THE HISTORICAL POEMS OF THEODORE PRODROMOS, THE EPIC-HOMERIC REVIVAL AND THE CRISIS OF INTELLECTUALS IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY* Marina BAZZANI (Oxford) The twelfth century and the Comnenian era were a time of social and political transformation, characterized by relative stability within and outside the empire, as well as by a revived economic situation1. Changes affected mostly the administrative structure of the empire and the way leading positions were distributed so that many were dispossessed of what would have been otherwise their natural role in society. Modifications occurred also within the cultural world and are mirrored in the increasing number of situations of artistic patronage, and in the decreasing relevance enjoyed by artists and men of letters during that time, despite their larger number. Consequently, it is natural to wonder whether these changes affected the way poets and writers perceived themselves and the way they interacted with the society they lived in. In order to try to answer these questions, in this article I shall focus on possibly the most significant literary character of the time, namely the poet Theodore Prodromos, and I shall consider the way he described and perceived the society he lived in as it emerges from his poems. Life and Works Theodore Prodromos is one of the most prolific and well-known writers of the twelfth century; nonetheless, his biography is anything but certain, starting from his birth up to the date of his death. Scholars have dealt at length with the issue of Prodromos' date of birth; the early date set by Papadimitriu2 in the 1070s has been discarded on the * This article is based on a paper presented to the general seminar at Birmingham University Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies in February 2004. 1 On the Comnenoi and the historical events see F. CHALANDON, Les Comncne: Etudes sur 1'empire byzantin, Paris 1926; P. MAGDALINO, The Empire of Manuel 1 Komnenos 1143-1180, Cambridge 1993; W. TREADGOLD, A History of the Byzantine Slate and Society, Stanford 1997, pp. 613-706. 2 S. D. PAPADIMITRIU, Feodor Prodrom, Odessa 1905, p. 14 ff; for a detailed discussion of the life of Prodromos see Theodoros Prodromos Hislorische Gedichte, ed. W. HORANDNER, Wiener Byzantinistische Studien IX, Vienna 1974, pp. 21-35 and A. KAZHDAN, -Theodore Prodromus: a reappraisal', in A. KAZHDAN-S. FRANKLIN, Studies on Byzantine Literature of the Eleventh and Twelfth centuries^ Cambridge-Paris 1984, pp. 87-114. 1 basis of evidence both internal and external to the poems, and it is now believed that Theodore was born in Constantinople around 1100. The poet does not say much about his family or his childhood; however, it is possible to gather from the poems that his father, who was also named Prodromos, was relatively learned3, and that Theodore studied grammar, rhetoric and philosophy4, although it is not clear where and who were his teachers. According to the earliest datable poems, a series of compositions written for the wedding of one of the grandsons of Alexius 1, Theodore entered the imperial court as a poet at the service of Irene Ducaena around 1118, and after her death he began to write for emperor John II until the latter's death in 1143. Prodromos' relevance at court seems to have diminished during the reign of Manuel I; indeed, there are no verses dedicated to the new ruler until 1149, when Theodore started celebrating Manuel's military achievements in his verses, as well as writing poems about high court dignitaries for various occasions. In several poems it is possible to detect, beside the official celebratory tone, laments and pleas on behalf of the author with respect to his misfortune and his ill health; because of this, it is believed that Prodromos retired in a hospice, possibly at the church of the Holy Apostles, where he died as the monk Nicholas in 1158 or in 11705. Theodore enjoyed substantial fame both during his life and after his death, as the vast quantity of works circulating under his name proves; not all of them are genuine, and scholars have divided these writings into three major groups: a) authentic works, b) works of uncertain attribution, which include also the vernacular "Prodromic poems", and c) the collection of poems contained in the Marciana library manuscript, Marc. XI, 22, generally attributed to an anonymous poet named Manganeios Prodromos, after the Mangana monastery where he retired towards the end of his life; there are also in addition various historical and theological works. Let us consider briefly the various genres in which Theodore and his imitators wrote, as they are an excellent example of the versatile talent of Prodromos. The original works comprise poems, mostly dedicated to the imperial family, court dignitaries, 3 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, IV. p. 201, v. 1; XXXVIII, vv. 19-21, p. 378. 4 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XXXVIII, vv. 50-59, p. 379. 5 For the two different dates see Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, pp. 31-32 and A. KAZHDAN, Studies, pp. 92-93. 2 officials events, as well as some relevant autobiographical compositions, which will be discussed later in this article, discourses, letters, theological, philosophical and grammatical writings, satires, as well as the erotic novel in twelve-syllable verses Rhodanthe and Dos ikies6. The second group contains a wide spectrum of works on various arguments, which have been tentatively ascribed to Theodore: letters, theological poems, a^éôr), grammatical writings and satirical compositions, such as the dialogue Timarion1. A few poems written in vernacular Greek are part of this group and they are referred to as Ptochoprodromica, as the author constantly laments his poverty and his pitiful situation; the issue of authorship is problematic and opinions still diverge widely. Scholars have often refuted Theodore's paternity of the Ptochoprodromica by claiming differences in metrics, and the use of vernacular as unworthy of him; however, metrical variations may well be a result of the adoption of a different language and a different verse. The fact that both poets are clever and satirical, and that in the vernacular poems there are several passages written in high style, led Hörandner to identify Ptochoprodromos with Theodore; however, this attribution has not found universal acceptance, and most scholars seem to agree only on the impossibility of rejecting or accepting beyond any doubt Prodromos' authorship on the basis of metrics, language and of the information available8. Finally, the vast corpus of poems found in the Marciana manuscript XI, 22 has long been attributed to Prodromos because of the many similarities with his authentic work. Although aspects of the life of this mysterious author correspond to events that occurred to the real Prodromos - for both were part of the circle of the sebastokratorissa Irene, both were poor and ended their life in a monastery - nevertheless, it seems now certain that the author of these verses was a poet junior to Prodromos, who flourished in 6 For a detailed list of Prodromos*s writings see Theodores Prodromos Historische Gedichte, pp. 37-56. 7 For the Timarion see R. ROMANO, Sulla possible attribuz'tone del 'Timarione' pseudo-lucianeo a Nicola Caliicle, Giornale italiano di filológia 4 (1973), 309-315; IDEM, Pseudo-Luciano, Timarione, Naples 1974. 8 For the discussion of the various opinions on this issue see H. G. BECK., Geschichte der byzantinischen Volksliterature, München 1971, p. 104; Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, pp. 65-67; M. J. K.YRIAKIS, Poor poets and starving literati in twelfth century Byzantium, Byzantion XL1V (1974), pp. 290-309 and A. KAZHDAN, Studies, pp. 90-91. The poems have been edited by D. C. HESSELING-H. PERNOT, Počmes prodromiques en grec vulgaire, Amsterdam 1910; repr. Wiesbaden 1968, and more recently by H. EIDENEIER, Ptochoprodromus: Einführung, kritische Ausgabe, deutsche Übersetzung, Glossar, Köln 1991, that offers an updated discussion of the Ptochoprodromic question. 3 the 1140s and 1150s and eventually retired to the &5£A.(pdTov of the Mangana cloister; hence, the name of Manganeios Prodromos to distinguish him from the other, or the other two poets9. In this article I shall consider only historical and personal poems that have been undoubtedly attributed to Theodore, as they represent the most valuable tool in understanding how the poet perceived himself and his role in society, and how he related to it. Within the vast corpus of the historical poems I shall examine two different occurrences of personal expressions: one is the expression of the self that appears in the poems addressed to the emperor to celebrate his victorious military campaigns, where Theodore depicts the ruler as an epic hero and presents himself in his role of court poet. The other is a deeper and more dramatic utterance of Theodore's personal history and of the ensuing feelings which emerge in the poems focused on him, and which depict him in his wretchedness, his suffering and his - alleged - poverty; for these compositions seem to exemplify best the changes that occurred within twelfth century Byzantine society. Historical Poems Let us turn first to the historical poems, many of which are dedicated to John II on occasion of his campaign in Asia Minor, the conquest of Castamon and Gangra, and the campaigns against the Turks. In these compositions Prodromos embodies at his best the role of official court poet devoted to spreading the news of imperial victories among the citizens, and to praising the ruler for his courage, his ability and his endurance. These verses are particularly interesting as they reveal sides of Theodore's personality, which otherwise are absent from his poems on illness and poverty. In the group of poems for the conquest of Castamon, Prodromos presents himself mainly as the herald of the achievements of the emperor. In one composition he expresses his admiration for John and states that nothing, not even the ruler himself, could drive him away from his intent to learn about the events10, while in another poem he affirms 9 The poems of Manganeios Prodromos are still mostly unpublished; professors E. and M. Jeffreys are currently working at the edition and the translation of Manganeios's compositions. For a list of the poems see E. MIONl, Bibliothecae Divi Marti Venetiarum codices graeci manuscripti I—III, Roma 1973, III, pp. 116-125 and, more recently, P. MAGDALINO, The Empire of Manuel, pp. 494-500. ,0 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, III, vv, 46, p. 194: e^epeeiv p.e Segovia kcct& aGevoc; o\)k dcTtewaeii;. 4 that "he will engrave the great deeds of John II in books, lest they get lost or forgotten by the generations to come". This role of imperial herald is very interesting, as Theodore blends in it two independent aspects; on the one hand, he carries out his duty of court poet, whose aim is to praise and flatter the emperor beyond measure, while proclaiming himself unworthy and incapable of such a task at the same time. On the other hand, the poet plays with his name and frequently presents himself as John the Baptist - the Prodromos of the Lord who had been sent to spread the word of God - in this instance, the Prodromos of the emperor, the vox damans in deserlo that has to divulge and to preserve the memory of the imperial deeds12, thus effacing his previous assertions of unworthiness. It is worthwhile to consider these two elements, as at first they seem rather contrasting. To overcome his incapacity to sing the extraordinary victories of the emperor Theodore admits seeking help from the prophets and from David, the Biblical poet per 13 * antonomasiam . This statement is remarkable for its ideological content; in fact, while it emphasizes the conventional humbleness of the poet, it simultaneously points to the strict analogy between Christ and the Byzantine emperor, who is the representative of God on earth, and for whom only the words of the Psalmist are worthy. The relation between God and the emperor is re-proposed in the image of Theodore as the Prodromos of the ruler, an image that at the same time subverts the concept of unworthiness voiced by the poet, and that rather seems to claim a relevant function for him in the 'economy' of the empire. Moreover, one ought to notice also that on several occasions Theodore proposes himself as a valid ally to the emperor against his enemies together with Christ and the " Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, VIII, vv. 1-4, p. 234: Kai Tä5e oov neyä^aeXa \ivQr\ao\ia\ epya 7toAiTai<; P(b|j.r|<; KO'upoteprii;, K.O|j.vr|viaÖT| jrroXi7iop9£, Evxoq ävaKTOpiTj^, Kai ev ßißA.toiai xapäqco, ö(ppa Kai 6\|fiy6voioi (lEteocEtai oüöe 8aveüai. 12 Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XVI, vv. 167-169, p. 282: Kai yivojiai ooi np65po^,o<; ö 7tpo(pT|ta»v aKpe|xcov Kai iipo(pr|T£-ütov KpaXaXm Kai TcpoavaKTp-inra» rix; jräoa ßäpßapoq ic%vc, UTioTayfiaETOi croi. 13 Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XI, vv. 147-148, p. 257: £K tou AaßiS Savei^ojxai iov> pauaiKoü Ttpotpfitou toi»? £7iavvEta?, ßaciXev, ra>v ccov äpiotev|j.ätQ)v. Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XVII, vv. 17-20, p. 287: cot Ep.a'uto'ö jiEV ov 6appw tä tfjq ex>xr\q aoi öovvai, £K töv (TO(pcov TTpocpTiTÖv 8av£i£o(j.av Kai Axyo) Kai jiäXicrax xf\q zov AaviS 7tV£i)jia-roKpo,6cFTO'u Xüpa? Kai toi)Toiq xpö>M-ai auvEpyoiq apti Kai cweuxitaiq. 5 Virgin; when confronted by such a statement, it is natural to wonder whether the poet's expressions of humility are sincere, or whether he had a rather high opinion of himself. However, by looking closely at the poems, I would say that neither of the above is true: for the expression of humility is an indispensable part of the genre, as the emperor stands above all human beings, and Prodromos, for his part, is unaffected by egocentrism. On the contrary, what emerges from the poems and strikes the reader is the profound self-irony of the poet, particularly in the comparisons between himself and the Baptist. Theodore, in fact, describes himself as the Prodromos who should announce the imperial victories and escort the ruler in his expeditions; at the same time, however, he voices his reluctance to travel through and outside the empire infested by enemies, as well as the weakness that prevents him from accompanying John II; unlike the Baptist, who wandered in the desert and preached fearlessly at the cost of his life, Theodore says that he never set foot outside Constantinople and that he was fearing even shadows before the emperor defeated the Turks14. Furthermore, while claiming his role as Prodromos, the poet quite ironically admits his hatred for poverty - the wild honey - and the lack of comforts - the camel-hair robe - that such a mission requires, and beseeches the emperor to rescue and free him from his wretched state, thus fully repudiating the eremitic vocation of the Baptist, and introducing the subject of his poverty in a composition, which was initially dedicated to the ruler in his role of warrior-hero15. The poems on military campaigns offer Theodore the opportunity to fulfill his role of court poet, as well as to address several appeals to the emperor so as to obtain help and remuneration; poverty, in fact, is one of the recurring topics in Prodromos' poetry, and is also one of the showcases to which the reader can turn to look for information on the poet and on the decreasing importance of his role. However, the reader is immediately confronted by the unresolved question of the real or presumed destitution of the author; 14 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichie, XVIII, vv. 46-48, p. 304: Kod np65po(ioq 6 xpiSov^o^ tou aePacroiJ wo Kpaxovq iccci TpiSeitax; imep Xaywv \ir\6' e£,m B-u^ccviiSoi; akXr\v TtoxE twv jtoXewv r\ xwv xv Yvcopurai;. 15 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XVI, vv. 218-223, p. 284: E%tiq Kajxe tov npoSpo^ov OepnotaTOV oikettiv ek xfjq Epr|)ioi} xfjq oKXripai;, iff, a.v%\ir[pd.q TtEviaq, tfi^ enapaxoi) Kcd Ximpa^ vt>v enavf|Kovxa esoi, el; f|<; jxe pwrai, 5wroma>, jiicca yap xdq aKpi8ai;, (iiccb to niXi xo rciKpov, xf)v 5Epp,axivT|v i^wvr|v Koci TT]v dfipav rapipoXriv xf|v ek tpi^wv KajifiXo-u. 6 for Theodore moans endlessly in poems and letters about his miserable economic state and his poor health, but it is hard to ascertain the level of truthfulness of these complaints, as the figure of the poor starving litteratus gained enormous ground in twelfth century literature and became quite popular, as I shall discuss shortly16. As mentioned earlier Prodromos' family background is not known, but it seems possible to gather from his excellent education that he came from a family of some means, probably small landowners17. As poverty has often a preeminent position in his poems, it is worthwhile to investigate the reasons that drove Prodromos to distort reality, and also to what extent one can trust his words on this matter. Petitions for help appear in the historical celebratory poems, as well as in other compositions, which focus entirely upon the issue of poverty and illness; I am going to consider firstly the brief appeals interspersed in the poems on the military campaigns of the emperor, and I shall examine the longer compositions in details later. The tone and the content of the short appeals present in the historical poems vary, for sometimes they openly concern the issue of poverty, while other times are general pleas to the ruler for salvation; however, it is realistic to think that Theodore adopted the latter to mask his requests for favours and compensation, and to make these less blatant. Two passages in Hist. Ged. XV-XVI18 are very interesting examples of this type of plea and deserve some attention. Hist. Ged. XV is a poem dedicated to the tenth campaign of John Komnenos against the Turks; the first part is a long warning to the barbarians to prepare for war and defeat because the emperor is marching against them; then, close to the end, Theodore suddenly breaks the continuity of the poem and introduces a long tirade to the emperor - not to say a reprimand - where he wonders why John lets the poet's only enemy - ttiv puxpav rceviav - go undefeated within the city, whereas he pities and benefits everyone else in the empire; hence he asks the ruler to annihilate his foe - poverty - and only subsequently to go fight in the East'9. 16 See M. ALEXTOU, The poverty of ecriture and the craft of writing: towards a reappraisal of the Prodromic poems, BMGS 10 (1986), pp. 1-40; R. BEATON, The rhetoric of poverty: the lives and opinions of Theodore Prodromos, BMGS 11 (1987), pp. 1-28. 17 A. KAZHDAN, 'A reappraisal', pp. 104-105. 18 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, pp. 271-285. 19 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XV, vv. 81-90, p. 274: xi toOto 5paq, afrtxriTe 'Pcojiaicov auTOKpatop; tt toGto 8pot<;, p.-upia9X£ (wpiovucrjcpope; 7 The second appeal to consider is at the end of Hist. Ged. XVI; in these verses Theodore depicts himself as the Prodromos of the emperor who comes from the harsh desert; nonetheless, he wants to be rescued and set free because the desert is nothing other but the poverty, oro/p-ripa 71svia, that affects the poet and that he loathes deeply20. Finally, at the end of Hist. Ged. XVII one finds a further passage in which Theodore displays a high degree of self-irony, but mixes it also with well-concealed satire towards the emperor. In this poem Prodromos declares himself unable to praise the ruler with his own words, so that he will use the words of the prophets to illustrate how the emperor fulfilled the prophecies of the Old Testament. Toward the end, Theodore adds his voice to the long list of prophets' prayers, and expresses the wish that the Turks would prove as weak and hungry as he himself is, so that John will easily defeat them21; with this scoffing remark, Prodromos again proves his strong sense of self-mockery, and simultaneously finds an indirect way to complain about and to make the emperor aware of his poverty. Poems on Illness Alongside the passing remarks on poverty which have been discussed above, one finds also several poems that focus entirely upon the author's illness and his situation; it is essential to consider some of these poems since due to their subject the self-portrait that Theodore offers, as well as the general tone of the compositions, is rather different from the one previously discussed and new aspects of the poet's character come into sight, which appear to be evidence of social changes and of a different attitude toward culture. atpaxetieK; Kaxa t<üv E^Bpöv Kai rcäXiv xcov ecocov, 6ryy£i<; amo; xf|v päxaipav, e^aKovotq tö 5öp\>, xoO 5e rTpo6pö|a.ou xöv ex8pov, xfjv piapäv rceviav, ripoöpöpou xotj KT|p<)CCTOvxoi; to cTpaiTiyfmaxä cou, eai; aKaxaycovioxov evSov xfj<; noA,ixeia^. pf] xoüxo 5pdaT|<;, ßacnX.ea), pf] 7tpö<; xtöv xpcmccuov bXkv. töv ECTCo jrpöxEpov ex9pov E^a(paviaa<; OVXO) pol JC<Öp£l TtEKOlGcb^ Kaxä XÖJV E^COTEpCOV. 20 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XVI, v. 224, p. 284: cai xoivuv, üyiaxe, xa KaviKXeioo, the situation seems to be different, as well as the relationship between the writer and his interlocutor. For Theodore's concern to justify his case seems to point rather to a relation of patronage, in which the poet plays the role of cliens, than to a relation of friendship between equals; and this rapport is further emphasized by the gratitude of the poet for the help he had already received from his patrons, and by the subsequent request for more help in a near future. Thus, it appears that although Prodromos gravitated mostly around the court, and was at the service of several members of the imperial family - in primis the emperor and the sebastokratorissa Irene - he had also found, or he had sought, protectors who did not belong to the imperial family22. The existence of a relation of possible clientship between Prodromos and some of his addressees brings back the question of the social status of poets and literati in the twelfth century: was Theodore really in a severe economic situation, which was worsened by recurring illness, or it was just an attitude among men of letters to lament one's own poverty as a means to claim an affluence which was expected, or in the hope to gain always greater compensation? Before considering this important issue, however, I would See, however, Theodore's assertion to have served just few masters in his life, Historische Gedichte. LXXI, v. 92, p. 519: oi) yap £3ilaTa|iai jto^Xouq Seortotaq ev xffl pup. 9 like to discuss two poems which are critical for the understanding of this matter and of Theodore's self perception. Illness is central not only to poems dedicated to friends and patrons as a way to excuse himself and, in all probability, to obtain support, but also becomes the focal point of two deeply personal compositions in which Theodore voices all his discouragement and grief for his state in the form of appeals to the disease to cease oppressing him once for all23. These two poems have a very similar structure: both begin with an address to the illness, continue with the depiction of the condition of the poet through a series of very vivid similes that describe Theodore's exhaustion by comparing it to everyday manual activities, and conclude with an appeal to Christ for salvation. It is worth spending a few words on these similes as they are revealing of Theodore's perception of himself as intellectual and of his attitude toward daily life activities. It is very interesting to note how in these instances, and especially in Hist, Gecl. LXXVII, Theodore draws comparisons from humble actions and from the surrounding actuality, thus introducing a wave of realism into the poems, whereas in the compositions considered previously he had favoured Biblical and mythological imagery. Theodore depicts his sorrows in the three significant similes of Hist. Ged. LXXVII, and draws their content from the simple craftsmanship that he could observe in action in the streets of Constantinople, and in each simile he portrays a different side of his reaction to infirmity. In the first simile Theodore voices his frustration through the image of an octopus crushed against the rocks by the fishmonger so as to soften it; in a similar way the illness wears him down with its unbearable pain24. Although at first such a scene could appear humorous, at a closer look one realizes that it is all but funny, and that the choice of the octopus is intentional to describe the poet's condition. Because the octopus is a boneless fish, it perfectly conveys the idea of the exhaustion caused in the poet by disease; moreover, considering the contempt for manual labour that Theodore expressed in various poems, the mention of the Tapixon:u.p.aa' «siKeXioiciv, ärap Taplxewse Sajxa^ai;. 10 fish - manages to communicate very well the bleakness of and the discomfort for the situation in which the poet finds himself. Illness, poverty and humble activities are central also to Hist. Ged. XXXVIII, a poem dedicated to the princess historian Anna Comnene25, where Theodore describes at length the kind of education he received, thus disclosing plenty of autobiographical information as well as considerations on the role and the status of men of letters in twelfth-century Byzantine society. The poem begins with an appeal to the princess and to all the forces of nature to listen to the vicissitudes that induced the poet to pursue culture rather than a military or a manual career. Theodore narrates how his father advised him, when he was still a boy, to study with great zeal, as that was the only feasible way to achieve glory and wealth in life, since he was too feeble to become a soldier, and craftsmanship would bring him shame and dishonour instead26. So Prodromos spent his youth bent over books, learning rhetoric, grammar, philosophy, and hoping for things -wealth, fame and recognition - that would never materialize27; whereas - he regrets - had he chosen to become a cobbler or a shepherd, he would lead a comfortable existence and in no financial straits28. Toward the end of the poem, after the long tirade on poverty and on the uselessness of his efforts, Theodore returns to the subject of his distressing disease, which nags him unceasingly, and eventually he ends the poem with a further appeal to Anna to intercede with the Virgin on his behalf. At a first reading, this poem may seem very similar to others discussed earlier in the course of this chapter, as it deals with Theodore's usual complaints about his poor Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XXXVIII, pp. 376-381. Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, XXXVIII, vv. 39-44, pp. 378-379: o"tci)xeoc 5' ox> o' etieoike ;rE5e xe xocXKOTÜJtov Kai yap Epöv eoceca aio~x°?-xekvov EU.öv, ßißXioicriv ö1t|v Ertiöou peXeÖcöva Kai o-o5 üiftXw CKuxeeaaiv äva Z,x>va väKEa xeu.veiv, kev eoioi 7iö5eoo"iv bn äpßuXa Kala xixaivw a>5 ö(p£^.ov Ttoijivrn; uiya rciovoc, £u.u,£vai. äpxcov. 1 1 health; actually, on a closer examination, it offers several remarkable details on the poet, which are worth some thought - not least, the description of his education and of the reasons for pursuing a literary career. Three main considerations emerge from this text, all of which are relevant to a better understanding of Prodromos and his situation: a profound contempt for manual labour, an intense fascination and reverence for war and warlike ideals, the belief - almost the pretension - that culture ought to provide wealth and honour to those who pursue and master it, and that it has no value per se, but represents a means to attain something else. In order to comprehend the origin of Prodromos' mentality, it is necessary to explore briefly the issues listed above. Theodore's disdain for craftsmanship and for newly acquired wealth, which he expresses through the words of his father and, less explicitly, in the similes previously mentioned, has its roots in the importance that aristocracy and noble lineage assumed in Comnenian times. While earlier in Byzantium emphasis lay upon moral distinction rather than upon nobility of blood, from the eleventh and twelfth century the concept of hereditary aristocracy acquired greater respect and significance, so that to be an aristocrat, preferably related to the ruling family, became the necessary factor for one to take active part in the hierarchical structure of the imperial court29. Although Prodromos was not of noble descent, he partook in the current ideology, and held nobility and military valour in the highest esteem; consequently, he felt and voiced a sense of moral superiority and contempt towards craftsmen and traders . In a certain way, Theodore claimed for himself a sort of 'nobility of culture and reason', as he unmistakably expressed in the poem to Anna by affirming indignantly that by then manual works had attained precedence over reason31. This last statement is remarkable and revealing of the changes that Byzantine society underwent within a few centuries, as well as of the way of thinking at the time of 29 A. KAZHDAN-A. W. EPSTEIN, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth centuries, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1985, pp. 99-119; P. MAGDALINO, The Empire of Manuel, pp. 320-322; IDEM, Byzantine snobbery, in The Byzantine Aristocracy IX-XII century, ed. M. ANGOLD, Oxford 1984, 58-93; M. ANGOLD, The Byzantine Empire 1025-1204, London-NY 19972, pp. 241-269; M. MULLETT-D. SMYTHE eds., Alexios I Komnenos, Belfast 1996. 30 Similar feelings are expressed in the Prodromic poem IV; see M. ALEXIOU, The poverty of ecriture, pp. 28-30. 31 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichle, XXXVIII, vv. 85-86, p. 380: 5epK£o u.oi, PacriXtcrcra, noaov 7ta9££ociv e&Awv, gxtxe Xoyov jrporc&poiBe pJavawiKa £pya Ka9i^£iv. 12 Prodromos; in fact, around two hundred years earlier the poet and general John Geometres had expressed an almost identical thought in one of his poems, but, instead of lamenting the superiority of crafts over reason, he lamented the superiority of warfare and military skills over reason and culture32. It leaps immediately to the eye how profoundly social values have changed from the tenth century, and such a change of perspective is further corroborated by the relevance that military and chivalrous virtues attained during the Comnenian times, as well as by the epic-Homeric revival, and by the appearance of a Byzantine epic poem, the Digenes Akrites. Prodromos' attraction to warlike deeds and military bravery is visible throughout his historical poems, where he sings the praises of the emperor and other members of the Comnenian clan at length, as I discussed at the beginning of this article; Theodore describes John II as a Homeric hero, who defeats the Turks and conquers their cities, and Manuel I as an indefatigable knight, who wears his armour night and day, bearing fatigue, thirst and cold to secure the safety of the empire. The fascination with military ideals, which pervades the Weltanschauung of Prodromos, is recognizable also in several other writings of the time, such as the "YXn iaropiag of Nikephoros Bryennios, the Alexiad of Anna Comnene, and the chivalric epic of Digenes Akrites, all of which reflect the mentality, the values and the ideology of the ruling military aristocracy of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. For a full understanding of Prodromos and his work it is important to dwell briefly upon the origin of this phenomenon. The Epic-Heroic Ideology in Comnenian Society After Alexius I seized power and became emperor in 1081, he managed to gather together the most prominent aristocratic families with a skillful policy of alliances achieved through close marriage ties: the Comnenoi shared the imperial power with the Doukai, the Palaiologoi and the Melissenoi; however, preeminence was given to the 32 Anecdota graeca e codd, manuscriptis Bibliolhecae Regiae Parisiensis, cd. J. A. CRAMER, !-IV, Oxford 1841; Hildesheim 1967, IV, vv. 4-5, p. 342: bXX oi aocpoi vuv, Kkr\v eycb u,copoi)c, AiYW, tt]v yvcbaiv eirtov efxnoScbv -cfj^ avSpiaq. ibid., vv. 23-26, p. 342: f) 5' apeiTi Kai yvwcri^ £V Tate, ycoviai; $ ox>% kavtac, Tfj<; TUXf!?' (p-uaei yap amm -ciuaat Kai xoT<; ^evoiq. 13 closest relatives of the emperor, who were granted distinctive titles and privileges. The support of his relatives and the strong spirit of yevoc; helped Alexius overcome the hardships he had to face during the early years of his reign, but at the same time induced him to manage the empire as a private possession of his aristocratic clan, rather than for and on behalf of his subjects33. By means of reforms, Alexius transformed court hierarchy, enhanced the power of nobility in the imperial system, and tied the highest imperial offices to aristocracy, thus degrading and excluding from top power positions the members of civil service and of civil aristocracy. Following the strenuous fights of the military aristocracy for the defense and the reconstruction of the territorial integrity of the empire against internal and external opposition, military prowess, emphasis on strategic and heroic qualities of the warrior-hero, a chivalric sense of war and duel came to occupy a prominent place. The ideal of a warrior-hero, who alone could withstand the enemies and save the empire with his extraordinary capacities, reflects the very essence of the aristocratic mentality of the times, which clearly ignored, or rejected, the universal dimension of the issue of the security of the empire, by considering it just an aristocratic affair; this type of champion is perfectly exemplified in the histories of Nikephoros Bryennios and Anna Comnene34, as well as in the historical poems of Prodromos. The protagonists of these works are described with an intense Homeric flair and behave according to a strict code of honour, which goes back to the Homeric epic: they are noble, of course, but they distinguish themselves also for their beauty and their bravery, for their strength and their intellect; one may say that the ancient Greek ideals of Ka^OKayaGia and dv8peia reappeared in all its significance at the Comnenian court35. Because of the prominence acquired from the eleventh century onwards by a military life-style of this sort, Bryennios, Anna and Prodromos arguably began to perceive the events and the protagonists depicted in the Iliad as mirror images of their vicissitudes and their historical condition. As a result, they gave a profound Homeric imprint to their writings, with the consequence that the limit between history and epic 33 See M. ANGOLD, The Byzantine Empire, pp. 115-156. 34 For the discussion of the epic-Homeric ideals in the eleventh and twelfth centuries see A. CARILE, // «Cesare» Niceforo Briennio, Aevum, 42 (1968), pp. 429-454; IDEM, La «"YXn iaropiag» del Cesare Niceforo Briennio, Aevum, 43 (1969), pp. 56-87 and pp. 235-282; R. KAT1CIC, "Awn rjKo)j.vnvf} kcc'i 6 "Optipoif, 'Ejtexripiq 'Excapei.cu; B-u^avtivwv £7co"u5c6v, XXVII (1957), pp. 213-223. 35 See A. LAIOU, Mariage, amour etparentc r Byzance aux XI-XIII siccles, Paris 1992, esp. pp. 26-37. 14 became blurred, and the historic narration sometime may result into a sort of fabulous epic account36. Such a deeply rooted aristocratic and martial attitude brought about, side by side with the Homeric revival, the creation of a Byzantine epic, which would result in the poem of Digenes Akrites, an epic-aristocratic, Christian and Byzantine hero, whose purpose is to defend the empire and to fight against the infidels. The eponymous hero of the poem, who is of noble descent, valiant in battle and skillful in hunting, is the outcome of the early Comnenian military ideology and, at the same time, has assimilated all the features that prospered and characterized the joyous atmosphere at the court of Manuel I, such as a taste for hunting, feasting and playing the cithara. Digenes, as Paul Magdalino has written, shares the common ground of epic with the Homeric panegyrics of Prodromos and the heroic biographies of Alexius I by Bryennios and Anna37. After this excursus about military ideology in Comnenian times, it is necessary to return to the poem to Anna and to consider Prodromos' attitude toward culture and the value he confers on it, as his position is remarkable and representative of the crisis of the times in which he lived. If one reflects on the attitude of previous Byzantine intellectuals toward culture and its intrinsic worth, the difference between their stance and Theodore's certainly leaps to the eye; suffice it here to compare it with Mauropous' and Psellos' opinion on culture. Mauropous, for instance, entered public life and became part of the entourage of Constantine IX only at a later stage in his life, while he had begun his career as a teacher. Although John earned a living from his teaching, it seems clear from his poems that money was not the reason why he immersed himself in literary culture: it was a genuine passion for learning and books that urged him to offer his knowledge to anyone who wanted to partake of it38. Psellos, a pupil of Mauropous and a teacher in his turn among his many other activities - expresses his ideas on learning in several passages of his Chronographia, of which one seems particularly revealing, and deserves closer attention. At the end of a 36 A. CARILE, La « "Yhi) i \x\oQoxi xovc, Xóyovc, nwX&v, äXXh kcu KpoaemoiSotn; si tu; ^.ajißavEiv eßouXExo. Also VI. 43, II. 12-13 where Psellos blames those who forsake culture, as soon as they attain what they want. 40 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte XXXVIII, vv. 63-65, p. 379: TÓocra u.ev oBv áéGA/neya, naxpöc, 8é xéXzaaa é(peTu.ŕ|v, äXX oürcco |i.oi áédXi aEOXoauvaii; éjri u.axpaú;, oú uiyat; ev kxeuvectoi Kai öXfiwc, avxöq ixí>x^v- 41 Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, LXXVII, v. 20, p. 545: cwu.a 8' éu.ôv npoXiXoine ßißA.oiq jTEvtri 6' ÚJto8u.r|6Év. 42 See Theodore Metochite 's poems to himself, ed. J. FEATHER STON E, Vienna 2000, poem 17. 4j See, for example, Theodoras Prodromos Historische Gedichte, VI, vv. 100-104, p. 223, and XVI, vv. 183-185, p. 283. 44 M. ALEXIOU, The poverty of écriture, pp. 6-10. 16 Tzetzes, to mention just a few, all share this attitude towards knowledge, and voice their dissatisfaction because their expectations have not been met. The Crisis of the Intellectuals It is indeed surprising to encounter such low consideration of culture on part of such learned men; it is therefore necessary to reflect on how and why culture came to lose some of its appeal and its value in twelfth century Byzantium. Throughout the centuries education had been the guarantee of a profitable and successful career at court or in the civil administration; in the second half of the eleventh and in the twelfth century, however, the situation began to change for various reasons. On the one hand, the Comnenoi had modified the way of obtaining administrative positions, and tended to distribute them to relatives and members of other aristocratic families; on the other hand, the development of axE5oypa