Derived collectives in Slavic: Decomposing groups, swarms, and aggregates Mojmír Dočekal & Marcin Wągiel 19.5.2017, University of Vienna 1 / 52 Collective nouns Group nouns (Barker 1992) or bunch nouns (Schwarzschild 1996): involve not only individuals, but also events and degrees (1) a. group of objects b. sequence of events c. range of numbers standard assumption: homogeneous category plural denotation (Munn 1998, Elbourne 1999) atomic denotation (Baker 1992, Schwarzschild 1996) group-formation (Landman 1989, 2000) 2 / 52 Recent findings: distinct classes Pearson (2011): committee nouns vs. collection nouns Henderson (2017): group nouns vs. swarm nouns Landman (2000): collective body formation → swarms collective action → groups/swarms collective responsibility → groups 3 / 52 Groups vs. collections vs. swarms Based on Pearson (2011) and Henderson (2017) property groups collections swarms plural pseudopartitives yes yes yes plural agreement in BE/CE yes no no? count Det heading partitives yes no no? ILPs and always yes* no no? only large constituent pluralities no yes? yes spatial existence entailments no yes? yes support spatial predicates no yes? yes can expose a plurality yes no? mixed* ? our judgments * unclear/dubious data 4 / 52 Plural pseudopartitives Standard syntactic test (Barker 1992): group noun + of-phrase with a plural complement → group noun + of-phrase with a singular complement → * (2) a. group of children/ * child b. collection of shirts/ * shirt c. set of chairs/ * chair d. pair of shoes/ * shoe e. herd of animals/ * animal 5 / 52 Problem: expressions referring to game (Ritchie 2013) (3) a. pride of lion b. flock of pheasant However: English nouns referring to game can have a zero plural (Corbett 2000: 68, Acquaviva 2008: 30) (4) The elephant are downwind of us. (Allan 1976) 6 / 52 Nevertheless, the test is flawed anyway: incorrect predictions wrt object (fake/neat) mass nouns (5) a. group of offspring b. collection of clothing c. set of furniture d. pair of footwear e. herd of livestock Hypothesis: in pseudopartitive constructions group nouns require nominals denoting pluralities → singular nouns do not refer to pluralities 7 / 52 Plural agreement and count Det heads Possible with groups in BE/CE (Pearson 2011): (6) a. The committee has been arguing all morning. b. The committee have been arguing all morning. (7) a. The committee is old. → ambiguous b. The committee are old. → only distributive (8) a. Three of the committee came to the meeting. b. Several of the family objected to her marriage. c. Many of the present cabinet will have to resign. 8 / 52 Impossible with collections: (9) a. The deck of cards is on the table. b. *The deck of cards are on the table. (10) a. *Three of the bunch of flowers had died. b. *Several of the deck of cards had gone missing. c. *Many of the pile of dishes needed to be washed. 9 / 52 Absolutely impossible in Slavic: (11) a. Komitet committee kłócił argued.sg się refl przez through całe whole rano. morning ‘The committee has been arguing all morning.’ b. *Komitet committee kłocili argued.pl się refl przez through całe whole rano. morning Indended: ‘The committee have been arguing all morning.’ (12) *Trzech three spośród among komitetu committee przyszło came.sg na on spotkanie. meeting Intended: ‘Three of the committee came to the meeting.’ 10 / 52 ILPs and always Pearson (2011) → intensional semantics for group nouns individual level predicates modified by always (13) a. #John always has big feet. → object b. Elephants always have big feet. → kind (14) a. *That bunch of flowers is always tall. b. The Pearson family always has big feet. 11 / 52 Problem: it seems not all group nouns allow for that (15) a. ??That group of students always has big feet. b. ??That cast of actors always has big feet. c. ??That cabinet always has big feet. Hypothesis: some groups involve temporal component → generations of members 12 / 52 Derived collectives in Polish Different classes: suffix -ka → numerals (16) dwa two → → dwójka two.coll ‘two’ → ‘group of two’ suffix -stwo → animate nouns (human) (17) rycerz knight → → rycerstwo knight.coll ‘knight’ → ‘group of knights’ 13 / 52 suffix -ostwo → animate nouns (social roles) (18) wuj uncle → → wujostwo uncle.coll ‘uncle’ → ‘uncle and his spouse’ suffix -ina → inanimate nouns (trees) (19) brzoza birch → → brzezina birch.coll ‘birch’ → ‘brich wood’ 14 / 52 suffix -e → inanimate nouns (20) kwiat flower → → kwiecie flower.coll ‘flower’ → ‘mass of flowers’ there are more: -eria, -ela, -ba, -ota etc. but they seem to pattern with -stwo 15 / 52 property -ka -stwo -ostwo -ina -e derived from Numeral +ANIM N +ANIM N -ANIM N -ANIM count yes no no yes no cumulative reference no yes yes mixed yes pseudopartitives yes no no no no large const. pluralities no yes no yes yes spatial existence ent. no no no yes yes spatial predicates no no no yes no 16 / 52 Count/mass Pluralization: (21) a. dwójka two.coll.sg → → dwójki two.coll.pl b. rycerstwo knight.col.sg → → *rycerstwa knight.coll.pl c. wujostwo uncle.coll.sg → → *wujostwa uncle.coll.pl d. brzezina birch.coll.sg → → brzeziny birch.coll.pl e. kwiecie flower.coll.sg → → *kwiecia flower.coll.pl 17 / 52 Numerals: (22) a. dwie two dwójki two.coll.pl ‘two groups of two’ b. *dwa two rycerstwa knight.coll.pl c. *dwa two wujostwa uncle.coll.pl d. dwie two brzeziny birch.coll.pl ‘two birch groves’ e. *dwa two kwiecia flower.coll.pl 18 / 52 Cumulative reference (23) a. dwójka ⊕ dwójka = dwójka (‘two.coll’) b. rycerstwo ⊕ rycerstwo = rycerstwo (‘knight.coll’) c. wujostwo ⊕ wujostwo = wujostwo (‘uncle.coll’) d. brzezina ⊕ brzezina = brzezina (‘birch.coll’) if not connected e. kwiat ⊕ kwiecie = kwiecie (‘flower.coll’) 19 / 52 Pseudopartitive constructions The nominal root specifies constituents: (24) a. dwójka two.coll chłopców boys.gen ‘group of two boys’ b. *rycerstwo knight.coll jeźdźców horsemen.gen c. *wujostwo uncle.coll Austriaków Austrians.gen d. *brzezina birch.coll młodych young drzew trees.gen e. *kwiecie flower.coll niezpominajek forget-me-nots.gen 20 / 52 Size of constituent pluralities (25) a. dwójka (‘two.coll’) → cardinality = 2 (numeral root → value) b. rycerstwo (‘knight.coll’) → large cardinality c. wujostwo (‘uncle.coll’) → cardinality = 2 (prototypically) d. brzezina (‘birch.coll’) → large cardinality e. kwiecie (‘flower.coll’) → large cardinality 21 / 52 Spatial existence entailments If a group is dissolved, it ceases to exist (Henderson 2017): groups survive spatial separation swarms do not (26) a. dwójka (‘two.coll’) → if separated b. rycerstwo (‘knight.coll’) → if separated c. wujostwo (‘uncle.coll’) → if separated d. brzezina (birch.coll’) → if separated × e. kwiecie (‘flower.coll’) → if separated × 22 / 52 Spatial predicates (27) Context: particular individuals are arranged in such a way to form a circle. a. #Ta this dziesiątka ten.coll jest is okrągła. circular b. #To this rycerstwo knight.coll jest is okrągłe. circular c. #To this wujostwo uncle.coll jest is okrągłe. circular d. Ta this brzezina birch.coll jest is okrągła. circular ‘This birch grove is circular.’ e. #To this kwiecie flower.coll jest is okrągłe. circular 23 / 52 Different and same interaction with derived collectives intro on DS: 1. can be anaphoric to a referent introduced in previous discourse – (28) (28) Yesterday I bought a ticket for Kasabian in Vienna. a. Today, Peter bought the same ticket. b. Today, Peter bought a different ticket. 24 / 52 2. bound within a clause and express covariation (lack of covariation) (29) a. Each student bought the same ticket. b. Each student bought a different ticket. DS: anaphoric, different expresses covariation of tickets with students same – no covariation Carlson term: sentence internal 25 / 52 Types of plural antecedents for DS already Carlson (1987) noticed dependence of DS acceptability on type of their plural antecedents: (30) a. All the men are from different towns/?? a different town. b. Each man is from a different town/?? different towns. c. All the men are/each man is from the same town. 26 / 52 Cross-linguistic studies on DS: Beck (2000), Tovena and van Peteghem 2002, Matushansky 2008, Brasoveanu 2008 Beck’ (2000) data for German: sg. and pl. diferent in English corresponds to two lexical items in German: verschieden and andere (31) a. Detmar Detmar und and Kordula Kordula wohnen live in in vershciedenen different Städten. cities b. Jedes every Mädchen girl hat has ein a anderes different Buch book gelesen. read 27 / 52 Strategies for DS items: Brasoveanu (2008): 11 languages study on DS lexical items 1. sentence internal reading under distributive quantifiers (plus discourse-anaphoric reading): andere, sg. different 2. only discourse-anaphoric reading: English other/another 3. sentence-internal reading with non-distributive quantifiers: plural DP: verschidenen NPPL, different books 28 / 52 Dotlačil (2012): experimental confirmation of Brasoveaunu’s claims – for Dutch plus: strategy 3 acceptable with singular NP too: (32) a. De the steden towns in in het the noorden north hebben have een a verschillende verschillend lengte-eenheid. length-unit b. Jan, Jan, Kees Kees en and Wim Wim hebben have een a verschillend verschillend schilderij picture gekozen. chosen 29 / 52 Czech DS: 1. strategy 1 (distributive): jiný 2. strategy 2 (only discourse-anaphoric): ??? (ostatní?) 3. strategy 3 (non-distributive quantifiers): různý both in sg. and pl. introspection data: (33) a. Každý every chlapec/???ti boy/the chlapci boys měl(i) had jiné different kolo. bike b.???Každý every chlapec/ti body/the chlapci boys měl(i) had různé(á) different kolo(a). bike 30 / 52 plus Czech same which doesn’t distinguish between distributive and non-distributive antecedents general pattern for same cross-linguistically (34) Každý every chlapec/ti boy/the chlapci boys měl(i) had stejné same kolo. bike 31 / 52 Dotlačil (2012) formalization of the difference between differentSG and different PL: (35) a. differentPL = λPλx.#(x) ≥ 2(∀y, z < x)[y, z ∈ AT ∧ y = z → distinct(y, z)] b. differentSG = λPλx.Px ∧ ¬x ◦ y c. same = λPλx.Px ∧ x = y the observed dependence of sentence-internal reading for differentSG: distributivity not part of different semantics differentPL degraded with distributive antecedents . . . too much distributivity in the sentence similar to: (36) ???Each boy will each buy a ticket. 32 / 52 Czech reciprocals: the same strategies 1. R-reciprocals reciprocals in Czech (introspection mostly) R approach, does have distributivity built-in, with pure distributive quantifiers the reciprocity is lost (37) a. Petr a Marie se pozdravili. Petr and Mary SE greeted (reciprocal ok) b. Petr a Marie pozdravili jeden druhého. Petr and Mary greeted each other (reciprocal ok) (38) a. Každý policista se podezírá. every policeman SE suspect (only reflexive) b.???Každý policista podezírá jeden druhého. every policeman suspect each other 33 / 52 R-reciprocals allow all types of reciprocity: (39) a. Petr, Marie a Karel se znají. Petr, Marie and Karel SE know (strong recipr.) b. Petr, Marie a Karel bydlí 1 km od sebe. Petr, Marie and Karel live 1 km from SE (weak) c. Petr, Marie a Karel leželi na sobě. Petr, Marie and Karel lied on SE (weakest) 34 / 52 R-type/differentPL: různý (40) a. Ti žáci na to mají různý názor. the students on that have different opinion b.???Každý žák na to má různý názor. every student on that has different opinion 35 / 52 2. DA approach (do not have distributivity built-in) – distributive quantifiers help (41) Každý policista podezírá ostatní policisty. every policeman suspects other policemen DA-reciprocals allow only the strongest reciprocity: (42) a. Studenti, Petr, Marie a Karel znají ty ostatní studenty. Students, Petr, Marie and Karel know the other students (recipr.) b. Studenti, Petr, Marie a Karel bydlí 1 km od ostatních studentů. Students, Petr, Marie and Karel live 1 km from other students (non-recipr.) c. Petr, Marie a Karel leželi na ostatních studentech. Petr, Marie and Karel lied on other students 36 / 52 the same pattern for A-different: like DA-reciprocals are ok with distributive quantifiers but their reciprocal reading degrades with non-distributive NPs: (43) a. Každý žák přečetl jinou knihu. every student read other book (recipr. ok) b. ??Ti žáci přečetli jinou knihu. the students read other book (only non-recipr.) 37 / 52 same is acceptable both with collective and distributive antecedents: (44) a. Každý policista měl stejnou zbraň. every policeman had same gun b. Ti policisté měli stejnou zbraň. the policemen had same gun 38 / 52 Derived mass nouns Derived mass nouns derived by the suffix -í: list-í ’foliage’, dřív-í ’firewood’ Properties: 1. they are derived from -ANIM nouns 2. only singular: s list-í-mINST.SG vs. *s list-í-miINST.PL 3. not countable with cardinal numerals: *2 list-í, *2 dřív-í and don’t allow switch to count (unlike underived mass nouns: 2 vody, . . . ) But they can be counted with kind and sum numerals: dvoj-í dříví, dvoj-e listí 4. the incompatibility with numerals comes from the suffix/construction, not from the root: 2 list-y vs. *2 list-í 39 / 52 5. compatible with the singular universal quantifier všechno ’all’: všechno list-í, všechno dřív-í 6. obligatorily cumulative: list-í + list-í = list-í 7. obligatorily non-divisive (like plurals – the divisivity ends at one unit): parts of list-í are list-í but not parts of list 8. topology plays a role: listí is plurality of connected objects, . . . Grimm & Dočekal (2017) 40 / 52 Derived collective numerals group nouns/numerals derived from cardinal numerals with the suffix -ice: tr-oj-ice námořníků ’group-of-three sailors’ properties: 1. both singular and plural: s troj-icíINST.SG námořníků, s troj-ice-miINST.PL námořníků 2. incompatible with the singular universal quantifier všechno ’all’: *všechna troj-ice námořníků 3. obligatorily non-cumulative: troj-ice + troj-ice = 2 troj-ice 4. obligatorily non-divisive: parts of troj-ice are not troj-ice 41 / 52 5. can be counted with cardinal numerals: dvě troj-ice námořníků 6. can modify mostly +ANIM nouns (?metaphorical usages: troj-ice úkolů ‘group-of-three tasks’, . . . ) 7. topology is not involved: troj-ice detektivů se rozjela do tří měst ‘group-of-three detectives departed into three towns’, . . . 42 / 52 Derived collective/kind nouns collective nouns derived from nouns of mostly professions with the suffix -stvo: rytíř-stvo ‘knights/chivalry’, duchovenstvo ‘clergy’ properties: 1. only singular: duchovenstvo, *duchovenstva 2. compatible with the singular universal quantifier všechno ‘all’: všechno rytířstvo 3. cumulative + divisive: rytířstvo + rytířstvo = rytířstvo, parts of rytířstvo are still rytířstvo up to atomic knights? 4. countable to some extent with kind-level numerals: dvojí duchovenstvo 5. mostly +HUMAN but some exceptions: loďstvo ‘marine/navy’ 43 / 52 6. not topology but some sorts of institutionalization 7. somewhere between collective and kind: ok with collective predicates like gather but un-countable with cardinal numerals ok with kind-level predicates like become extinct but regular kinds (bear, . . . ) are more spatially dispersed 44 / 52 The experiment Ways to design the experiment: 1. test same (introspection): (45) a. ?Duchovenstvo mělo stejné čepice. Clergy had same hats. b. Duchovní měli stejné čepice. Clergymen had same hats. c. Každý duchovní měl stejnou čepici. Every clergy had same hat. 45 / 52 2. Test differentSG (introspection): (46) a.???Duchovenstvo mělo jinou čepici. Clergy had different hat. b.???Duchovní měli jinou čepici. Clergymen had different hat. c. Každý duchovní měl jinou čepici. Every clergy had different hat. 46 / 52 3. Test differentPL (introspection): (47) a. ?Duchovenstvo mělo různé čepice. Clergy had different hats. b. ?Duchovní měli různé čepice. Clergymen had different hats. c.???Každý duchovní měl různou čepici. Every clergy had different hat. we have chosen the strategy 2 47 / 52 (48) Hypothesis: collective nouns are decomposable to the same extent as bare NPs. the design: three groups of items context always set to covariation scenario each group has 9 items in three conditions 27 items in sum, plus 27 fillers IBEX: randomization of conditions, reaction times, . . . latin square design each group represents one sub-type: derived mass nouns, collective numerals, derived collective/kind nouns 48 / 52 Derived collective/kind nouns (49) Kontext: Petr pozoroval poselstvo rytířů shromážděné před hradem. Všiml si, že ani jeden rytíř nemá stejného brnění jako ostatní. A řekl: Context: Petr was observing messengerSTVO of knights gathered in front of a castle. He noticed that no knight has the same armour as others. And he said: a. Poselstvo má jiné brnění. MessengerSTVO has different armour. b. Poslové mají jiné brnění. MessengersPL have different armour. c. Každý posel má jiné brnění. Every messenger has different armour. 49 / 52 conditions in each item: 1. the target: derived collective/kind, derived mass, derived coll. numeral 2. bare NP plural version of a) 3. universal quantified distributive quantifer + bare NP in singular expectations: c) should be reference level – nearly totally acceptable bare nouns and collective nouns should be statistically significantly worse than distributive quantifier real questions: 1. difference between a) and b) 2. difference between groups of items 50 / 52 Derived collective numerals (50) Kontext: Petr pozoroval skupinu tří námořníků a všiml si, že všichni mají odlišné oblečení. A řekl: Context: Peter was observing a group of three sailors and he noticed that all of them have different clothes. And he said: a. Trojice námořníků má jiné oblečení. Group-of-three sailors has different clothes. b. Námořníci mají jiné oblečení. Sailors have different clothes. c. Každý námořník má jiné oblečení. Every sailor has different clothes. 51 / 52 Derived mass nouns (51) Kontext: Petr pozoroval vzory cihloví na jedné vile a všiml si, že ani jedna cihla neměla stejnou barvu jako ostatní. A řekl: Context: Petr looked at patterns of brick´I on a villa and he noticed that no brick has the same color as others. And he said: a. Cihloví má jinou barvu. Brick´I has different color. b. Cihly mají jinou barvu. Bricks have different color. c. Každá cihla má jinou barvu. Every brick has different color. 52 / 52