Code-switching among US Latinos 531 25 Code-switching among US Latinos ALMEIDA JACQUELINE TORIBIO 1 Introduction Code-switching is the widely accepted term for the linguistic phenomenon whereby a speaker uses twolinguistic codes within a single speech event, alternating between phrases, clauses, and utterances, often with no change in addressee or subject1. Tracing its origins, Benson (2001) postulates that the term "code-switching" was probably coined in the United States in the 1950s, though the history of code-switching research in North America is generally dated to the late 1960s and early 1970s (see, e.g. the seminal work of Fishman 1965 on the speech of Puerto Ricans in New York and that of Hasselmo 1970 on Swedish-English bilinguals in the United States). The lack of attention to code-switching, likely owed to the fact that many early scholars denounced this "speech mixture" as a random and therefore "deviant" language behavior that was attributable to deficits in intelligence, manners, or linguistic mastery, and whose inexorable end was linguistic and societal "deterioration" (see, e.g. Espinosa 1917; Haugen 1938; McKinstry 1930; Weinreich 1953). However, an extensive body of research published over the last four decades has summarily rejected this characterization, and it is now well established that code-switching is a communicative resource that is deployed by highly proficient bilinguals in ways that are linguistically, conversationally, and socially systematic and meaningful (consult Bullock and Toribio's 2009b Cambridge handbook of code-switching for an overview). Unfortunately, the early misconstruction of the phenomenon pervades popular thought, especially when it concerns code-switching among US Latinos, as is implied in the vernacular nomenclature of Spanish-English bilingual speech: Tex-Mex and pocho for Mexican Americans' bilingual speech forms, Nuyorican for that of Puerto Ricans, Cubonics for that of Cuban-Americans, and the ubiquitous umbrella term Spanglish (or its Spanish equivalent, inglenol) for all manner and manifestation - real or imagined - of bilingual and contact speech among US Latinos (see Lipski The Handbook of Hispanic Sociolinguistics, edited by Manuel Diaz-Campos © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2007, Zentella 2002, and Otheguy 2007). Even so, many Latino individuals and communities have embraced code-switching as a communicative practice and some have even laid claim to the label Spanglish in conveying the importance of this speech style in symbolizing unique ethnic identities and in reinforcing specific socio-political stances. This chapter presents an overview of the multiple facets of Spanish-English code-switching as practiced by US Latinos - its properties, its users, its motivations, and its contexts - foregrounding the main contributions of research efforts within diverse sub-disciplines of linguistics as well as application to allied areas. The discussion is accompanied by ample illustrations of code-switching (and other contact-induced forms, as relevant) that have been culled from a vast literature representative of diverse disciplines and their attendant methodological and interpretive frameworks; the interested reader is encouraged to consult the sources referenced for additional exemplars and information regarding the sources of the data. The chapter also signals some aspects of Latinos' code-switching behavior that have gone unexamined or merit further investigation. 2 Spanish-English code-switching: what is it? The speech of bilingual Latinos is typified by a number of linguistic properties that serve to distinguish it from the monolingual English varieties of the surrounding US communities and from the Spanish source varieties. Most common are loanwords or lexical borrowings, single items that are inserted from one language into the other, as in (la,b). Some borrowings are fully assimilated into the linguistic patterns of the receiving language and tend to recur in the speech of individuals and communities. Note that these are not unique to the lexical inventories of proficient bilinguals, as their occurrence is widespread in the speech of monolinguals and second language learners. A fitting example is found in Jose Montalvo's aptly titled "Poema bilingiie for Monolingual Americans," excerpted in (lc). Other borrowings - nonce borrowings (Poplack et al. 1988) - require a certain level of bilingual competence, given that the words retain their phonological and morphological form, as in (Id, e).2 (1) a. Vamos a sacar las cuentas para pagar los biles. {Spanish code-switching The typhoon damaged techos y paredes. d. Spanish->English code-switching Todos mis amigos talked Spanish as kids. (Stimuli in Bullock and Toribio 2009a: 196) Similar "indirect effects" of bilingualism - which Weinreich (1953) termed interference - are attested at the levels of morpho-syntax and discourse-pragmatics (see Silva-Corvalan 1994). It has been repeatedly documented, for instance, that overt referential and non-referential subject pronouns may be privileged over their null equivalents in the linguistic productions of Spanish-English bilinguals. For example, the careful quantitative variationist methods employed by Otheguy and his colleagues have shown that contact with English has stimulated the use of overt pronouns, such as the overt non-specific ellos in (7a), increasing their frequency in the contact Spanish of New York City (Otheguy et al. 2007; Lapidus and Otheguy 2005). Of relevance here is the fact that these tendencies may be increased in bilinguals' code-switched speech;8 compare the forms in (7b) and (7c), produced by the same speaker in a narrative task.9 (7) a. Ellos me robaron el auto, [said without knowing who stole the car] (Lapidus and Otheguy 2005: 67) b. cuando 0 iba, cuando ella iba cantando y caminando, de pronto detras de un arbol, salio el lobo, el mismo lobo que la iba persiguiendo. El le dio unas flores y le dijo que bonita 0 se miraba. Tambien 0 le pregunto que pa' donde iba, verdad, y ella le respondio, y le dijo, "0 voy a la casa de mi abuelita ... (Toribio 2004:170) c. y llegando el, la cuarta semana, pues ya entonces ella empezo a sentir el, que tan duro es trabajar, how, how easy she had it, how all the things that, that, that she took for granted, you know, she, uh, she started to reflect upon, asi que ella decidio en la, durante la cuarta semana de que ella se iba a regresar al palacio, ella no podia vivir como una persona humilde. (Toribio 2004:171) Such findings have led researchers to postulate that bilinguals search for "parallels" between their language systems, leading to patterns of convergence that emerge expressly in the context of contact (Silva-Corvalan 1994; Toribio 2004).10 Such structures, then, should be most discernible among bilinguals who regularly activate their languages in tandem, a prediction that remains to be confirmed. The above discussion points to the unconscious modifications that bilinguals make in managing their two languages, particularly when the languages are activated simultaneously, as in code-switching. Owing to such findings, some researchers have contemplated the role of language contact in language change 536 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish Code-switching among US Latinos 537 (see Meisel 2001; Backus 2005). As reasoned by Bullock and Toribio (2006), bilingual contact data may allow for the possibility of observing grammatical change in progress. For, if bilinguals alter the phonetic range and syntactic options available for expressing language-specific differences by fixing on values and structures that are most congruent across their languages, these "converged" forms may be reinterpreted by subsequent generations as the models for phonetic and syntactic implementation, leading to subtle alterations in the linguistic systems acquired. In this way, Latinos who engage in Spanish-English code-switching may be active agents in the promotion of new varieties of US Spanish and US English. 3 Spanish-English code-switching: who practices it? The diversity of language contact phenomena attested among US Latinos reflects the fact that these speakers do not constitute a monolithic linguistic community. Rather, individual speakers are situated along a continuum of language abilities." As expressed by numerous scholars, it is axiomatic that there exist qualitative differences among the contact forms of fluent bilinguals, Spanish-speaking immigrants who have acquired English in adulthood, and native speakers of English who have acquired Spanish in adult classrooms. The simplified diagram below, adapted partly from Valdes (2001), is intended to represent this range of speakers - from the recently arrived immigrant with incipient knowledge of English (Se), through the near-native speaker of English or Spanish (SE, ES), to a third-generationheritage speaker of Spanish who retains minimal Spanish-language abilities (Es). The diagram further depicts the positive correlation that obtains between the degree of language proficiency that a speaker possesses in two languages and the type of bilingual speech behavior that he or she presents. That is, the complex mixing of languages is characteristic of speakers with a high degree of competence in both languages. Of course, it stands to reason that code-switching (as opposed to borrowing, tag-switching, or emblematic switching) should be commensurate with advanced levels of bilingualism, as Aguirre (1985: 61) states: "The fact that two grammars are involved means that this type of language patterning should be accessible only to the fairly proficient speakers." Monolingual Spanish (S) S. Borrowing Tag-switching Emblematic switching Bilingual Monolingual (E) English ..Se....S'....S£....SE/ES....ES....Es....Es....Es....E Code-switching Borrowing inter- intra-sentential inter- Tag-switching Emblematic switching Figure 25.1 Diagram showing speakers and contact speech forms: a continuum. Source: Author. Numerous studies validate the above correlation. In her study of language practices among Puerto Ricans in East Harlem, New York, Poplack (1981) demonstrates that adults who reported to be dominant in Spanish or in English tended towards "emblematic" switches such as the insertion of single nouns (8a) or tag switches (8b), sometimes to the exclusion of sentential or more complex, "deep," or "intimate" intra-sentential switches that were favored by their more "balanced" bilingual counterparts (9a).12 And similar patterns are attested in the speech of younger populations. McClure (1981) reports that Mexican-American children who are not sufficiently proficient in both Spanish and English code-switch predominantly at the word level, usually switching single nouns, while those children possessing greater proficiency in the two languages code-switch at higher constituency boundaries, for example between subject and predicate, between verb and direct object, and between nouns and relative clauses. Such patterns are replicated in Zentella's (1997) ethnolinguistic study, which documents the "evolution" of code-switching among several children; one child rarely code-switched in early observations, limiting herself to single-word insertions, but as her proficiency in English increased, she engaged in more intricate code-switching, as exemplified in (9b). (8) a. Vendia arroz n' shit. b. Saltan en sus carros y en sus snowmobiles. (Poplack 1981: 589) (Poplack 1981: 589) (9) a. Why make Carol sentarse atras pa' que everybody has to move pa' que se saiga? (Poplack 1981: 589) b. Todo el dia when I see the baby I tell Vicky, "Lo puedo aguantar?" y ella dice 'Si," and I carry him. Then, cuando se duerme, J give it to Vicky. (Paca, cited in Zentella 1997:133) As should be clear, code-switching, as practiced in many communities throughout the United States, should not be associated with incipient language loss. Lipski (1986) speaks obliquely to this point in his study of the Islenos, Canary Islanders who settled in Louisiana in the late eighteenth century. In particular, he attributes the general lack of code-switching in the Isleno speech to the rapid shift from Spanish to English that precluded a period of bilingualism in which code-switching would emerge. Isleno speech demonstrates lexical insertions and tag switches, as in (10), but true code-switches are relatively uncommon. (10) a. Venia un twister sobre la tierra. b. Ella es un bingo lady, you know. (Lipski 1986: 326) Thus, code-switching emerges in US contexts of intense contact between Spanish and English, and in which monolingual norms have been relaxed. But bilinguals are not "instructed" in how to code-switch; they just do. And just as monolingual 538 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish native speakers of Spanish and English have an intuitive sense of linguistic well-formedness in their language, so too do code-switching bilinguals exhibit a shared knowledge of what constitutes felicitous intra-sentential code-switching.13 The basis for this conviction is the empirical observation that bilinguals tend to switch intra-sententially at certain morphosyntactic boundaries and not at others. Early efforts to explain these preferences proceeded by proscribing certain switch sites, for example between pronominal subjects or objects and finite verbs, between finite verbs and infinitival complements, between auxiliaries and main verbs, between negative elements and verb (Timm 1975; Poplack 1980). Thus, while there are attested combinations such as those in (11a), generally absent are combinations such as those in (lib). Moreover, speakers reject sentences of the latter type in elici-tation and grammaticality judgment tasks, although they may be unable to articulate what accounts for this status (Toribio 2001a, b).14 (11) a. Pues, I can't talk right now. Tengo un perro and I have to walk it ahorita. b. "Well, I can no hablar ahora. 0 Have a dog and I tengo que pasear him now. Such judgments of patterns of co-occurrence in code-switched strings can offer insights that are obscured in observations of monolingual data alone. In fact, a significant body of work in generative syntax has drawn on code-switching judgments to make larger claims about linguistic knowledge (see Woolford 1983; Belazi et al. 1994; MacSwan 2000, and works based therein).15 While there is a high degree of correspondence with respect to the patterns of code-switching that recur across bilingual individuals and communities, there do exist community-specific strategies for interpolating elements from two language systems. Poplack (1988) examined the French-English bilingual patterns in the adjacent communities of Ottawa and Hull in Canada and found that in Ottawa, where French is the minority language, code-switching was much more frequent than in Hull, where French is the official and majority language. In the latter, bilinguals sought to exclude Anglicisms from their speech and their switches were largely restricted to flagging or meta-linguistic commentary. While such geographically restricted patterns have not been documented for Spanish-English code-switching in the United States, there is some evidence that disparate strategies have evolved in different communities. One such example is found in the use of hacer + English stem in the borrowing of English verbs into Spanish utterances, as in (12). This pattern, which is rare relative to other modes of incorporation, has been reported only in the speech of Latinos in the Southwest (Pfaff 1979) and it is not accepted by bilingual Latinos in the eastern United States (Jenkins 2003).16 More common is the incorporation of English verbal forms via morphological affixation of Spanish first-conjugation -or, as in the examples in (13). Code-switching among US Latinos 539 (12) a. Su hija hace teach alia en San Jose, b. Tengo otro hermano que hizo retire. (13) Mariana ya vamos a empezar a chiroquear (<'to (apply) sheet rock') (Attested in Austin, Texas, construction site, day-laborer) Identifying regional or community norms for Spanish-English code-switching among Latinos is a pressing task for future research. For instance, in US communities where Spanish and English have been in long-standing contact, and each enjoys some social prestige, as in some areas of Puerto Rico and the Southwest, the languages may have converged, thus sharing much of their grammatical structure, and code-switching may take the form of congruent lexicalization (Muysken 2000, 2002), where the shared structure can be filled with items from either language. This type of language mixing is characterized by back and forth switching, including non-constituents and single words, as in the attested example in (14). (14) Y mi sister no queria hacer open la gate. (Attested in Austin, Texas, metropolitan bus, native Tejano) 4 Spanish-English code-switching: why do speakers do it? As a resource in the bilingual's repertoire, code-switching may be recruited in response to internal factors such as a speaker's specific communicative intent, or external factors such as the social context. There is no paucity in the literature of studies that address each. Gumperz, in his seminal 1982 work on discursive strategies, provides a list of functions served by code-switching, among these, quotation, addressee specification, interjections, reiteration, and message. The premise underlying this and much subsequent work was that code-switching is always a conscious choice on the part of the speaker, and much research has been dedicated to analyzing language choice and imputing specific communicative aims to specific code alternations (see Valdes 1981 and Zentella 1997 among many others). Illustrated in (15) are samples of code-switching employed in the service of diverse pragmatic functions during a classroom activity reported in Reyes (2004).17 (15) a. Topic shift We finished all the books... [Mlira mis calzones se me andan cayendo ... b. Quotation Y luego le hace si {[robot voice] I'm hungry) c. Persuasion Andale pues esa cosa we don't need this thing no more. d. Emphasis Loud leelo loud! (Pfaff 1979: 301) (Jenkins 2003:196) e. Question shift Let me see como le hiciste? (Reyes 2004: 84-85) 540 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish Code-switching among US Latinos 541 Many of the same pragmatic factors that have been signaled for conversational forms have been invoked in accounting for code-switching in literary texts (Valdes-Fallis 1976; Lipski 1982; Perez-Torres 1995; Timm 2000; Torres 2005).18 Thus, just as it does in spontaneous speech, the use of Spanish and English in writing presents the bilingual author with stylistic alternatives that combine the strength of both languages. Furthermore, in code-switching many find a linguistic mode that authentically encompasses their individual and collective experiences in the United States. As expressed by Flores (1993: 2002), bilingual poetry "corresponds to an ethos under formation; it is practice rather than representation of Latino identity." In the bilingual poetry of Gustavo Perez Firmat (16a), the mixing of Spanish and English heightens the internal conflict faced by the Cuban American; for Gloria Anzaldua (16b), it presents a linguistic means of depicting the encounter of cultures and worldviews. (16) a. Soy un ajiaco de contradicciones, un potaje de paradojas: a little square from Rubik's Cuba que nadie nunca acoplara. Cha-cha-cha (from "Bilingual Blues," Perez Firmat 1995: 28) b. To live in the borderlands means you are neither hispana, india, negra, espanola ni gabacha, eres mestiza, mulata, half breed (from "To live in the borderlands Anzaldua 1987:194) The link between language and identity is well studied. In immigrant contexts, in particular, minority languages and non-standard forms such as code-switching may be assigned significant importance as features of group membership. Through the juxtaposition of Spanish and English, Latinos engage in the "performance of identity," as conceptualized by Le Page and Tabouret-Keller (1985), a positive assertion and enactment of their Latinidad (Toribio 2002). This association of language with identity is evident in the self-reproach of a teenager interviewed by Zentella: (17) Sometimes I'm talking a long time in English and then I remember I'm Puerto Rican, lemme say something in Spanglish. (16-year-old male, quoted in Zentella 1997: 114) Thus, Latinos' linguistic repertoires may be characterized as comprising two languages (and their attendant dialects, styles, and registers - see Valdes 2001) as well as the additional possibility of code-switching between them. And their choices in language use allow them to manage and signal distinct identities (see Myers-Scotton 1988,1993a). As affirmed by Morales, "There is no better metaphor for what a mixed-race culture means than a hybrid language ... Spanglish is what we speak, but it is also who we Latinos are, and how we act, and how we perceive the world (2002: 3)."19 Of course, code-switching is only one of many interactional resources for identity construction and performance that are available to Latinos. In fact, code-switching is not an essential trait of Latino speech, its deployment considerably constrained by societal, community, and individual ideologies regarding the languages and language varieties at issue. Standard language ideologies privilege the language forms of predominant social groups and institutions, stigmatizing those language varieties that deviate from this "natural" standard (see e.g. Lippi-Green 1997; Urciuoli 1991) as articulated here. (18) a. Those poor kids come to school speaking a hodgepodge. They are all mixed up and don't know any language well. As a result, they can't even think clearly. (Teacher quoted in Walsh 1991: 106) b. Pocho for me means ... doesn't know English and doesn't know Spanish, doesn't know both languages and doesn't know both of the cultures, kind of like a state of limbo, is [sic] lost. (University student, cited in Zentella's 2009 presentation on transfronterizos) c. Don't mix, it's awful - well, it don't sound to me awful, but it would sound awful to a teacher. (Rosa Rivera, an informant quoted in Urciuoli 1991: 300) At the root of these impressions, suggests Zentella (2002), is the perspective of bilingualism as "code" rather than as "practice" and the idealized view of the bilingual as one who does not switch from one language to the other in unchanged speech event (Weinrich et al. 1968: 73). Heller (1995: 5) too highlights that in contemporary society, what is valued is a bilingualism that is "a set of parallel mono-lmgualisms, not a hybrid system." Thus some Latinos are precluded from code-switching by internalizing the stigma attached to their way of speaking.20 5 Spanish-English code-switching: when do speakers do it? Code-switching is most common in communities where two languages are represented and where there is intense and longstanding contact between them. This is the case in many of the areas where Latinos have traditionally settled - New York City, Chicago, Miami, Houston, San Antonio, and Los Angeles, to name but a few. In such settings, the speech context will induce different language "modes" (Grosjean 1998), requiring the speaker to draw on one language or the other, and many speakers will extend this language-switching ability to alternating between languages in unchanged speech situations (contra Weinreich et al. 1968), especially with in-group members (Poplack 1983). Indeed, in some contexts, code-switching maybe the norm, and remaining within a single language would be a violation of socially recognized rules of interaction, indicative of a speaker's lack of communicative awareness (see e.g. Gumperz 1976; Grosjean 1982). Thus, qualifying the above discussion, it should be said that not all linguistic alternations signal a particular communicative purpose, nor are all changes in function marked by a change in language (Zentella 1997). For some US Latinos, code-switching may represent an unmarked code, a conventionalized norm of social behavior (see Meyers-Scotton 1988,1993a). 542 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish Code-switching among US Latinos 543 That Spanish-English code-switching represents a norm of language interaction among US Latinos is made evident in its increasing expansion into popular culture. The examples in (19) represent code-switching in music, across decades and genres (see Olhson (2008): (19) a. Qu'hubo, aquí estoy MC Kid Frost Yo soy eljefe, mátán, yes, the big boss My cohete's loaded, it's full of balas I put it in your face and you won't say nada ... Some of you don't know what's happening, qué pasa It's not for you anyway, this is for la raza (Mexican American hip hop artist Kid frost, "La Raza" © 1992) b. Check this out, baby, tenemos termendo Ho Last night you didn't go a la casa de tu tio Resulta ser, hey, you were at a party Higher than the sky, emborrachada de Bacardi ... Right now you're just a liar, a straight mentirosa Today you tell me one thing, y matlaná es otra cosa (Afro-Cuban-American rapper, Mellowman Ace, "Mentirosa" © 1989) c. If tomorrow you feel lonely it's okay Te prometo, princesita, volveré Please stop crying, se me va el avion When you miss me pon nuestra canción (Dominican York bachata artists Aventura, "Our song" © 2005) Not surprisingly, code-switching has been co-opted by US media outlets, as they attempt to reach the Latino audience in "their own language" (see Kelly-Holmes 2005; Hagen 2009). Radio broadcasts and print copy are replete with Spanish-English bilingual forms, as in (20), and periodicals such as Latina magazine entice bilingual Latino readers with titles such as those in (21).21 (20) a. Yo y mi Winston - porque Winstons taste good like a cigarette should. (Advertisement sung in a movie house in Puerto Rico, cited in Nash 1970:224) b. Marco Discount House: Cabecera con frame, 2 mesas de noche, 1 triple dresser con 2 espejos. Fibra lavable, 2 corner bed y ottoman en azul. Elegante sofá-cama. (Newspaper advertisement from Puerto Rico, cited in Nash 1970: 226) c. Design Men's Salon, toupees a la medida, hair weaving y pelucas stretch para caballeros (Advertisement in the yellow pages of the telephone book in Puerto Rico, cited in Nash 1970: 226) (21) a. Ropa intima for everybody b. Forget the flaca cover girls! What Latinos love most about Latinas son las curvas. c. Send him una carta de amor d. Seduce him en la cocina (Samples from Latina, examined in Mahootian 2005) To be sure, advertisers are taking full advantage of the growing economic opportunities associated with Spanish speakers in the United States and have explored ways of utilizing and exploiting Spanish and Spanish-English code-switching for its commercial potential. Their success can be measured not only in advertising revenue, but in the consumer marketing research directed at Latinos and focused on code-switching specifically. Luna and Peracchio (2005) and Luna et al. (2005) have investigated the influences of code-switching directionality and form on the recall and persuasiveness of print advertisements, and Bishop (2006) has explored the impact of code-switching on consumers' perception of advertisers' cultural sensitivity and on their expectations concerning empathy and responsiveness. The "commodification" of Latinos' bilingual code-switching is made manifest in the wave of recent publications of bilingual prose texts such as Yo-Yo Boing! and Killer Crónícas, excerpted below (see Torres 2007).22 (22) a. all languages are dialects that are made to break new grounds. I feel like Dante and Petrarca, and Boccaccio and I even feel like Garcilaso forging a new language. Saludo al Nuevo siglo, el siglo del Nuevo lenguaje de America y le digo adios a la retórica separatista y a los atavismos. (Reproduced from Giannini Braschi, Yo-Yo Boing! 1998:142) b. Que me pasó esa primera vez, so long ago? Why did this particular movie (in all my many movie going years) grab hold of me, reach inside me con toda su overwrought emotionality, hyper-violencia, and Baroque, dark Dutch humor y machacarme el corazón? 18 aňos wide open, giving it away, me decia mamá. Amante de un hombre casado, Viet Nam vet (era un medico en la guerra, never shot anyone). Yugoslavian-American. De Little Rock. Escultor. Yo, ob-vio, era su modelo. Begin to make sense? (Reproduced from Susana Chavez Silverman, Killer Crónicas 2004: 99) That such language is viable in print media speaks not only to the increasing influence of Latinos in the marketplace but to the increasing acceptance of their language behaviors - a recognition that code-switching is the language of choice for many Latinos. Perhaps the most significant contribution of code-switched copy rests in documenting the linguistic reality of US Latinos. In fact, Mahootian (2005) goes further to suggest that the very presence of code-switching in advertising copy is not merely a reflection and reinforcing of the practice; it is evidence of its propagation, and as such, code-switching signals language change. Adopting the view of Labov (1972) and Weinreich et al. (1968), Mahootian reminds us that one can speak of language change once a group of speakers uses an orderly pattern different from preexisting patterns to communicate with each other. Following this logic, she concludes that code-switching in print media is an instantiation of language change because "a variety (mixed-code discourse with 544 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish Code-switching among US Latinos 545 a distinct structure and socio-pragmatic function) is used in variation with other varieties (Spanish-only and English-only) in the Latino community in the United States (373)." Will this trend be arrested or continue unabated? Veremos. NOTES For the present study of code alternation, "codes" are understood as distinct languages (e.g, Spanish and English), rather than dialects or styles of the same language (e.g. switching between African-American and Standard American English). Additional terms are employed in the scholarly literature to label the phenomenon, including "codemixing," "codeshifting," "language alternation," "language mixture," and "language switching." A useful means of conceiving of the difference between these types of borrowing is in terms of language processing: nonce borrowings are computed online when the bilingual's two languages are activated, whereas established borrowings are stored lexically in the inventory of the receiving language (see Muysken 2002). In this way, they are predicted to demonstrate disparate patterns of distribution, a matter that merits attention. In Muysken's (2000) typology of code-switching, these examples are demonstrative of alternational code-switching, in which the languages occur alternately, each contributing its own structure, with a switch at a major syntactic boundary. This contrasts with insertional code-switching, in which there is an identifiable matrix language (Myers-Scotton 1993b) that provides the overall structure into which elements (typically single words or constituents) from the other language are embedded. The Spanglish manifesto delivered by Stavans has generated highly animated and pointed criticism, as the extensive borrowing and calquing represented lacks authenticity (see Lipski 2007; Torres 2006, among numerous others). The "mini-register" that Hill labels "mock" or "junk" Spanish is reportedly used most productively among middle- and upper-income, college-educated whites, in a form of covert racism. Hill writes, "Mock Spanish works to create a particular kind of 'American' identity, a desirable colloquial persona that is informal and easy going, with an all-important sense of humor and a hint - not too much, but just the right non-threatening amount - of cosmopolitanism, acquaintance with another language and culture. At the same time that Mock Spanish helps to constitute this identity, it assigns Spanish and its speakers to a zone of foreignness and disorder, rightly fleshed out with denigrating stereotypes (2008:128-129)." Dan Olson (p.c.) notes that Grosjean and Miller's acoustic measurements point beyond a "complete switch" to exaggerated or hyper-articulated VOT measurements for the initial consonant in the target homophone tokens in French-English stimuli such as II fandra qu'il copie Carl constamment. Olson's own controlled experimental studies have shown that insertional language switching triggers hyper-articulation (e.g. in vowel duration, pitch, and VOT), enhancing the contrasts between the two languages. Thus, Grosjean and Miller's stimuli replicate insertional code-switching rather than alternational code-switching. Similar patterns are observed at the level of prosody. For example, in a pilot study carried out by Bullock and her students, heritage Spanish speakers appear to anticipate the 10 11 12 13 14 15 switch into English at the subject/predicate juncture in the Spanish-English sentence in (6d), producing an early peak alignment to mark the subject boundary, rather than the late peak alignment typical of Spanish (Bullock et al. 2007). See also Olson and Ortega-Llebaria (forthcoming). While not ungrammatical, the increased occurrence and/or divergent distribution of overt pronominal subjects may be deemed infelicitous relative to the monolingual norm, as bilingual speakers are apparently suspending the discursive-pragmatic conditions that regulate their appearance, for example factors such as Specificity and Switch Reference. It should not go unremarked, however, that subject expression is highly variable, even in monolingual varieties of Spanish; thus the contact variety merely exhibits an expansion in the contexts in and/or frequency with which the overt forms occur (and as such, they do not introduce novel structures). Thus, an alternative explanation is found in cognitive economy: speakers may eliminate or reduce syntactic options. Other relevant examples are found in English lexical insertions, which often appear in their bare form - without articles or adjectives - in contact Spanish, diminishing the cost that is incurred in computing gender agreement (Otheguy and Lapidus 2003). It remains to be studied whether such "cost savings" are increased in code-switching. This finding raises a causality dilemma: Overt subjects in Spanish promote surface similarity with English in Spanish-English code-switching; but code-switching is facilitated by the surface similarity of the contributing languages (see Poplack 1980, Gardner-Chloros 1995; Muysken 2000). The similarities between these "interference" patterns and code-switching should be self-evident: both occur when the bilingual's languages are immediately or simultaneously accessible. In fact, Muysken (2006) suggests that interference may be described as a sub-case of code-switching, that is interference is language mixing that does not involve lexical material. In addition, communities vary in the language varieties that are represented. For instance, Zentella identifies the following language varieties as comprising the linguistic repertoire of her informants in el bloque: standard and non-standard (Puerto Rican) Spanish, Puerto Rican English, African American Vernacular English, Standard (NYC) English, and Hispanized English. Members of other communities will present their specific, local language varieties. Similarly, Montes-Alcalä's journal corpus demonstrates inter-sentential code-switching at the beginning of the sample, when the author's degree of bilingualism was more limited, and increased intra-sentential code-switching in the later periods as the author reached a steady state of bilingualism, "building a bridge between both languages" (Montes-Alcalä 2001:198)." The early works of Aguirre (1977), Gingräs (1974), Gumperz and Hernändez-Chävez (1975), Jacobson (1977), Klavans (1985), Lance (1975), and Lipski (1985) established that Spanish-English code-switching is rule-governed and systematic. Spanish-English bilinguals are able to rely on unconscious principles in distinguishing between permissible and unacceptable code-switches (see Bhatia and Ritchie 1996). The acquisition of such knowledge has been illuminated by a growing body of research findings on code-switching in syntactic development in bilingual first language acquisition (see Cantone and Müller 2009). Thus, investigations of the syntax of code-switching have evolved significantly from early descriptive studies to a level of inquiry that is not only informed by syntactic theory but that can contribute to the advancement of linguistic theorizing. 546 Spanish in the USA, Heritage Language, L2 Spanish Code-switching among US Latinos 547 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 The structure has also been noted in the speech of Spanish-English bilinguals in Belize (Hagerty 1996; Fuller Medina 2005). Code-switching has been shown to be a useful resource in the classroom, as part of a whole language approach to learning (Goodman 1986; Huerta-Macias and Quintera 1992; Edelsky 2006; see also the contributions collected in Zentella 2005). For instance, Timm (1993) notes that for children who enter school accustomed to code-switching, its acceptance on the part of the teacher will be conducive to a more familiar and relaxed atmosphere which could enhance learning. Of course code-switching in poetry and prose might not be structurally isomorphic with conversational code-switching - it reflects inherent correction, editing, and rewriting. Keller (1979) warns against attempts to measure the aesthetic value of a literary work based on how accurately it reflects the linguistic norms prevalent among a particular community. However, Lipski (1982) retorts that we must not seal off the literary artifact entirely from sociolinguistic criteria. Morales continues, "[Spanglish] is also a way to avoid the sectarian nature of other labels that describe our condition, terms like Nuyorican, Chicano, Cuban American, Dominicanyork. It is an immediate declaration that translation is definition, that movement is status quo." However, Otheguy (2007) presents strong argumentation for rejecting the term Spanglish. Nevertheless, changes in the linguistic and social landscape of the US have translated into different attitudes. 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Y yo creo que cuando pasa algo asi pos él tiene que buscar a alguien que le traduzca porque yo soy la mamá. Me tenia que haber dicho a mi lo que pasaba y yo me senti como que ni me tomó en cuenta y ni me explicó nada y pos yo no entendi lo que pasaba. So at that point I had a hard time because the doctor was Gringo and didn't know any Spanish, so when he talked he would look at my boy, who is twelve years old. And I believe that when something like this happens he needs to look for someone to translate because I am the boy's mother. He was supposed to tell me what was happening and I felt as though he paid no attention to me and didn't explain anything, so I had no idea what was going on. (Martinez 2008: 360, translation by Mendoza-Denton) Phenomena of language contact between Spanish and English and Spanish and indigenous languages in the Americas have created a multiplicity of contexts in which social meanings are interactionally negotiated, meanings that carry the weight of historical precedent as well as the synchronic spark of current social issues. This chapter aims to review the rich literature on the negotiation of social meaning, distribution of socially available perspectives, and the crafting of identities through and in the use of language across these zones of contact. We will survey language contact phenomena according to spheres of use, starting with bureaucratic encounters, moving on to mediascapes and elites, considering transnational mobility and bilingual (including indigenous) communities, touching on The Handbook of Hispanic Sociolinguistics, edited by Manuel Diaz-Campos © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.