages) have long agreed that the Arab/Muslim incursions, and
presence, in southern France had some long-term impact; the question is: How
much? A related question for the present subject is: Is it possible (not to mention
necessary) to separate out distinct impacts from the invasions and occupations
of the mid-eighth century from those of the mid-tenth?
In answer to the first question, for some the impact was of a monumental
nature, utterly altering the future of Europe. In some scholars' view, these conquests
destroyed the cultural and commercial unity of the Mediterranean, and
led to the northward relocation of the cultural centers of Europe; others allow
that these conquests altered established religio-political relationships in order
that the population could more effectively cope with the military aspect of the
Muslim/Arab threat; and, yet others see economic, political, and especially social
relationships in subtle but meaningful ways. It is not possible, of course,
within the scope of this essay, to adequately summarize the lengthy and complex
arguments and evidence associated with the various theories concerning
the impact of the Saracens upon southern Europe. It should, however, be noted
that one of the most widely suggested impacts has been that upon the language
and literary styles and traditions of Provence. In addition, analysis and discussion
of such diverse causes and effects as the role of technological improvements
in cavalry; in trading relationships; in land acquisition and redistribution
policies, and even the very origins of the term "fief" itself continue to keep
alive the dispute over the aftermath of the Saracen presence.38 At this time, it
seems highly unlikely that any clear distinction needs to be made between
69
70 Manfred W. Wenner
events in the different time periods alluded to above; in other words, barring
substantial new finds (archeological and literary) it is not likely that we will be
able to do so.
In the case of Switzerland, the evidence is both more substantial and more
varied. For example, many writers have remarked on the unusual characteristics
of the population of the Saas Valley, a relatively isolated valley which runs
southward from the Rh6ne at the town of Visp and ends in a now relatively
little-used pass, the Monte Moro, which leads to the similarly isolated Anza
Valley in Italy (at the town of Macugnaga). One writer has remarked on the
"almost Semitic physical type" found in this and nearby valleys,39 while another
has observed that the population as a whole reminds him of the physical
types found in southern Italy or among the North Africans.40It should be added
that this difference in the aggregate physical type which has so often been mentioned
in the past is still visible today. Moreover, at least one observer has
noted the remarkably high percentage of names in these southern Rhone valleys
which have a "Middle Eastern or Northern African flavor to them."41
Of some importance perhaps are the following behavioral patterns which
were noted first in the 1940s, but are still evident today: (1) the refusal of the
indigenous population of the Saas Valley to keep or raise swine, despite the fact
that pork is an almost traditional meat source for the population of the other
Rhone valleys;42 (2) the peculiar method of sheep slaughtering (for food) which
is practiced in the Visp valleys, and which the author of one report states he has
previously observed only among North African Berbers;43and (3) the notable
lack of timber and forest stands in the Saas Valley, combined with archeological
evidence that methods peculiar to the North African coastal areas for the
purpose of clearing forested land have been discovered.44
Indeed, a number of writers on the subject of the Saracen invasions have suggested
that a substantial amount of settlement and intermarriage with the local
population took place - both in France45and Switzerland - prior to the dissolution
of the Fraxinetum base itself. Aside from the indirect evidence referred to
above, this contention is very difficult to prove, and would require substantial
investment in additional research. It may be, however, that a certain amount of
intermarriage and settlement contributed to the ability of the Fraxinetum colony
to maintain and perpetuate its hegemony in some areas without new immigrants
from Spain.
Since there has been no systematic research - physiognomic, genetic, or haematological
- in these valleys which might help to answer the question of the
origins of the current inhabitants, one is forced for the present to remain with
speculations to explain whatever unusual behavioral patterns do, in fact, exist.
POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS
Since the contemporary European accounts of the Saracen incursions are
overwhelmingly concerned with presenting evidence of the inhuman, cruel,
and destructive nature of these invaders, it is extremely difficult to assess accurately
the impact of these incursions on the Alpine regions, much less their
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe
long-term significance. Although there are some accounts by Arab historians
and chroniclers which cover this period in Muslim history, none specifically
refers to the development of the Fraxinetum colony or the administrative control
which the Saracens had over the Alpine regions. The single piece of evidence
which indicates an Arab presence is the claim that for some time, the
Arabic term for the Alpine regions wasjabal monjaws, presumably derived
from the Latin name of the time, monsjovis (the mountain of Jupiter). This was
the term specifically reserved for the St. Bernhard Pass area, which did not receive
its current name until after the activities of St. Bernhard himself.46
Nevertheless, there is some evidence from contemporary sources which
would indicate that the Saracens were not always as brutal or inhuman as they
were made to appear (often for local political reasons). For example, there is
one account which appears to be completely genuine, by a traveller in the
northern Italian hilltown of Vercelli, who describes the Saracens as living
within and among the local population in a manner which led him to assume
they were well-established: The Saracens neither carried arms nor were they
molested by the local populace; indeed, they were apparently administering the
town and the surrounding countryside with a "light hand.''47
Similarly, there are some accounts of the administration of the major transAlpine
passes during the mid-tenth century which indicate they were administered
peacefully, carefully, and even impartially, that is, with a minimum disruption
of trade and pilgrimtraffic during the period of the agreement with King
Hugo. In fact, there are extant records which indicate the established tolls
which were collected for specific items.48 In addition, it would appear from
some of the accounts that this administration of (some of) the passes did not
seriously interfere with such transit trade, since the peaceful administration of
the passes by the Saracens continued after the end of the stipulated alliance
period. It was, in fact, not until some time thereafter that any efforts were made
to dislodge them from their posts.49
It may be that it was not until the Fraxinetum colony was informed that it
would no longer be supported from Spain that the Saracen administrators of the
passes reverted to the random collection of booty and ransom. The most blatant
example of this is described in some detail by nearly all of the contemporary
writers, since it involved a man of some piety and renown at the time: St.
Maiolus of the Abbey of Cluny. In the year 972, St. Maiolus was returning to
Cluny from a trip to Rome, and decided to use the St. Bernhard as his trans-Alpine
route. After descending on the north side into the valley towns along the
ascent route, his party was kidnapped and held for ransom by a rather substantial
number of Saracens. The ransom (which was indeed collected and paid
through the sale of much of the Abbey's holdings) amounted to 1,000 pounds of
silver. It was specifically stated that this amount was decided upon because it
would provide every member of the Saracen force with one pound of silver.50
This particular incident is of some importance for two reasons: (1) it provides
us with the only evidence concerning the numbers of Saracens to be found in
the Alpine regions at the time. The actual figure gains some credibility through
the fact that no one appears to have seriously considered military action against
71
72 Manfred W. Wenner
the Saracens, that is, their numbers were apparently large enough to make this
an unfeasible alternative to paying the stated ransom. And (2) it is the last major
action on the part of the Saracens in the pass region. In other words, it lends
some credence to the contention that the Saracens were more or less voluntarily
withdrawing to their base camp at Fraxinetum. It may be that this particular
force was, in fact, slowly making its way back to Fraxinetum when it took advantage
of an opportunity to make one last "collection."
In sum, then, it would appear that in those instances where the Saracens had
established themselves and had decided that their presence was a more-or-less
permanent one, they adopted a regularized system of administration which was
at least no more onerous than the ad hoc system prevailing until that time. On
the other hand, until some measure of political and administrative control was
generally recognized (e.g., as a result of the agreement with King Hugo), and
after Cordoba decided to no longer support the enterprise, they did indeed depend
largely upon the traditional means of an invading army for support taking
what was needed, when it was needed, with "a little extra" for the par-
ticipants.
CONCLUSIONS
The above account of the actual events, as well as the evidence available
concerning the aftermath, raises a number of questions.
First, the reader will have noticed that the term "Saracen" has been used in
preference to any modern alternative (except in certain limited instances). Essentially,
this has been done because it is not at all clear with whom we are
dealing. None of the contemporary European literature makes use of the word
"Arab"; the terms used to categorize the invaders are restricted to "Saracen"
or in a very few instances "Ismaelites" or "Moors." What is curious about this
is that all the contemporary accounts clearly recognize and acknowledge the
Spanish origin of the invaders - that the bulk, if not all of the Saracens came
from Spain and received their instructions from the Amir/Caliph at Cordoba.
Yet, at the same time, some of the chroniclers (e.g., Liudprand) refer to them
as "Africans." Who, then, were the "Saracens'?"
The answer to this question appears to be that, in fact, the Saracen invaders
were probably primarily Berber in origin, and not Arab. Many of the more recent
scholars have speculated on this possibility, and there is some reason to
accept this interpretation.5 In addition to the indications outlined above, it
should be remembered that the Arab Amirs/Caliphs of Spain frequently used
the more recently arrived Berbers as their front line of harassment of the Europeans
in trans-Pyrenees expeditions, and that it would be eminently sensible
for them to have encouraged the Berbers to undertake the Sa'ifa in order to
divert them from any resentment at their less-than-equal status with the Arabs
in Spain.
In this connection, it might be relevant to add that the contemporary writers
are rather consistent in their appreciation of the military skills of the Saracens
in the mountain regions, and the group's clear preference for the mountains.
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe 73
While it is obvious that any small armed force in enemy territory would prefer
defensible positions in foothills and mountains to indefensible positions in the
plains or valleys, these descriptions recall the traditional Arab reluctance to
penetrate mountain regions. For example, most of the mountainous regions in
the Arab world today are still not wholly Arabized for all their having been
Islamized: the mountains of Iraq, Morocco and Algeria, and Lebanon and Syria
are good examples.
Another question arises in this regard: not one contemporary source ever
mentions the existence of language difficulties between the Saracens and the
indigenous population. Since the invaders administered the major passes for
nearly a generation, this may not be unusual - at least for those regions. Yet,
even in all the chilling accounts of chroniclers who are only concerned with
later raids, the subject never arises. Why?
The answer to this particular query apparently lies in the fact that some
Christians and Jews from Spain participated in the Sa'ifa.52Although we have
some evidence that Latin and perhaps local languages were studied in Arab
Spain, it does not appear likely that the Sa'ifa participants actively sought out,
or were able to gain the services of linguists. However, the unquestioned success
of certain Sa'ifa, and most especially the Fraxinetum one, attracted the
"soldier of fortune" types which were to be found throughout the area.
We are probably justified in assuming that the non-Arab and non-Berber
elements which participated in Sa'ifa for motives of personal gain acted as ad
hoc interpreters and middlemen between the Muslim elements and the local
population in those instances where communication was necessary.53
It has, in addition, been suggested that a substantial number of people in the
general region where the Saracens were most numerous probably had some understanding
of Arabic, gained perhaps as a result of almost two centuries of
coping with Arab-speaking conquerors and administrators (for varying lengths
of time).54
With respect to the Saracens: An extensive effort to determine whether the
Caliphate in Cordoba, and more importantly, the general Muslim view of administrative
practices in lands which temporarily became part of the Dar alIslam,
were affected by the nearly century-long presence in the Alpine regions,
failed to produce any concrete evidence of such effects. The lack of any detailed
description or analysis of these events by any Arab/Muslim historian
leaves no alternative but the rather banal conclusion that a temporary occupation
or military conquest of a foreign peoples produces little or no concern for
organized administrative activity.
It is only when there is an explicit recognition that a long-term administration
of new territories is anticipated that regularized patterns of administrative behavior
make their appearance. We have, for example, no evidence aside from
the regularized collection of tolls on the trans-Alpine passes that the Saracens
undertook any structured governmental or administrative activities; we have
no evidence that any judicial activities were ever carried out, that is, that any
organized framework for processing disputes between the Saracens and the indigenous
population existed; and we have no evidence that any law-making
functions were undertaken.
74 Manfred W. Wenner
Since the Caliph in Cordoba gave no indication that these areas were to be
made a permanent part of the Dar al-Islam, there seems to have been no motivation
for begining such regularized, structured governmental functions as we
find in other areas which come under Muslim rule.
In sum, then: Although the Alpine regions of France, northern Italy and
southern Switzerland appear to show some aftereffects (even into the later
twentieth century) of this brief period of subjugation to Muslim overlords, the
Muslim world has never considered this venture as anything more than an unusually
successful "summer incursion" into the European heartland while
much more serious matters needed attention.55
NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY
DEKALB, ILLINOIS
APPENDIX: CHRONOLOGY
Dates Major Events
632 Death of Muhammad
711 Tariq and the Muslim Armies enter Spain
719-726 Muslim armies take Narbonne, Carcassone, Nimes, etc.; expand
into the Rhone Valley as far north as Lyon
732 Charles Martel victor at battle of Poitiers (Tours)
737-759 Some cities in southern France retaken from Muslims
793 New Muslim incursions into France across the Pyrenees
810-820 Muslim attacks on Sardinia, Corsica, etc.; occupation of the
Ballearic islands, Nice, portions of southern Italy
827 Muslim naval attacks in Brittany
846-869 Muslim attacks on the southern French coast, especially
around Aries, and establishment of a port in the Camargue
888-89I Founding of the Muslim colony at Fraxinetum
906 Muslim control of Mont Cenis Pass; attacks upon towns and
monasteries in the area, including Novales, Oulx, Susa, Acqui
9II Muslim control of all western Alpine passes
915-918 Muslim attacks on Embrun, Maurienne, Vienne, etc.
920 Muslim attacks on the Italian Piemonte in the East, and upon
Marseille, Aix-en-Provence, etc., in the West
929-933 Muslim control of the eastern Alpine passes, and attacks in
the upper Rhone Valley
931 Byzantine attack against Fraxinetum (unsuccessful)
936-939 Attacks in the Valais, Rhaetia, northern Savoy, and towns
around Lake Geneva, including Geneva and Lausanne
c.940 Attacks on Chur, St. Maurice, etc.
942 (?) Nice and Grenoble taken by Muslims; King Hugo and Byzantines
attack Fraxinetum
by 950-51 Regularized administration of the Alpine passes
952-954 Attacks on the Abbey of St. Gall; into the Berner Jura
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe 75
956 Emperor Otto I's diplomatic mission to Cordoba
957 Last recorded attacks in the east (Rhaetia)
965 (968?) Evacuation of Grenoble by the Muslims
970 Evacuation of Savoy
972-973 Evacuation of major northern Alpine passes; last major attack
on the St. Bernhard Pass (against St. Maiolus)
975/983? Attack on Fraxinetum by allied Christian princes; evacuation
of town by Muslims and dispersal of the colony
early-I Ith New Muslim attacks on southern France
mid-IIth Muslims evacuate southern Italy and Sicily
NOTES
1 Liudprand, Antapodosis; trans. by F. A. Wright (London: Routledge, 1930), pp. 33-34.
There is some difficulty in determining the precise date, since Liudprand cites various overlapping
reigns of local rulers during whose tenure the landing took place.
2 Ibid.
3 The chronicles of various monasteries and medieval writers are here summarized; for one of
the most complete lists, see: Rene Poupardin, Le Royaume de Bourgogne (Paris: Librairie
Honor6 Champion, 1907), pp. 86-87.
4 John E. Tyler, The Alpine Passes (Oxford: Blackwell, 1930); P. H. Scheffel, Verkehrsgeschichte
der Alpen (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1908 and 1914); and E. Oehlmann, "Die Alpenpasse im
Mittelalter," Jahrbuch fur schweizerische Geschichte, Vols. 3 and 4 (1878-79).
5
Poupardin, op. cit., p. 9I; and, Flodoard, Annales (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1905), p. 47.
6
Oehlmann, op. cit., and Poupardin, op. cit., pp. 91-93.
7
Oehlmann, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 212 ff. The major argument against the second alternative
has been the "fact" that the Abbey of Disentis, which stands in the direct path of this route,
has no record of its being subjected to Saracen harassment during this era. On the other hand,
another author claims that there is indeed evidence that the Abbey was attacked by the Saracens
at this time. Cf. Reinaud, p. 470, citing Sprecher, Chronicon. Rhaetiae (Basel, pp. 68, 197
ff., vs. Keller, p. 9 as well as Poupardin).
8
Liudprand, op. cit., pp. 186-87.
9 Oehlmann, op. cit., and Poupardin, op. cit.
10Due to the renown of Maiolus, this is one of the best described incidents of Saracen interference
with trans-Alpine communications. The most complete summary in a modem European language
is found in Poupardin, op. cit., pp. 97-99.
l Poupardin, op. cit., pp. iio-III.
12 G. de Rey, Les Invasions des Sarrasins en Provence (Marseille: Typographie Marius Olive,
1878), pp. 192-93; and M. Reinaud, Invasions des Sarrazins en France et de France en Savoie, en
Piemont, et dans la Suisse (Paris: Librairie Orientale de Ve Dondey-Dupr6, 1836), p. 266.
13
See, for example, Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs (6th Edition), (London: MacMillan & Co.,
1958), pp. 493-60I. E. Levi-Provencal, Histoire de L'Espagne Musulmane (Paris: G. P. Maisonneuve,
1950), Vol. I.
14 S. and N. Ronart, Concise Encyclopedia of Arabic Civilization (The Arab West) (New York:
Praeger, 1966), pp. 339-340.
5 L6vi-Provencal, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 122-130.
16 Levi-Provencal, op. cit., esp. pp. 124-125; and Georg Jacob, Arabische Berichte (Berlin: DeGruyter,
1927), pp. 6-7. The role which the Jews played as intermediaries and/or allies of the Saracens
bears further research. For example, it was widely believed at the time that the Jews were
indeed a kind of "third column" for the Muslims; they were accused in many instances of having
actively sabotaged Christian defences against the Muslims. It was because of this belief, for exam-
76 Manfred W. Wenner
pie, that Charlemagne and other Frankish rulers placed certain restrictions upon the Jews in the 8th
and 9th centuries. See, for example, de Rey, op. cit., pp. 16-17.
17
Levi-Provencal,op. cit., esp. pp. 123-24.
18
Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1955).
19Alauddin Samarrai, "Some Geographical and Political Information on Western Europe in the
Medieval Arabic Sources," The Muslim World, LXII, No. 4 (1972), pp. 304-322.
20
For the account of the mission of the monk, Jean de Gorze, to the court of the Caliph 'Abd
al-Rahman III around 956, see the brief accounts and sources cited in Poupardin, op. cit. (I907), pp.
94-96, and Levi-Provencal, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 154. There is agreement that the mission had no
influence on 'Abd al-Rahman. Concerning the lack of accounts in the Arabic sources, see
Levi-Provencal, op. cit., Vol. II, p. I55.
21 Ren6 Poupardin, Le Royaume de Provence sous les Carolingiens (Paris: Librairie Emile
Bouillon, I901), p. 273.
22
Reinaud, de Rey, Keller, etc., all cite the existence of various towers and fortifications which
are alleged to be Saracen in origin. Poupardin (1901) pp. 255-6 indicates that great care should be
exercised in accepting these attributions, and even Reinaud (p. 31o) expresses some skepticism.
The latter suggests that for the local population, the Saracen invasions had a certain "character"
which later upheavals, etc., did not have, and that therefore local fortifications and constructions
were assigned to that time period despite the fact that many are clearly Romanesque.
23 F. Keller, "Der Einfall der Sarrazenen in die Schweiz um die Mittes des IO. Jahrhunderts,"
Mitteilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft (Zurich), XI (1856), pp. 22-25; and Felice Ferrero,
The Valley of Aosta (New York, I910), pp. 209-2IO concerning the numismatic literature and the
coins kept in the Hospice of St. Bernhard.
24
The most famous of these inscriptions is the one which was located in the small church at
Bourg-St.-Pierre-Montjoux (on the access route to the Great St. Bernhard Pass). Composed between
1019 and 1038, it was removed and relocated as part of a reconstruction effort in 1739, and is
today almost completely illegible. The best version of the text is given in Keller, op. cit., pp. i8- I9.
Essentially it commemorates the havoc wrought by an "Ismaelite force" in the Val d'Entremont at
a time when the "Ismaelites" were on similar rampages in the general vicinity of the Rh6ne Valley.
25
Jean Lacam, Les Sarrazins dans le haut moyen-age francais (Paris: G. P. Maisonneuve et
Larose, 1965).
26
Speculation concerning the Arabic origins of place names apparently begins with C. M. Engelhardt,
Naturschilderungen und wissenschaftliche Bemerkungen aus den hochsten Schweizer
Alpen, besonders in Sud-Wallis und Graubunden (Basel: Schweighauser Buchhandlung, 1840); de
Rey, op. cit., pp. I88-89 also offers some names, especially in the Department of Var, which he
attributes to Saracen origins, e.g., Gualdixar, Tamariz, Miramar, and so on.
27
The place names which have been the subject of widest interest are Almagell, Alp Aien,
Mischabel, and Allalin. The given list has been compiled from Oehlmann, op. cit., Keller, op. cit.,
and H. Diibi, "Saracenen and Ungarn in den Alpen," Jahrbuch des Schweizer Alpenclub, XIV, pp.
485-6. I have added one item to the original list, i.e., Gabi, based upon the suggestion of Hitti, op.
cit., p. 605. It should be noted that Hitti (ibid., note 2) suggests that the adjective "maur" and
related variations are probably derived from the local adjective for the color brown. In view of the
linguistic history of the term "Moor," and the rather rare and limited use of "marron" to designate
a specific shade of reddish brown, this seems a questionable assertion at best. In fact, it is more
likely that the color term is derived from the ethnic term than vice versa.
28 It should be added that the debate over the origins of these place names and their alleged Arabic
origin still exists in Switzerland. See, for example, the sources cited in Emil Hess, "Waldverwiistungen
im Saastal," Die Alpen, XXI, No. I I (1945), p. 334. Nevertheless, it would appear
that the theory of their Arabic origin is now more widely-accepted than in the past, since many of
these nouns have no Celtic, Latin, or German origins. See, for example, Karl Alfons Meyer, "Sarazenen
im Saastal?" Neue ZurcherZeitung, 12 September I965, who reports the existence of a document
from 1139 which gives the name of Pontresina as "ad pontem Sarisinam."
29 J. H. Hotz, "Sarrazenische Spuren in der Schweiz," Anzeigerfiir Schweizerische Geschichte
und Alterthumskunde (Zurich), I (I855- I860), pp. IO-I I. Indeed, local tradition specifically attributes
this family's origins to the Saracens who settled in the area.
The Arab/Muslim Presence in Medieval Central Europe
30
Diibi, op. cit., p. 481, although he offers no further specifics, suggests further that "eine Reihe
von Ortsnamen, die sich vom Genfersee bis in den Berner Jura zieht, halt die Erinnerung an jene
bosen Tage noch heute aufrecht."
31 Personal correspondence with Werner Imseng, Saas-Fee, 1974. Cf. M. Julen, "Gipfel des
Saasgrates," Blatter aus der Walliser Geschichte, XI (1951), pp. 32-36.
32 Personal correspondence with Werner Imseng, Saas-Fee, I974.
33 Personal experiences, 1970 and 1972. It is possible, however, that this is due to the rather negative
image of the Arabs which is currently prevalent in Switzerland. It is, therefore, of some significance
that a well-respected local historian of the Igth century not only specifically acknowledges
some Saracenic antecedents for the population, but that they also contributed substantially to making
the entire valley cultivable. See: Peter Joseph Ruppen, Die Chronik des Thales Saas fur die
Thalbewohner (Sitten: Buchdruckerei von Calpini-Albertazzi, I85I), pp. 11-14.
34
Reinaud, op. cit., pp. 295-299. The author further contends that the renowned Camargue
horses were bred by the Arabs/Saracens, and that it is even possible that they have their origins in
runaways from earlier campaigns (i.e., in the early 8th century).
35 de Rey, op. cit., pp. 104 and 117.
36 Diibi, op. cit., Vol. IIV, p. 486.
37
de Rey, op. cit., pp. I50 and 173.
38 See, in the sequence in which the theories are summarized: Henri Pirenne, Mohamed and
Charlemagne (New York, 1939); R. Buchner, Die Provence in merowingischer Zeit (Stuttgart,
1931); H. Dannenbauer, Die Entstehung Europas (Stuttgart, 1958); H. Brunner, "Der Reiterdienst
und die Anfange des Lehnwesens" in his Forschungen zur Geschichte des deutschen und
franzosischen Rechts (Stuttgart, I894); Lynn White, Jr., Medieval Technology and Social Change
(New York, 1962);H. A. R. Gibb, "Literature," in T. Arnold and A. Guillaume, eds., The Legacy
of Islam (New York, 193I); P. K. Hitti, op. cit., p. 562; and, Alauddin Samarrai, "The term 'fief': a
possible Arabic origin," Studies in Medieval Culture, IV, I (1973), pp. 78-82.
39 Scheffel, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 15.
40
Hess, op. cit., p. 334.
41
Scheffel, op. cit., p. 107 remarks on the number of "Spanish-sounding" surnames found in
these valleys, as does Diibi, op. cit., p. 492, citing specifically Sarratz and Sarrasin. See also Felice
Ferrero, op. cit., p. 210 for similar observations concerning the upper reaches of the Aosta (including
the Anza Valley), and other Swiss valleys. Personal correspondence with a Swiss Army Officer,
responsible for the training of local recruits during World War II, who cites such "unusual,
Berber-like names as Es-Borra", as well as a check of the telephone directories for Siid-Wallis (the
canton in which these valleys are found) further confirms these contentions.
42 Hess, op. cit., p. 335.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid., pp. 335-35.
45 de Rey, op. cit., pp. II7, 151, and 173 and others suggest considerable Saracen settlement in
the Dauphine, especially near Devoluy. Further Saracen settlement near Pontresina (in Switzerland)
has already been covered above (note 28), Keller, op. cit., p. 14also suggests the Val d'Abondance
in Savoy.
46 H. P. Goergens, "Der Islam in der Schweiz," Der Bund (Bern), Sonntagsblatt for 12 May 1878
(No. 19), p. 148. (One in a series of six special articles on the subject).
St. Bernhard of Menthon, in whose honor the Pass is now named, is credited with converting the
remaining "pagan elements" in this region in the early I th century. If these "pagan elements"
were remnants of the Saracen forces, which is at least possible, it is further possible that the renaming
of the Pass is connected with the Saracens and their activities. For example, it may very
well be that the decision to found the famous Hospice at the summit is a by-product of the fact that
St. Maiolus (above, note Io) and his party were forced to cross the Pass and begin the descent into
the approach valley, where they then fell prey to the Saracen attack (instead of finding adequate
shelter and refuge in the most treacherous and "inhospitable" part of the Pass itself). Cf. Reinaud,
op. cit., pp. 195-6, and Keller, op. cit., p. 15.
47 Oehlmann, op. cit., pp. 212-14.
48
Oehlmann, op. cit., pp. 216, and 248-49 for an account of the precise taxes levied.
77
78 Manfred W. Wenner
49 Flodoard, op. cit., p. 132 (951).
50Cf. note o0.
51
Most especially Goergens, op. cit., No. 22 (2 June 1878), pp. 171-72, and Reinaud, op. cit., p.
242. This, and the other evidence given above for possible Berber elements among the Saracens,
would seem to suggest that we might find specifically Berber antecedents for certain place names.
This has, unfortunately, been impossible to check since no Berber dictionary which would facilitate
research of this type is available.
52
Reinaud, op. cit., p. 243 suggests that the evidence for the participants in the earlier raids being
Christians, Jews, miscellaneous pagans, as well as "Saracens" is rather strong; see also the references
in note 15 cited by Levi-Provencal.
53
Reinaud, op. cit., pp. 282-84, who adds that there were many Saracen serfs held by Christians,
which fact could also have led to more widespread limited knowledge of Arabic.
54 See esp. de Rey, op. cit., pp. I91-92, and note 38.
55
It is, then, not accurate to describe it as "a foreign Islamic state inserted into the heart of
Christian Europe," as has been done by the Encyclopedia of Islam, citing J. Calmette, L'effondrement
d'un empire et la naissance d'une Europe (Paris: 1941), p. 117 (Article "Fraxinetum").
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