norman havens 15 Norman Havens Shinto 'y one account, the field of Shinto studies has changed little since 1988 when Joseph M. Kitagawa (1988, p. 227) introduced a special issue of History of Religions dedicated to Shinto with the warning that the subject presents "some very difficult and disconcerting questions" for the historian of religions. The trouble starts with our first attempts at defining an object of study. As recently described by Inoue Nobutaka (1988, pp. 245), "Shinto is ordinarily understood as Japan's traditional religion or indigenous form of religion, but there exists no firm agreement as to what should be included within the rubric of Shinto." He then states that definitions of Shinto run the gamut from those that include "the entirety of the Japanese people's way of life," to others claiming that "Japanese religious behavior (shinko firffll) is virtually all a collection or adaptation of elements taken from foreign religions, making it impossible to extract any coherent unity deserving the name 'Shinto?" Most researchers, Inoue states* lie between these two extremes, feeling that "it is possible to distinguish a form of religion called Shinto possessing a certain degree of particularity (koyiisei H#tt)." The three approaches suggested by Inoue might be called the "air," "onion," and "pearl" strategies of definition, reflecting the views that Shinto is variously the "air we breathe," an onion that, once peeled, leaves nothing behind, or, is rather like a pearl—lots of accretions around a small but distinct core. Even this tripartite categorization, however, remains too simplistic, since elements of the definitions are not always mutually exclusive. At any rate, the paradox in approaching this subject is that, in the context of the other essays in this Guide, and depending on ones perspective, Shinto might easily be taken as the sum total of all the other essays here, or, perhaps, no more than part of the chapter on Buddhism. what is shinto? Traditional emic descriptions of Shinto are those given by modern Shintoists themselves, and by extension, Western observers who rely on predominantly Shintoist sources, 'lhey frequently start with a variation on "Shinto is the indigenous religion of Japan." One recent introductory work in English thus states that Shinto is one of "two major faiths" espoused in Japan (the other being Buddhism): "Shinto is indigenous to Japan, and...the religion still permeates almost every aspect of Japanese life" (Littleton 2002, p. 6). The traditional accounts frequently go on to describe Shinto as a natural polytheism that evolved within the specific ecology and communal lifestyle common to the Japanese islands (Sonoda 2000). Rather than individual belief, religious life is focused on seasonal festivals or matsuri involving ageless agricultural rites dedicated to tutelary deities (kami) enshrined in jinja of each locality. Parishioners and other worshipers visit the shrines at times of major festivals, during initiatory and life-crisis rites, and at other times of extraordinary need. Other conventional details might include the fact that while Shinto was subordinate to Buddhism through most of its history and underwent syncretism with Buddhism from die late ancient period on, it developed an increasing sense of self-identity and awareness from the medieval period, culminating in the early modern nativist program of Motoori Norinaga and Hirata Atsutane, both of whom attempted to purify kami ritual of all specious (primarily Confucian) and vulgarly religious (primarily Buddhist) taint. By throwing off such accretions, the architects of the Meiji Restoration succeeded in restoring Shinto to its "pure" form—yet without the religious content that ironically had made the earlier cult popular (Grapard 1984). Following the Restoration (1868), brief attempts were made to raise Shinto to the equivalent of a national church, but it was then divorced once again from "religion" and defined as a system of patriotic national ethics and civic morality, a non-religious vehicle for the mystical national polity called kokutai H'fc. Other features may be enumerated, but doctrine is rarely addressed. In fact, Shinto is known for its doctrinal latitude and the minimal level of creedal demands placed on its adherents. These last characteristics are in fact some of what makes Shinto so difficult to grasp as a religion. Ueda Kenji, for example, notes that "as a national religion or 'natural religion,' Shinto originally had no need for establishing doctrines," yet that very characteristic has meant, contrarily, that "the development of scholastic theology within Shinto 14 Shinto norman havens has always been in response to stimulation from outside" (Ueda 1987). Perhaps even more important, the post-Meiji promulgation of Restoration Shinto as a non-religious system of national rite and vehicle for Japan's kokutai led to strict prohibitions on the production of speculative teachings. Following World War II, when Shrine Shinto was disestablished and forced into the status of an independent religion on the same footing with other religions, suggestions were made toward the end of establishing a uniform body of Shinto doctrine, yet with disappointing results, the conclusion of the 1947 document, "Principles for the Treatment of Doctrinal Inquiry," was to recommend that "no specific doctrinal stance be established" and as late as 1965, a survey of "some three-hundred selected priests, scholars and laypersons" could not even provide a basis for deciding whether Shinto was polytheistic or monotheistic (Ueda 1987, pp. 77-81; see also Ueda 1991, pp. i6ff). Descriptions'of this type can be said to use elements of both the "pearl" and "air" strategies. Namely, they claim that Shinto has existed throughout Japanese history, though over time it has become overlain with accretions from other religions and philosophies. The work of the restorationists was to dig down through, and peel off, the accretions in order to reveal the pure essence underneath. Unfortunately, in the process, the core thus revealed frequently appears so bereft of substantiality that it can barely support the weight of a discrete institutional identity, and tends to be defined instead as the mystical spiritual foundation of all Japanese culture, the "national essence" or kokutai. For example, while Ueda states that "it is difficult to capture Shinto in a definition..." he then continues by suggesting that Shinto, "in the most comprehensive sense of the term, represents the value orientation of the Japanese people in the various forms it has taken and the developments it has undergone throughout Japanese history—including contacts with foreign cultures." When Ueda says "in the various forms it has taken and the developments it has undergone" he leaves little out, thus implying that whatever is Japanese, is Shinto. Similarly, Asoya Masahiko (1999» P- 55) states, "It is very difficult" to define Shinto, since it is equivalent to the "Japanese way of living" and thus for the Japanese traditionally "needs no explanation in words." Here again, Shinto, once distilled of accretions, is seen through "meta-religious" lenses as the wordless "air we breathe," and thus in one sense, beyond critique. As a result, although recent scholars in the West may assume that the notion of Shinto as an identifiable, perduring institution of indigenous Japanese culture has been thoroughly discredited, the belief continues to strongly color the work of many scholars working within the tradition. Finally, one aspect of the emic account not always emphasized in Western treatments of Shinto as a religion, yet deeply rooted in the status of modern Shinto as a non-religious system of civic ritual is the role of the modern emperor (Breen and Teeuwen 2000, p. 2). The emperors place within Shinto, and more broadly the role of Shinto in legitimating a particularistic socio-political system of authority, has been a constant issue for modern Shinto theorists. While outlining historical views of the definition of Shinto, Asoya Masahiko first quotes Kono Seizo as an examplar of prewar "Kokutai Shinto": Shinto is the "Way of the Kami." The Way of the Kami is the basic principle of life since the times of the ancestors of the Japanese race. The Japanese race considered the act of glorifying, enhancing, and worshipping the heavenly virtues of Amaterasu Okami the principle of life, and the principle of the Japanese nation. (Asoya 1999, p. 59) Asoya then continues, "In other words, Shinto is the principle of life for the Japanese people. Put in more concrete terms, it is for the subject to serve the emperor, who is the descendant of the heavenly kami" (1999, p. 59). While Asoya brackets these comments in the context of historical (prewar) definitions of Shinto, there is little doubt that many proponents of Shrine Shinto today would agree with their sentiment. The Association of Shinto Shrines (Jinja Honcho), umbrella organization for the 80,000 shrines throughout Japan, has set forth a minimal creed in the form of Principles of a Life of Reverence for the Kami (Keishin seikatsu no koryo IfcftirSWSiiK); the third of these states, "Gratefully accepting the emperor's mind and will, I shall live in amity and goodwill with my fellows, praying for the prosperity of the nation and the mutual coexistence and welfare of the entire world." When Anzu Motohiko claims that "the Japanese who ... take a rather serious view of this life know through experience [and] through historical fact... the existence of the Emperor as the absolute condition of the life of the Japanese race," it seems only natural to respond with Kitagawa that "neither Anzu nor anyone else has the right to superimpose his Shinto belief on non-Shinto Japanese..." (Kitagawa 1988, p. 230). But given the breadth of the definitions involved, can there be such a thing as a "non-Shinto Japanese"? If Shinto is indeed equivalent to the "Japanese way of living" ("the air we breathe"), then by extension all true Japanese are bound to submit to the emperor's will. In sum, the debate over common claims that Shinto is Japanis "indigenous religion" is not primarily a matter of academic quibbles about the correct parsing of the words indigenous or religion, what part of Shinto is truly home grown and what part imported, or whether Shinto is a religion in the sense of the Buddhism with which it is usually contrasted. These are all legitimate and relevant concerns, but they are secondary to the issue of the political use which such claims serve, specifically as a legitimation of demands for subservience on the part of all Japanese to established institutions of authority. Claims for Shinto s ahistori-cal meta-religious inclusivity thus have implications that may go beyond those of ordinary religions toward fellow members of a religious communion; claiming that "the entire Japanese way of life is Shinto" can be called "conversion by definition," something that sits uneasily with non-Shintoist scholars, and that has made them in turn extremely critical toward issues of bias in the area of historical claims. After noting the early modern nativist origins of restoration Shinto and its offspring, Shrine Shinto, Wilhelmus Creemers stated in 1968 that "in view of the bias underlying many such interpretations and treatises, it is very difficult to decide whether or not they can be accepted as reliable sources of information." He concluded that "to find out what Shinto is, therefore, it seems wise to disregard the writings of most prewar and many postwar Shinto theorists" (Creemers 1968, p. xvi). A harsh judgment, but one that helps explain why much writing has been directed either toward "softening" (universalizing) Shinto through the use of motifs akin to "perennial philosophy" or Bergsonian theories of subconscious creativity (Mason 1935, Picken 1980, Yamamoto 1987), or subjecting Shinto's claims for indigeneity, inclusivity, and historical continuity to rigorous skepticism (Kuroda 1975,1981). i8 O : w M* Q l-i Shinto history begins at kuroda It is here that the "onion" strategy conies in. This definitional approach claims that once relieved of its historical "accretions," little remains of an immutable entity worthy of the name "Shinto," at least not until the creation of Shrine Shinto in the modern period. Needless to say, the person most closely associated with this kind of description is Kuroda Toshio. If Samuel Noah Kramer's cliche is true that "history begins at Sumer," it might be equally said that, particularly for those in the West, "the history of modern Shinto studies begins at Kuroda," a reflection of the immense impact his work has had on the field. With regard to Shinto, Kuroda and his interpreters have argued that the term "Shinto" # it (or jindo as it was likely pronounced until the medieval period; see Teeuwen 2002) was not used in ancient times to describe an independent "religion," but primarily the "way (or condition) of being a kami," and its historical usage consistently takes for granted the Buddhist conceptual vocabulary then current (Kuroda 1981, Teeuwen 2002). While we assume that prehistoric rituals were oriented toward non-everyday potencies, their first historical organization asjingi saishi tttftSSSE took place under the influence of Chinese models and Buddhist theory and practice. In the words of Teeuwen and Scheid {2002, p. 205), the jingi system was not "Shinto," but rather "the canvas onto which Shinto was to be drawn" centuries later. As a result, the history of Japanese religion should not be considered the story of the relationship between "two major faiths," but rather a tableau, or an ever-shifting kaleidoscopic pattern of forces, constantly within the conceptual limits of the comprehensive theoretical discourse and practical institutional structure that Kuroda called variously kenmitsu shiso SBifj&S ("exo-esoteric discourse"), and kenmitsu taisei WMifcPl ("exo-esoteric regime"). The term kenmitsu here refers to the combination of exoteric and esoteric Buddhist thought and practice as it developed within the Tendai and Shingon schools from around the mid-Heian period on, and which formed the basic condition of knowledge throughout Japans history up to at least the late medieval to early modern periods, until Shrine Shinto was reinvented as a modern national religion in the late nineteenth century. One result of Kurodas theory is that it has freed scholars from the need to wrestle with the ambiguous nature of essentialist definitions of the Shinto "tradition," viewing it instead through most of Japanese history as "rituals directed toward kami,-' namely, one vector within a phenomenal "field" ruled by the kenmitsu discourse, similar to the way in which anthropologists such as Victor Turner and Stanley Tambiah have utilized the "field" concept in their studies of religion (Turner 1974; Tambiah 1970; see also Teeuwen and Rambelli 2003, p. 2). Since this new understanding flies in the face of received wisdom regarding Shinto's Independence and existence as an independent tradition, it remains controversial—particularly within the Shinto religious establishment itself—but is gaining acceptance among the younger generation of scholars. For example, in a recent work by Ito Satoshi, End6 Jun, and Mori Mizue, the authors State that "we do not think of'Shinto' as an independent religious tradition. On the contrary, we believe that kami worship was established within a 'field' (6d *§) representing the seamless integration of a variety of cults and discourses norman havens which today are viewed as discrete traditions, including Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and the way of Yin-Yang" (Ito et al. 2002, p. 2). As a result, most Western research on Shinto in recent years has at minimum displayed an awareness of the Kuroda thesis, and increasingly concentrated research has been directed toward the thesis itself (Teeuwen and Rambelli 2003; also the special issues of Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 23/3-4 in 1996 and 29/3-4 in 2002). In sum, this—the "onion" definition of Shinto—tends to be the ruling definitional paradigm in use today. ■'9 the historical trajectory of shinto Based on recent trends in research and the study of religion, how can we "reenvision" the history of "Shinto"? Religion in Japans prehistoric epoch was, based on archaeological evidence, probably not dissimilar from that found in hunter-gatherer cultures elsewhere in eastern Asia, namely, the observance of ritualized behavior to placate a variety of natural powers, in Japan called variously kami, mono, chi, mi, and tama (Ito 1998, Yoshida 2003). Taken alone, the word kami is not believed to have been used to refer to anthropomorphic beings until the production of a discourse of ritual-political power that began in the late seventh century. Kami attributed with the kind of human personality found in the eighth-century Kojiki rS^fc1 and Nihon shoki B were the products of relatively late, sophisticated speculation, and on the whole not characteristic of the earliest usage (Havens 1998, pp. 236-7). Kami were believed to "inhabit" specific, particular phenomena of nature—including trees, mountains, and rivers—and this belief in the sacrality of concrete natural phenomena is one of the keys to understanding the way in which Japanese space was later sacralized within Buddhist discourse. At the same time, while associated with such natural phenomena, kami made their appearance only erratically, or in response to specific acts of worship, and were not enshrined in permanent man-made structures until after the coming of Buddhism (Matsumae 1993). Traditional interpretations of ancient Japan tend to portray kami in almost exclusively pacific and beneficent terms (Reischauer 1980); more recent research, however, has thrown doubts on that sanguine portrayal, and suggest a darker apprehension of kami in the pre-historic and ancient periods. Rather than munificent bestowers of the blessings of nature, the most striking aspect of ancient kami was, in Sato Hiroo's words, their "unpredictable nature" (2000, p. 20). Other scholars are even more emphatic. Itô Satoshi states that the ancient association of kami activity with epidemic disease, floods, and drought was so close as to conclude that "the activity of performing worship to kami was for no other reason than placating the kami s ire; it is not excessive to say the essence of kami worship (jingi saishf) in Japan can be sought in the avoidance of the kami's violent apparitions (tatari). It was only later that kami came to be viewed as beings that had compassion on humans—a concept unknown to those of the ancient period" (Itô et al. 2002, p.4; see also Nakamura 1994, p. 109). This characteristic is important since it helps in understanding the interpretation of the place of kami within subsequent Buddhist discourse. The patterns of ritual conduct oriented toward such non-everyday powers no doubt Shinto became more systematized in the first centuries of the common era, together with the advent of widespread hydraulic rice agriculture and the gradual merger of tribes into a confederation centering on the Yamato clan and its "great kings" (daid 'XSz or okimi JKM). Debate remains regarding the nature and incidence of so-called "dual-gender pair" rule (sometimes called the himehiko system), wherein a woman and man ruled together with joint control over the sacred (non-everyday) and secular (everyday) realms, although the evidence suggests that women were frequently viewed as being particularly susceptible to sacred induction (Piggott 1997). As with other preliterate peoples, no conception was made of a "religious" realm strictly divorced from the "secular" or political. Referring to the ritual practices of that period as a "religion" is meaningful only in the same sense that one speaks of "Nuer religion" or "the religion of the Maoris," which is to say that to the degree that government dealt with the control over and wielding of power, it inevitably involved "religion." In reflection of this holistic worldview, an early term for government, matsurigoto jESt meant literally the "business of ritual worship." In the words of Allan Grapard, "ritual was the locus of a discourse of power through which legitimacy was enforced and communicated" (1988, p. 256; see also idem 1999, p; 521). Observance of ceremonial worship by the okimi was, in short, a crucial act legitimizing his status as great king. The ritual practices involved were developed locally as well as imported from China in the form of Taoist and Yin-Yang cults, and later Buddhism (Barrett 2000; see also Teeuwen 2002). As a natural corollary of this holistic worldview, the introduction of Buddhism in the sixth century should not be thought of as representing a clash of religions (Tamura 2000, p. 26), but rather a conflict over which ritual objects and techniques were the more powerful, and thus more efficacious. Attempts to understand the newly arriving buddhas within the local idiom as "visiting kami" or "foreign kami"—and thus not essentially different in nature from the non-everyday powers found locally—were quickly overwhelmed, however, as the Japanese were confronted with the sophisticated cosmology associated with Buddhism's advanced thought. Buddhism brought with it an immense and developed so-teriological and philosophical literature, and even to the uneducated eye, it added distinct human personality to its concept of supranormal power in the concrete shape of anthropomorphic sculpture and other arts. Permanent architectural structures (tern #, jiin # 8£) housed these images, hinting that Buddhist powers were accessible to entreaty at all tiraes, and such structures formed the model for the subsequent construction of permanent "shrines" (jinja #tt) to house local kami. But as noted above, Buddhism was viewed initially within the same construct of concepts that had governed pre-Buddhist Japan, so while its introduction signaled the replacement, for example, of burial tumuli by Buddhist architecture, the new structures were initially treated as serving a purpose similar to the previous burial mounds, namely, memorials to the powerful dead. Beneath the pagoda of one of the earliest temples, Asukadera, for example, have been found interred not only Buddhist relics, but mirrors, swords, and other articles normally interred with a deceased ruler (Brown 1993, p. 511). Politically, the introduction of Buddhism provoked internecine conflict between those clans desiring closer ties to the cosmopolitan culture of the continent and those wishing to norman havens preserve local traditions and estates of power. With the ascendancy of the group favoring the liturgical system of Buddhist objects of worship, the government began systematizing bureaucratic and ritual practice along Chinese and Buddhist lines, leading to the ritual and legal institutions known as the ritsuryo, enacted from the late seventh century onward (Piggott 1997, p. 2o8ff). Within that system, the Jingikan or Department of Kami, while holding a position nominally superior to the Department of State, did not represent an indigenous "religion," but an application of the Chinese model of the "Ministry of Rites" and Tang ritual protocols that implemented styles for the worship of powers considered crucial to the imperial Yamato clan and its various confederated kinship groups (Naumann 2000; Grapard 1988,1999,2000,2002; Yoshida 2003). The newly named tenno, or "heavenly sovereign" of the post-seventh-century period acted, in Joan Piggotts words, as a "ritual coordinator" responsible for fine-tuning the requirements of the two ritual systems, namely, the kami shrines and Buddhist temples (Piggott 1997, p. 208). The establishment of the Grand Shrines of Ise and adoption of a Sun Deity as an imperial ancestral kami are believed to have occurred roughly in this same period, between the late fifth and seventh centuries, although much of the history of the shrines* establishment and the purpose of their location in Ise remain controversial (see Tamura 1996; Okada 1985), In short, the official introduction of Buddhism in the mid-sixth century corresponds to the period in which the Yamato "great king" (okimi) adopted the new, possibly Taoist, title of Tenno (see Barrett 2000), permanent shrine structures began to appear modeled after Buddhist counterparts, and a systematic body of kami ritual came to be established after Chinese and Buddhist models. Within this fluctuating intellectual and institutional crucible, the very concepts of "kami" and "buddha" were fluid and, contrary to conventional assumptions, not necessarily discriminated in the way we think of today. As pointed out by Sato Hiroo (2000), although the content of concepts like kami and buddha have undergone immense changes through the years, traditional research has basically ignored those changes and continued to assume that a simple dichotomy can continue to be made between the two. This situation is reflected in the expression used to refer to the process, shinbutsu shilgo ttfAii-a; since it proposes the distinction between two simple entities, shin # (kami) and butsu iL (buddhas), which are then "syncretized," thus already assuming part of what the research might want to prove. As a result, Sato states that researchers have "merely attempted to measure the degree of amalgamation {shugo ®"n) or estrangement between kami and buddhas," rather than questioning the validity of the basic dichotomy itself. Fundamentally, the early Japanese were reacting to, and attempting to make sense of, a wide variety of powers perceived within a holistic world. The conceptual vocabulary they used in that attempt was provided by Chinese thought and Buddhism. As a result, the attempt to understand the relationship between the various kinds of powers, and the "truths" they represented, occupied the Japanese mind and served as a seminal theme through succeeding centuries. Early hints of the attempt to comprehend the relationship between naturalistic local kami and the potencies introduced by Buddhism are expressed in Japan's early myths and legendary tales. In the mythology of the Nihongi, for example, a camphor-wood boat is the vehicle used when an early creative failure, the kami Hiruko no mikoto, is cast away in the Shinto norman havens sea. The motif of the camphor-wood "boat" returns later in the account of the transmission of Buddhism as recorded in both Nihongi and Nihon rydiki B $3JSf5 (ca. early 9* c); here, a miraculously glowing camphor log is found arriving on the sea and is subsequently used for carving into Buddhist images (Aston 1972, p. 268; Kanda 1985, p. 10; Nakamura 1973, pp. 111-12; also Grapard 1992b, 151-54)- The Rydiki likewise records the story of a tree felled for use in making Buddhist images, and which reveals a sign of supra-normal sentience (Nakamura 1973, p. 196). Other records relate the power of Buddhism in pacifying the wrath of kami when shrine trees were exploited for Buddhist purposes. In all these stories, one can sense the attempt to relate trees, a prototypical vehicle or hierophany of local kami, to the new personalized powers of Buddhism (see Teeuwen and Rambelli 2003, pp. 7-12)- Throughout the Rydiki's tales are revealed the diverse ways in which Japanese of the early centuries of Buddhist contact attempted to formulate a paradigm that could account for the variety of supranormal powers and forces that filled their world, whether kami, Buddhist, Taoist, or other. While nominally a "Buddhist" work, the Ryoiki wove its stories from numerous religious traditions in the attempt to understand in a comprehensive way the supranormal. For example, Nakamura Kyoko suggests that the Rydiki's author Kyokai understood Buddhist truth or Dharma through the Chinese concept of an ultimate principle or tao it, one that incorporated not only Buddhism but the other "ways" of Yin-Yang and local kami as well (Nakamura 1973, p. 49). The concept of a universal tao points to a feature of Buddhism and Taoism that was likely new to Japan, namely, a clear sense of what might be called a "gnostic" view of two realities or "two truths," what Nakamura Ikuo (1994, p. 102) calls the "Buddhist paradigm of the provisional (gon IS) and the real (jitsu H)" (see also Matsunaga 1969, pp. n6ff). That the Japanese were intrigued with the concept, basically that "what you see may not be real," and that a deeper layer of ultimate truth lies behind the apparent surface, is found in many of the Ryoikfs tales. The karmic transformations encountered in the work thus involve kami, human beings, natural objects, Buddho-Taoist sages, and bodhisattvas: what appears to be a natural log turns out to be a sentient buddha image in disguise. An apparent beggar might in fact be a noble or sage. A supranormal human child is revealed to be a reborn diunder-kami, and later goes on to become a Buddhist Dharma master (Lin 2003). While some aspects of the concept of two realities may not be entirely absent in any "animism" (the idea that some kind of invisible life force exists within or behind all phenomena), it is certain that early Japan was influenced by specifically Taoist-related teachings regarding immortals and "wizards" (shinseri # fili), while the Lotus Sutra, in particular, introduced the concept of provisional versus absolute truth. And only those who had developed suprahu-man abilities could easily discern the difference: We learn that a sage recognizes a sage, whereas an ordinary man cannot recognize a sage. The ordinary man sees nothing but the outer form of a beggar, while the sage has a penetrating eye able to recognize the hidden essence. (Nakamura 1973, p. 110; see also Kuroda 1996a, p. 245). As suggested above, the overall process whereby the Japanese attempted to construct a 1 comprehensive understanding of the variety of phenomenal powers around them has tra- I ditionally been referred to as the evolution of shinbutsu shugo, or the "amalgamation (or syncretism) of kami and buddhas." Based on the pioneering work of Tsuji Zennosuke ifc#;£8j, modern shinbutsu shugo theory has been conceptualized as a process passing I through several "stages" although recent research emphasizes that the process was not J a unilinear progress, but more akin to the activity of bricolage, in which ad hoc theories were assembled from teachings at hand, with the result that succeeding "stages" did not necessarily displace previous theories, and phenomena characteristic of earlier periods I continued to coexist in the relationship between kami and buddhas of later times. The I number of "steps" proposed in the evolution varies depending on the scholar, but is usu- I ally three or four (the best recent treatment of this topic is Teeuwen and Rambelli 2003; I see also Teeuwen 2000, p. 95; Nakamura 1994, p. 97ff; Murayama 1974). I In the earliest period of contact, Buddhist powers were assumed to be fundamentally I of the same nature as local kami, powerful but unpredictable beings who would produce i tatari or violent apparitions (plague and disasters) if not placated with worship (Naka- jj mura 1994» P' no). The conceptual fluidity within which kami and buddha were grasped seems evident, for example, in the aforementioned tales of kami trees being appropriated for the purpose of making Buddhist images or structures. At times, this contact provoked violent apparitions from the kami as Buddhism spread, and its powers encroached upon j the existing prerogatives or lands of the local potencies (Teeuwen and Rambelli 2003, I. p. 8). But while the traditional kami ritualists appear to have possessed little more than a theology of territoriality, Buddhism furnished a new cosmology, ontology, and theoretical rationale that opened new vistas for understanding the relationship. By the eighth I century, the Buddhist doctrine of karma was already being used to explain the status of j local kami. According to the new view, kami were sentient beings in need of salvation. In I response, Buddhist temples, called jinguji #!f# or "shrine-temples," began to be built on J or near the grounds of kami shrines, for the purpose of worshiping the kami according to Buddhist liturgical style, thus "aiding" the kami toward achievement of salvation. The famous Tado shrine oracle of 763 thus related that the kami wished to "shed the kami-1 body, and cling to the Three Treasures [Buddhism]" (Murayama 1974, p. 37), Such early I shrine-temples were forerunners of what have been termed the religious "multiplexes" that characterized Japanese religion through the succeeding centuries. In this process, it I is important to remember that the conceptual rapproachment was occasioned by access 1 to a Buddhist theory that explained the origin and nature of these powers. The old motif I whereby a kami indicated its will through the medium of a violent apparition {tatari) was j now reinterpreted by Buddhism as an indication of the kami's pain, and its desire for re- | lease from its suffering status (Ito et ah 2002, p. 51). At virtually the same time, a second style of rapprochement appeared, according to which kami were interpreted as being divine tutelaries of Buddhism. Based on its historical origins in India, Buddhism had adopted numerous deva from Hinduism as protectors J of the Dharma, and this practice was continued and expanded upon as the religion passed through China and entered Japan (Matsunaga 1969). The most famous early case is undoubtedly that of the Usa Hachiman, which issued an oracle in honor of the completion 24 Shinto norman havens 25 of the Great Buddha of Nara's Tödaiji in 749, relating that it wished to "pay homage to the Great Buddha" (Sonoda 1993, p. 412)- The case of Hachiman is additionally striking for the fact that it is believed to be one of the first cases in which a kami was depicted in sculpture (shinzö specifically in the fashion of a Buddhist monk. Teeuwen and Rambelli note that this practice Was "inspired directly by the statues of Buddhist divinities worshiped at temples" (2003, p.14); but the specific mode of the depiction was also likely influenced by the concept of miraculous transformations noted earlier, namely, that a kamt could make its appearance in the guise of a Buddhist thaumaturge or other figure. According to the traditional account, the final way in which local kami and Buddhist figures were accommodated appeared within the development of the doctrine generally known as honji suijaku ^ttüjüfc ("original ground and manifest traces"). This doctrine proposed the appearance of various phenomenal beings as avatars, incarnations or embodiments of the immaterial noumenon or Buddhist truth. In what might be compared to a limited application of Platonic emanationist theories, honji suijaku appeared in Japan from the Heian period within the Tendai and Shingon schools of Buddhism as part of the mystical apprehension of the Buddhist theory of "two truths." Central to this discourse was the Lotus Sütra, which had been interpreted in Chinese T'ien-t'ai 3q& as divided into two halves, appropriately called "ground" and "trace" (Matsunaga 1969; Stone 1999}. The "ground" represented the Buddha in its immaterial form of ultimate truth, while the "trace" aspect was represented by the ways in which ultimate truth made its phenomenal appearance, the Buddha's "means" (Skt. upäya, fpn. höben meant to lead suffering sentient beings to ultimate salvation. As this doctrine developed in the late Heian period, it became the hit motif'of what Kuroda calls the kenmitsu discourse. Throughout this development, it is important to recall that while the specifics of the honji suijaku doctrine were apprehended as new, the development itself was part of the same ongoing process that had, from the days of earliest contact, worked to analyze and accommodate conflicting sources of power and experiences of reality. Once again, the conceptual tools for the analysis are provided almost entirely by Buddhism. Further, the impact of this combinatory kind of thought is evident in the fact that it was eventually extended from religious potencies in the narrow sense (kami and buddhas) to other areas of experience, including geography, society, and nature. As a result, not only were local deities given new stature and identity as avatars of buddhas and bodhisattvas, but mountains and other traditional Japanese ritual sites were valorized as physical equivalents of immaterial geographies (pure lands), a process that has been called the "mandalization" of space AH in Japan (Grapard 1982; Rambelli 1996, p. 395)- And while the connection with honji suijaku may be less clear, the relationship between secular law (öbö and Buddhist Z truth (buppö fAä) was likewise expressed as "heart and mind," or mutually supporting 2 halves of a single whole, another way in which Buddhist cosmology fit into the overall O discourse on power (Kuroda 1996b). Eventually the very geography of "Japan" came to be ^ viewed as the locus for a discourse on the notion of shinkoku #S or "the land of kami," ^ one which coincided with the development of independent Shinto schools and nativ- ist thought (Kuroda 1996b, 1996c; Rambelli 1996). But like the "reverse honji suijaku" theory promoted at the Outer Shrine of Ise (see below), the medieval shinkoku discourse did not indicate nascent consciousness of a metahistorical Japanese "nation" or "Shinto" as an indigenous tradition. Rather, it was largely the product of the internecine wars of early medieval Buddhism, used as a tool by the older sects to criticize the new nenbutsu and other "single-practice" sects' refusal to show devotion to native kami as Buddhist avatars (Kuroda 1996c; Nakamura 1994). The identification of the phenomenal entities with their immaterial ground in honji suijaku reached its peak with the appearance and spread of Tendai "original enlightenment" (hongaku thought in the Kamakura period Based on the key Mayayana doctrine of sunyata (emptiness of all dharmas, the lack of ultimate self-nature in all phenomena), original enlightenment thought is usually described as the expression of a non-dualistic understanding that identifies the phenomenal world as it is, with the state of ultimate enlightenment (Stone 1999). As Robert Morrell describes the medieval monk Muju Ichien, the conviction lying behind this kind of syncretistic view was that "truth not only can, but must, assume a variety of forms" (1985, p. 59). Usually considered to imply a thoroughgoing valorization of the physical world this doctrine furnished a new twist to the use of honji suijaku in identifying local Japanese kami with their ultimate Buddhist counterparts. As noted earlier, according to original honji suijaku doctrine, Japanese kami were interpreted as the "provisional" (gon) revelations of immaterial or "real" (jitsu) Buddhist truth. With the flowering of original enlightenment thought, however, it became possible to view the provisional manifestations (suijaku) not only as identical in nature to their grounds (honji), but even superior to them, due to their greater accessibility and compas sion for humans expressed in the act of "dimming their light and mingling with the dust" (wako ddjin ^HitWiM). This was expressed as what is conventionally called the "reverse honji suijaku" doctrine, which influenced the appearance of both Watarai Shinto, which developed from the thirteenth century among the priests of the Outer Shrine (Geku) at Ise, and Yoshida Shinto in later centuries. Another influence on the Watarai School was Ryobu (dual) Shinto, a current of kami cult promoted by the Shingon and esoteric Tendai schools and applied specifically to the Grand Shrines of Ise (Inner Shrine) in order to rationalize or counteract the traditional taboo of Buddhism at the shrine, and thus allow for pilgrimage by Buddhist clergy. According to this doctrine, the deity of Ise, Amaterasu, was in fact the "spirit" of Mahavairocana Buddha (Teeuwen and Veere 1998), and thus not opposed to Buddhism. Like shinkoku thought, "reverse honji suijaku" doctrine in general, and Watarai Shinto in particular, have frequently been interpreted as representing an embryonic "Shinto" revolution against Buddhism, due to the way in which kami were raised to a status superior to the buddhas. In his exhaustive study of this school, however, Mark Teeuwen argues that Watarai Shinto in fact represented one particular shrine cult still operating within the broader conceptual vocabulary and limits of the kenmitsu discourse, with the result that the Ise argument that Buddhism was unnecessary at Ise was not intended to "establish the primacy of Shinto over Buddhism, but rather to construe an exclusive link between the Ise shrines and esoteric teaching as the highest form of Buddhism, and thus to further enhance the sanctity of the shrines" (1996, p. 128). These new schools of combinatory kami cult arose against the background of declining economic conditions stemming from the disintegration of 26 Shinto norman havens 27 the state-supported religious system of the ritsuryd. The process continued into the later medieval period as not only Ise, but most other religious institutions as well were forced to widen their catchments so as to cater to warriors and other commoners. 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