Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)
English for Specific Purposes: Teaching to Perceived Needs and Imagined Futures in Worlds
of Work, Study, and Everyday Life
Author(s): Diane D. Belcher
Source: TESOL Quarterly, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Mar., 2006), pp. 133-156
Published by: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)
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English for Specific Purposes:
Teaching to Perceived Needs and
Imagined Futures in Worlds of Work,
Study, and Everyday Life
DIANE D. BELCHER
Georgia State University
Atlanta, Georgia, United States
This overview of the current state of English for specific purposes (E
begins by surveying ongoing debates on key topics: needs assessm
and its goals, specificity in instructional methods, and the role of su
knowledge in instructor expertise. Two strands of current theory a
research are next surveyed, namely, genre theory and corpus-enhan
genre studies, and critical pedagogy and ethnographies, followed
examples of research and theory-informed pedagogical strategies fo
literacy and spoken discourse. Topics in need of further inquiry
suggested.
The reason we have an English program starting is ... the hotels focusing
more guest services . . . and trying to . . . have each employee be a host to each gu
rather than Oh it's the front desk job to . . . greet people and if I'm a housekee
I can just . . . say hello and that's it. . . . The way the company put it to show o
Aloha. . . . Sometimes we get ... ah ... negative comments cards . . . they s
things like . . . I asked for this and I didn 't get it but mostly is like and can 't y
even get staff that speak English ?
Hotel human resources perspective
Simple English like go see doctor yeah? then . . . ah . . . meet a friend you know
. . . I just want learn the simple English . . . you know when we go travel we ne
English. . . .
Hotel housekeeper's perspective (Jasso-Aguilar, 1999, pp. 41-43)
TESOL QUARTERLY Vol. 40, No. 1 , March 2006 133
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those who are at all familiar with the approach to English language
teaching known as English for specific purposes, or ESP (also known
as LSP1), the descriptors likely to spring to mind probably include such
terms as needs-based, pragmatic, efficient, cost-effective, and functional: a view
of ESP encapsulated by Hutchinson and Waters (1987) in the statement,
"Tell me what you need English for and I will tell you the English that you
need" (p. 8). For those of a more critical bent, however, ESP may conjure
up more critically evaluative terms such as "accommodationist,"
"assimilationist," "market-driven," and even "colonizing" - suggesting
that ESP is too often untroubled by questions of power, by whose needs
are served by programs such as that for the hotel housekeepers cited
earlier. The mental associations may be somewhat different again,
though, for those immersed in ESP practice today, engaged with ESP's
growing body of research and theory, and ever-diversifying and expanding
range of purposes: from the better known English for academic
purposes (EAP) and occupational purposes (EOP), the latter including
business, medicine, law, but also such fields as shipbuilding and aviation,2
to the more specific-mission-oriented ESP that Master (1997) has labeled
"English for sociocultural purposes," for example, for AIDS education,
family literacy, and citizenship, or for those with highly specialized needs,
such as learners who are incarcerated or who have a disability ( Johnstone,
1997; Master, 2000). Those familiar with all of these permutations may
understandably find ESP increasingly difficult to summarily describe (or
dismiss). What once looked to many like a straightforwardly needsoriented,
a- or pan-theoretical (aligned with no particular theory but
employing many), and, some would add, ideologically oblivious approach,
now, like the constantly changing learning targets it addresses, is
itself becoming harder and harder to capture in anything like a single
stop-action frame. Contributing to the complexified picture of ESP are
more methodologically, technologically, and theoretically enriched assessments
of language use and learner needs, and a growing array of
means to meet them, in a glocalized world (Robertson, 1995), where local
and global needs meet and merge, collide and conflict, and new
culturally and linguistically hybrid "thirdness[es]" (Mauranen, 2001, p.
51) emerge. ESP can now, for instance, with its multiple analytical
1 Teachers of English have no monopoly on specific-purpose instruction, an approach
employed for the teaching of many languages other than English, and often referred to,
consequently, as language/ s for specific purposes (see Johnstone, 1997; Swales, 2000). However,
because this article focuses on English-language instruction, the narrower term English for
specific purposes will be used throughout.
2 The goals of EAP and EOP are not always easily separable. Consider, for example, EALP,
English for academic legal purposes, for law students; EABP, English for academic business purposes, for
business students; or EAMP, English for academic medical purposes, for students in the health
sciences. The specific purposes can generate a seemingly endless string of acronyms.
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methods, discern the needs of hotel workers at one particular site (e.g.,
a Waikiki hotel) in more detail than ever before, yet with awareness of
how this picture is alternately enhanced and blurred by the perspectives
of multiple stakeholders (e.g., transoceanic tourists, a transnational
hotel industry, and the locally situated learners themselves). In the
following sections, I look at some of the major challenges ESP specialists
face today in attempting to meet the needs of people hoping to more
fully participate in school, work, and neighborhood communities; survey
how research, theory, and reflective practice can increase awareness of
what learners' needs are and how to address them; and consider a
number of looming issues on which further inquiry could benefit ESP,
but probably everyone in ELT (English language teaching) as well.
PROBLEMATIZING A PURPOSE-DRIVEN,
PROBLEM-SOLVING APPROACH
Although hard to pin down, ESP does have some promin
guishing features on which many involved in ESP would li
Needs assessment, content-based teaching methods, and co
informed instructors have long been considered essential to th
of specific-purpose teaching, yet how these concepts are d
realized at the teaching site has been and continues to be the s
much debate.
Reassessing Needs Assessment:
Which Needs and Whose Goals?
Like other educational endeavors, ESP assumes there are problems
or lacks, that education can ameliorate, but unlike many other educ
tional practices, ESP assumes that the problems are unique to specif
learners in specific contexts and thus must be carefully delineated a
addressed with tailored-to-fit instruction. ESP specialists, therefore, ar
often needs assessors first and foremost, then designers and implemente
of specialized curricula in response to identified needs. It is probably no
exaggeration to say that needs assessment is seen in ESP as the foundation
on which all other decisions are, or should be, made. Because of this
emphasis on needs, the dividing lines in ESP between researchers an
teachers, or curriculum designers, materials developers, and teacher
are frequently blurred. Since even the earliest days of ESP (the 1960
practitioners have viewed assessment of specific needs as requirin
research skills and creative approaches to novel situations, and need
assessment itself has been seen as in need of continual reassessment.
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Among the groundbreaking early insights of ESP practitioners, perhaps
most significant was the realization that teacher intuition and
knowledge of language systems were insufficient, and that understanding
of language use in specific contexts was essential (Dudley-Evans & St.
John, 1998; Robinson, 1991). Though this "understanding" initially took
the form of frequency counts of lexicogrammatical features, or
"lexicostatistics" (Swales, 1988, p. 189), this approach was succeeded by
consideration of macro-level discourse features and rhetorical motivations.
Whole text analysis, with exemplar texts from the learners' fields o
study or work, and often informed by the perspectives of subject-area
specialists (see Selinker, 1979), not the ESP professional working in
isolation, has become common in ESP.
Because target language description alone provides limited direction
to classroom practitioners, needs analysis evolved (in the 1970s) to
include "deficiency analysis," or assessment of the "learning gap" (West,
1997, p. 71) between target language use and current learner proficiencies.
Just as ESP professionals were determined not to decide a priori what
language features to teach, they also decided not to make assumptions
about individuals' language abilities vis-à-vis specific language varieties or
tasks. Though obviously a deficit conceptualization of the learner,
deficiency assessment enabled teaching "English to specified people"
(Robinson, 1991, p. 5), or specific learners in specific situations rather
than a generalized language learner.
Since the 1980s, however, many ESP specialists have questioned
whether collecting expert- and data-driven "objective" information about
learners is enough (Tudor, 1997). Many wondered whether ESP specialists
should also tap into the ongoing subjective needs of learners: their
self-knowledge, awareness of target situations, life goals, and instructional
expectations (Tudor, 1997). Inspired by the learner-centered
movement (Nunan, 1988), ESP became more learning-centered (Hutchinson
& Waters, 1987), focusing not just on what people do with language but
how they learn it and encouraging learner investment and participation.
As helpful as the combined objective and subjective foci on individual
learners in specific contexts are, some in ESP have also felt the need to
know more about those contexts, or target discourse communities, and
not just from a text-linguistic, language audit vantage point but from a
more social perspective as well (Robinson, 1991). Douglas (2000) sums
up this more complex view of context, or "discourse domain," as
"dynamic, continually changing . . . constructed by the participants in a
communicative situation" (p. 89). Such a view of context requires the
kind of emic perspective gained not just through surveys, interviews, and
text analysis, but also case studies and community ethnographies
(Robinson, 1991).
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Although clearly a crucial step forward, acknowledging context as
socially constructed has not satisfied everyone. Discourse domains do
not, after all, exist in vacuums (Pennycook, 1997) . Any community is part
of larger socioeconomic and political systems, with members holding
multiple race, class, and gender subject positions. Along with this more
layered view of context has come greater awareness of the conflicting
perspectives of privileged members and novices and of learners as
members of many other communities beyond work and study - as
parents, consumers, citizens, members of vernacular communities
(Canagarajah, 2002), and of communities they dream of joining (cf.
Cadman's, 2002, p. 101, reinterpretation of EAP as "English for academic
possibilities").
No longer viewed, ideally, as one-shot, presessional data collection,
needs assessment is now more often seen as a matter of "agreement and
judgment not discovery," negotiated by learners, other community
members, and instructors inevitably influenced by "ideological preconceptions"
(Robinson, 1991, p. 7, citing Lawson, 1979). Equally if not
more important has been the more recent recognition that learners, as
reflective community members, should be empowered to participate in
needs assessment alongside ESP professionals (Benesch, 2001; Johns,
1997).
In Search of Needs-Meeting Methods:
Which Means to What Ends?
If ESP specialists have set and implemented their own needs-clarifying
research agendas, they could also be described as methodological free
thinkers. Some, such as Hutchinson and Waters (1987), have even
claimed that "there is ... no such thing as an ESP methodology" (p. 18).
ESP is often seen as a materials-driven rather than methods-driven
enterprise (see, e.g., Master, 1997), with preference given to mater
that authentically represent the communities in which learners s
membership. Yet authenticity has long been a vexed term: One person
authenticity may not be another's. Widdowson's (1979) observation
commonly invoked: Authenticity resides not in texts but in the inter
tion between texts and intended contexts. According to this reasoning
texts taken out of context are inauthentic as soon as they enter t
classroom. Yet, although many ESP specialists may agree that context
important, they may also feel that contexts can be more or less authen
(or simulated), often with the help of so-called authentic tasks (
Bhatia, 1993; Ferguson, 1997, on text/task relationships, but see a
Corbett, 2003, p. 42, on authentic target-language materials as valu
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cultural artifacts without need of "simulacrum"). Texts, as classroom
materials, can be viewed as exhibiting varying degrees of authenticity:
from clearly authentic materials found in the target discourse community,
to semi-authentic materials produced by the ESP practitioner, to
obviously inauthentic textbooks mass-produced by publishers. Even
textbooks, though, can be more or less authentic and specific in their
conceptualization of learner-audience needs (see Harwood, 2005, who
cites Swales & Feak, 2000, as an exemplar from the more specific end of
the textbook spectrum).
It can be argued, however, that still more fundamental decisions drive
materials selection than definitions of authenticity. Many assert that the
overarching approach of ESP is content-based instruction, or CBI
(Crandall & Kaufman, 2002; Master, 1997), and that ESP's reach extends
beyond its traditional focus on adults to children in CBI programs, with
target-language-medium instruction in subject areas (Master, 1997;
Robinson, 1991). Content, though, like authenticity, is open to interpretation.
Does CBI simply mean theme based, using any relevant, potentially
high-interest topics teachers feel comfortable with (Stoller, 2002)? Or,
should content be more narrowly defined and CBI more directly related
to the target discourse community, for example, business cases as the
content in language classes for business students? The one prerequisite
of appropriate content on which most CBI/ESP teachers would likely
agree is that it not consist of information about language but instead
function as a carrier of language (Dudley-Evans & St. John, 1998), a
means of making language use meaningful (Johns, 1997), thus enhancing
language acquisition and task performance (Carson, Taylor, &
Fredella, 1997).
Yet one might well next ask, what guides the choice of carrier content
and related content-based tasks? The choice is likely guided by how the
language and task-proficiencies learners need are conceptualized: whether
narrowly, as immediately useful domain-specific language and related
tasks, or more widely, as common-core language and language-learning
strategy for an ever-expanding realm of unpredictable domains and tasks
(see Bloor & Bloor, 1986). Arguments frequently advanced for a wideangle
approach, especially for EAP, include recent corpus-linguistic
findings that a core of 2,000 basic high frequency words together with
570 reasonably frequent academic words "will give close to 90% coverage
of the running words in most academic texts" (Coxhead & Nation, 2001,
p. 260). If this is the case, then any subject-area content that the
instructor chooses should serve the purposes of most language learners,
at least in EAP, and, of course, language-learning strategies, such as
intensive and extensive reading, can be taught with any carrier content.
Narrow-anglers, on the other hand, argue that if any content will do,
why not choose content that is most relevant to learners' goals and most
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likely to motivate learners (see Flowerdew & Peacock, 2001)? Corpus
linguists have also pointed out that technical terms, though a small
percentage of the total vocabulary of academic texts, can be crucial to
task performance, for example, fluent reading and learning through
meaning (Coxhead & Nation, 2001). Also in support of the narrow angle
approach is the observation that there are many ways for ESP instructors
to compensate for their limited field-specific knowledge - a reason often
given for avoiding the narrower route. Among the more popular
compensatory strategies are team teaching with a content-area specialist
(Dudley-Evans & St. John, 1998), taking a sustained (one subject area per
term) content-based approach with lower-grade-level materials (Weigle
& Nelson, 2001), and linking language and subject-area classes (Johns,
1997).
To many ESP practitioners, however, the wide versus narrow approach
debate is a nonissue because instructional decisions should have more to
do with the learners themselves than with instructor preference or
beliefs: low-literacy level adults and undergraduates without majors, for
instance, may benefit from a wide-gauge approach (Hirvela, 1998, but
see also Hyland, 2002), while other learners, such as, graduate students,
pilots, or nurses, may gain most from a narrower approach. Also, as
Murray and McPherson (2004) have found, instructors are not always
good judges of what will interest and motivate their own students. At the
very least, such findings support an argument for allowing learners a
voice in content selection.
Rescripting Instructional Roles: Who Teaches Whom?
If there were a television reality show called The ESP Apprentice, with
prizes in the form of ESP faculty appointments, it seems unlikely that
multitudes of ELT professionals would vie to appear on it, especially
considering the ESP ideal: combined needs assessor, specialized syllabus
designer, authentic materials developer, and content-knowledgeable
instructor, capable of coping with a revolving door of content areas
relevant to learners' communities. Few graduate programs prepare
students for the challenges of ESP (especially in the United States), and
as humanities majors more often than not, many language teachers may
find the technical content areas of such ESP learners as chemical
engineers or air traffic controllers unfamiliar, uninteresting, and
intimidating. Abbott (1983) no doubt spoke for many when won
in how many content areas, realistically speaking, any instructor c
acquire even a "layman's outline knowledge" (p. 35).
How much subject knowledge is enough for ESP instructors, espe
when taking a narrow-angled approach, is still very much an
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question. Some have argued that it is enough to know about an area, its
values, epistemological bases, and preferred genres (Ferguson, 1997). In
a similar vein, Dudley-Evans (1997) and Robinson (1991) have suggested
that, rather than deep content knowledge, the most critical qualifications
to cultivate are respect for learner knowledge and perspectives,
intellectual curiosity and flexibility, and enjoyment of improvisational
problem-solving. Others have noted, however, that since outsiders can
only approximate what community insiders know and do, and perhaps
not very successfully (White, 1981; Zuck & Zuck, 1984), they may actually
do more harm than good in attempting a narrow-gauge approach.
Robinson (1991) and Crofts (1981) argue that ESP specialists should not
attempt to be "pseudoteacher[s] of subject matter," (Robinson, p. 87)
but teachers "of things not learned as part of courses in ... specialisms"
(Crofts, p. 149). It is, of course, concern with limited content knowledge
that often drives the urge to collaborate, the team teaching and linked
classes referred to earlier. Yet some view even this solution (i.e., collaboration)
as far from perfect (Goldstein, Campbell, & Cummings, 1997),
and institutional constraints and unwillingness of would-be collaborators
can be major obstacles to teaching partnerships. Dual professionalism,
training in both the target subject area, for example, law or medicine,
and applied linguistics (Feak & Reinhart, 2002) would seem to provide
the best of both worlds but requires a breadth and depth of commitment
to two fields that few are willing to make.
A learner-centered solution to the content knowledge dilemma has
been offered by Dudley-Evans (1997), who feels it essential for ESP
teachers to learn how to learn from and with their students, engaging
with them in genuinely participatory explorations of discourse domains.
Benesch (2001), at the same time, warns of being overly respectful of
subject knowledge, especially that of content experts, whose handling of
content may fail to factor in the needs of second language learners or of
such so-called minorities as female students. Snow (1997), likewise,
suggests that ESP/EAP professionals can be valuable resources to subject
specialists, who may not know how to help L2 learners even when they
want to. Perhaps even more than others in ELT, ESP practitioners,
because of their work with field-specific discourse, need to remind
themselves that they are far from lacking a content area of their own.
WHAT THEORY AND RESEARCH HAVE TO OFFER
Though ESP has a reputation for being eclectic in its use of the
has long valued practitioner research, this does not mean th
professionals have not been informed by research and theor
developments beyond their own immediate instructional contexts
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rent ESP curriculum and materials design owes much to genre theory,
especially as enhanced by corpus linguistics, and ESP's conceptualizations
of both the learners' goals and its own as a field owe much to recent
contributions from critical pedagogy and ethnography.
Genre Theory and Corpus Data
Although ESP is itself considered a school of genre studies, it has
willingly embraced, in its usual eclectically pragmatic way, the insights of
two other schools of genre theory known as the Sydney School and New
Rhetoric (see Belcher, 2004; Hyland, 2004; Johns, 2002). Both the
Sydney School and New Rhetoric, along with influential ESP genre
theorists such as Swales (1990) and Bhatia (1993), have been instrumental
in moving ESP toward a more sociorhetorical view of genre, or as
Bawarshi (2003) says, away from a "container view of genre" as "only
transparent and innocent conduits that individuals use to package their
communicative goals" (p. 23).
The Sydney School has contributed arguably the most systematically
theoretical grounding of all the major approaches to genre (Hyland,
2004), informed as it is by Hallidayan systemic functional linguistics
(SFL, see Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004), that is, interested in context as
well as text, and field and tenor, or ideational and interpersonal
discourse dimensions, as well as mode, or generic channel. Also noteworthy
about the Sydney School is its commitment to bringing genres of power,
or literacies of the privileged, to children and low-literacy adult immigrants,
populations ESP had not traditionally focused on (Cope &
Kalantzis, 1993; but see also Pennycook, 1997). Sydney School pedagogy
addresses these populations' needs with Vygotskian scaffolding, or
staged, SFL-informed instruction that moves from the assistance of more
knowledgeable others to gradually more independent text generation
(Cope & Kalantzis, 1993; Feez, 2002).
The New Rhetoric School, in contrast, has been still more interested
in context and greatly inspired by theories of situated cognition and
cognitive apprenticeship (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Miller's (1984) New
Rhetorical redefinition of genre as "typified rhetorical actions based in
recurrent situations" (p. 159) has been especially influential in encouraging
an appreciation of how people "enact and are enacted by [genres]"
(Bawarshi, 2003, p. 22). Perhaps not surprisingly, New Rhetoric puts
relatively little faith in explicit instruction, seeing immersion in target
situations as essential for genuine acquisition of genres (Freedman,
1993). While the Sydney School has had much to offer genre-based ESP
pedagogy, especially in EAP, New Rhetoric has shed more light on the
genred spaces EOP focuses on, the "stabilized-for-now" (Schryer, 1993, p.
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200) shapes, uses, and acquisition processes of genres in a multitude of
professional sites (Hyland, 2004; Swales, 2004).
Genre scholars, thus, tend today to view genre as more contextual
than simply textual, dynamic than static, varied than monolithic, and
interesting in its shaping of and being shaped by people (Bawarshi, 2003;
Bhatia, 2004). Mindful of these recent developments, Swales (2004)
argues that the concept of genre serves us most productively as metaphor.
Genres can be seen as "frames for social action" (Bazerman, 1997,
p. 19; italics added), chains of sequential communicative events, sets of
related occupational and institutional practices, networks of intertextuality,
and purposeful activity systems, or spheres of communication, that human
actors engage in, affected by and affecting countless other systems
(Bawarshi, 2003; Swales, 2004). This increasingly complex conceptualization
of genre, and of life as genrefied (Swales, 2004), clearly affords a far
fuller view of the world in which learners must function than the
templates and taxonomies that many may still too readily think of w
they think of genre.
Considering genre theory's top-down, contextualized, sociorhetorica
view of discourse, it might seem that the more bottom-up, relativ
decontextualized, and lexicogrammatically "atomized" (L. Flowerde
2005b, p. 324) view of language use offered by computer-enabled corp
linguistics would be at odds with genre theory's more macro-lev
perspective. Flowerdew (2005b; see also Swales, 2004), however, h
pointed out, that the two approaches, in fact, have much to offer eac
other. Especially promising, Flowerdew (2004, 2005b) and others (e
Connor & Upton, 2004) note, are small corpus studies of academic
professional genres, of whole (not partial) expert and learner tex
compiled, hand-tagged for move structure (rhetorical stages) and qual
tively and quantitatively analyzed by ESP specialists familiar with
texts' contexts, producers, and intended audiences. The speed wi
which corpus data can now be compiled and analyzed pushes ESP s
farther in directions it has valued - away from "intuitive laundry list
common core features" (Hyland, 2002, p. 392) and toward empiric
based understanding of language used for specific purposes.
Critical Pedagogy and Ethnography
Just as genre theory and corpus studies may at first glance seem
unusual pairing, critical pedagogy may also initially appear the po
opposite of ESP itself, considering the pragmatic efforts of ESP to he
learners succeed in established, often exclusionary and hierarchi
communities. Although many ESP professionals may see meeting learn
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ers' needs as empowering, in a world where English opens doors to
technology, research findings, and educational and job opportunities,
critical pedagogists (e.g., Canagarajah, 2002; Pennycook, 1997; Phillipson,
1992) may see such efforts as a form of domination, supporting the
spread of English, and thus strengthening, in EFL settings, the hold of
the developed world on the less developed (but see also Seidlhofer,
2004) , and in ESL settings, aiding and abetting a too pervasive meltingpot
process that effaces cultural identity. In fact, however, some EAPexperienced
critical pedagogists, perhaps most notably Pennycook (1997)
and Benesch (2001), have constructed conceptual bridges between
critical and pragmatically needs-based perspectives on pedagogy.
Pennycook (1997) offers the concept of critical pragmatism as a muchneeded
change of course, or in Morgan and Ramanathan's (2005) terms,
invigoration (p. 156), for ESP/EAP, turning it away from its superficially
neutral, norms-reinforcing vulgar pragmatism, ideologically naïve in its
service to the status quo. More than a utilitarian approach to language,
critical pragmatism requires awareness of the role of English in "the
spread of particular forms of culture and knowledge" (Pennycook, 1997,
p. 258). The critically aware practitioner neither simply abandons
language teaching nor continues trusting that ELT will open doors
without closing any, but instead gives priority to helping learners
appropriate English for their own purposes - to accept, resist, and even
push back, to glocalize the global, asserting ownership of English in
forms useful in users' own communities.
Benesch (2001), similarly, suggests that a more critical approach
requires expansion of needs analysis to include rights analysis, which is
much more than a reactive determination of learner needs based on
institutional or expert expectations. Acknowledging that learners a
their instructors should not completely ignore target situation ne
Benesch encourages a language curriculum enriched by "a framewo
for understanding and responding to power relations" that insti
learners with confidence in their right and ability to challenge "unrea
sonable and inequitable arrangements" (p. 108). Such a learning ou
come is only likely, Benesch observes, if instructors themselves "disco
what is possible, desirable, and beneficial at a certain moment wit
particular group of students" (p. 109), that is, if instructors engag
rights analysis.
Critically aware qualitative research, or ethnographic thick descript
(Geertz, 1983), often for the sake of needs assessment, is also heighten
ing awareness of the need for a more critically pragmatic ESP consciou
of what Brandt and Clinton (2002) call the "limits of the local" (p. 337)
that is, of a perspective so focused on the local context that "tensi
among different immediate and remote forces at play" are ignor
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(Reder & Davila, 2005, p. 174).3 For example, in her study of hotel
maids' language needs, Jasso-Aguilar (1998) used critically-aware methodology,
which included working alongside the hotel maids in her study,
and discovered a mismatch between the language actually needed to
perform the usual hotel housekeeping duties and the welcoming "aloha"
language that the hotel corporation felt the maids needed. The increased
language skills desired by hotel management clearly had more to do with
wanting to increase business than with meeting either the actual immediate
work-related needs or long-term goals of the hotel housekeepers.
In another ethnographic account, Storer (1999) too identified conflicting
perspectives on the needs of learners, in this case, Thai bar-based
sex workers. One morally righteous perspective would deny the bar
workers language instruction that might encourage them to stay in the
bars. The business-minded bar managers had another view, discouraging
the workers from using language to negotiate safer interactions with
foreigners. The workers themselves were only too aware of the risks, to
life and livelihood, of being unable to establish ground rules with their
clients. Storer, like Jasso-Aguilar (1998), emphasizes the value of seeing
learners' needs emically, from their vantage point, which includes
gaining an understanding of the pressures that others' demands place
on them.
The ESP class itself can also be a site of ongoing critical qualitative
exploration of more and less transparent contexts. Bosher and Smalkoski
(2002), for example, found that discussing language needs in class with
immigrant nursing students and reading their journals placed their
language learning needs in a larger context, a culturally influenced
gendered space, where, as one student put it, "there are things the
female won't talk about as it is ok with the male" (p. 70), all of which
underscored a need for assertiveness training. Similarly, qualitative
research methods, including ongoing evaluation by the students themselves
of their own strengths and weaknesses, and the author's own close
observation of his students' struggles with assignments helped Holmes
(2004) understand why an imported genre-based EAP curriculum was so
ineffective at a school in Eritrea. Accessible, relevant, engaging materials
and tasks were developed only after local needs and interests, as well as
the impact of years of deprivation, were taken into account.
3 We should note that ethnography has also been very productively used, especially in
combination with textual analysis, in genre studies (Corbett, 2003), and genre analysis has
proven to be a powerful tool for critical discourse analysts (Fairclough, 1995). Corpus
linguistics, too, in the service of critical discourse analysis (see, e.g., Sotillo & Wang-Gempp,
2004) , holds enormous potential for increasing critical awareness of the needs of ESP learners
and the means of empowering them.
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THEORY- AND RESEARCH-INFORMED ESP PEDAGOGY
Although I have separately surveyed genre theory and
hanced genre studies, and critical pedagogy and ethnogra
need not be seen as mutually exclusive, especially with
pedagogical implications. Genre theorists (e.g., Bawarshi, 20
2004; Hyland, 2004; Swales, 2004) have more recently expou
critical consciousness-raising capability of genre-based peda
not uncommon for contemporary genre theorists to speak
responsibility to, in Bawarshi's (2003) words, "make . .
discursive spaces . . . visible . . . for the sake of enabling s
participate in these spaces more meaningfully and critical
Critical pedagogists, at the same time, have pointed to th
learner empowerment and agency not just in literacy pr
primary focus of much genre study, but in face-to-face (or vir
to-face) communication as well (see Auerbach, 2000; Benesch, 2001).
Academic Literacies: Promoting
Learner Autonomy and Decentered Authority
Given the multitude of genres that confront learners just in academia
alone, not to mention their careers and other avenues of life, the
pedagogical task of deciding which genres to focus on is a daunting one.
Devitt (2004) has suggested one reasoned way to cope with this situation:
Rather than attempting to teach specific genres, we teach "critical
awareness of how genres operate so that they [students] . . . learn the
new genres they encounter with rhetorical and ideological understanding"
(p. 194). Devitt reasons that focusing learners' attention first on
"antecedent genres" (p. 202), or familiar genres such as personal letters
or wedding announcements, will equip them with a learning strategy, a
meta-awareness of the benefits and constraints of genre, which can be
applied to all new genres they meet.
Although concurring with Devitt (2004) on the advantages of introducing
"homely" genres first, Johns (1997, p. 38) is interested in
promoting more than critical awareness. Focused primarily on the needs
of at-risk undergraduates, Johns aims at jump-starting acquisition of
literacy genres required for academic survival. Although again like
Devitt, Johns urges equipping students with genre-learning strategies,
she also encourages broader and deeper ethnographies of classroom
and authentic genres, with students compiling reading and writing
portfolios comprised of genre samples and their own genre performances
and analyses. A primary goal, Johns (2001) argues, should be to
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"destabilize the students' rather limited theories of genres" by revealing
that "there is a very large world beyond the academic essay" (pp. 70-71).
Johns' and others' use of academic literacy portfolios for undergraduates
in EAP classes has a still more basic motivation: the realization that
reading and writing are similar and synergistic sociocognitive processes,
both involving the construction of meaning, and that it makes little sense
to approach them pedagogically as discrete modalities. Literacy portfolios
and reading-to-write tasks in general have been further encouraged
by observations such as Carson and Leki's (1993) that "reading can be,
and in academic settings nearly always is, the basis for writing" (p. 1).
More recently, Hirvela (2004) has called attention to the impact that
writing can have on reading, noting that activities such as summarizing,
synthesizing, and responding, not only can tell us much about students
as L2 readers but can also help the students themselves become more
aware of what they learn as they read and be more likely to read and
reread texts purposefully, analytically, and critically.
For L2 graduate students, Hirvela (1997) advises an approach similar
to Johns' strategy with EAP undergraduates: compilation of disciplinary
portfolios, for which students follow Swales and Feak's (1994; see also
2004) advice to "examine and report back" (p. 87) on genres in their
own fields of study, where they, not their EAP instructor, are the content
experts. Hyland (2002) points out that if classes in which such ethnographic
work is done are disciplinarily heterogeneous, "the specificity of
their circumstances" can be exploited through the opportunity to
compare various disciplinary observations, thus nudging the students
toward the realization "that communication does not entail adherence
to a set of universal rules but involves making rational choices based on
the ways texts work in specific contexts" (p. 393). Lee and Swales (2006)
have taken the learner-as-disciplinary-ethnographer model into mo
high tech realms by helping L2 graduate students produce what, i
effect, are electronic portfolios. After compiling their own corpora
electronically retrieved professional texts and self-authored texts, th
students were taught to concordance and analyze them, thus gainin
both technical and discourse analytical skills likely to benefit them
throughout their school and professional careers. Lee and Swales argu
that use of such learner-produced corpora effectively decenters languag
standards away from the authority of the native speaker, teacher, gramm
text, and stylistic conventions by facilitating students' discoveries abou
language use with texts, written and spoken, generated by professionals
in their fields, "not all of whom are necessarily native speakers" (p. 71).
In another pilot concordancing course for L2 graduate students, Starfiel
(2004) likewise concluded, after observing her students' use of the
course's software, that this technicist learning strategy can be empowerin
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What I found exciting was that she [one of Starfield's students] was using the
concordancing strategy to develop her ability to insert herself into the text
she was writing. There was a sense that she was lessening the very unequal
relations of power that positioned her as a foreign student with poor English
skills and was beginning to occupy her research space as someone who has a
history with its own discourses to bring to the Australian academy, (pp. 152-
153)
SPEECH GENRES AND OTHER
DIALOGIC FUNCTIONALITIES:
REAL TIME, REAL LIFE NEGOTIATION
While written (and hence read) genres may be the chief currency of
academia, the means by which the greatest amounts of knowledge are
communicated and assessed, more immediately dialogic genres, or speech
genres, to use Bakhtin's (1986) term to underscore their interactional
quality, also have significant roles to play inside and outside of academia.
Many of the means of negotiating with more powerful others that
Benesch (2001) fostered in her own linked EAP classes can, in fact, be
seen as speech genres: raising questions in class, querying faculty during
office hours, questioning the rationale of a syllabus or assignments. No
longer the relatively neglected area it once was in ESP, spoken discourse
now has a wealth of new technology-enhanced resources. One especially
noteworthy example of these is the Michigan Corpus of Academic
Spoken English (MICASE; English Language Institute, 2002), a public
database of over 150 speech events, including such interactions as
dissertation defenses, advising sessions, and seminar discussions. Such
resources (see also Biber, Conrad, Reppen, Byrd, & Helt, 2002) offer new
ways of studying and teaching spoken genres - and understanding how
less powerful initiates can negotiate them.
Not all of the new resources for teaching spoken discourse involve
technology. Face-to-face human interaction itself becomes a resource
when authentic interaction opportunities are built into curricula in the
form of community-based service learning, or "participatory learning
communities," in which learners actively participate in making their own
lives and worlds better (Auerbach, 2000, p. 146). As Johns (2001)
remarks, community-based projects can offer students a chance to
assume a mentoring role with less proficient others that encourages
articulation of subject matter and literacy knowledge for the benefit of
both the mentees and the mentors themselves. Johns observes that such
projects at her own university have proved to be powerful metacognition
and confidence builders, especially noticeable in the student-mentors'
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poised oral presentations on university life to large audiences of both
faculty and younger students. Flowerdew (2005a) tells of another approach
in Hong Kong for tertiary EAP students, who chose a real-world
university problem to investigate, address, and report on orally. The inclass
presentation project was often a report on real world action, with
students feeling empowered by having taken their suggestions, for
example, for more Mandarin instruction for business-inclined biology
students, to the university authorities. Starfield (2001) has called for
more instructional practices of this kind, focused on the "strategies of
students' discursive empowerment," in order "to help our students
develop . . . the linguistic and critical abilities to negotiate the complex
sociopolitical learning environments in which they find themselves" (p.
146).
Outside of academia, technology facilitates ESP learners' participation
in their communities in some unexpected ways. Garcia (2002)
reports on a union-sponsored English program for immigrant textile
workers in Chicago that focused on more than their factory-floor oral
communication needs by "target [ing] the gaps" in other areas of their
work and nonwork lives, such as the need for training in computer use,
which learners identified as important for "professional mobility and
personal growth" (p. 170). Computer training proved a potent motivator
for language learning. Outcomes of this program, interestingly, however,
were measured not by increased phonological or grammatical control,
although shop-floor communication breakdowns decreased, but in increased
union solidarity, participation in union meetings and contract
negotiations, and use of union services. Boudin (1993) reports a very
different connection between technology and community involvement
in her account of a course for incarcerated women that used a Freirean
problem-posing approach and AIDS awareness as the content. The
students wrote, produced, and videotaped a play, which not only
motivated their own critical reflection and language and literacy learning,
but also became a "community-building" tool (Auerbach, 2000, pp.
145), a means of reaching out to and dialoguing with the entire prison
community. The discursive strategies and communication skills development
supported by such approaches as just discussed are clearly aimed at
producing more than linguistically proficient workers (or inmates) : They
serve as gateways to more confident, able, and likely participation in
discourse communities both narrow and wide.
FURTHER INQUIRY
Considering the already extensive scope of ESP - its numerous and
varied sites all over the world of EAP and EOP practice based on teacher
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research (see Johns & Dudley-Evans, 1991, on the international appeal
and practice of ESP) - it may appear odd to call for more diversity in ESP
research, but a case can be made for certain research areas as having
received far less attention than they deserve. The reasons for this neglect
probably have more to do with resource distribution than with any
prioritization based on research needs (see Canagarajah, 1996).
Although there have been numerous studies of academic and professional
genres, the ESP gaze has been focused more often on written than
spoken genres and on products rather than processes. Perhaps because
of ESP's traditional interest in materials development and literacy
(Johns & Dudley-Evans, 1991), textual description has remained popular
and useful among ESP specialists. The time sensitive nature of most
ESP needs analysis, curriculum development, and the very real-world
needs of learners, may have militated against the more time-consuming
investigations of processes and contexts, and of more ephemeral spoken
interactions, which are difficult to capture. However, technology, such as
digitized video and audio-streaming, is now helping address the latter
gap in particular, by facilitating recording, archiving, and analysis of
speech events (Murray, 2005). We should note too that computermediated
communication, with its hosts of new hybrid written/spoken
genres, such as blogs and vlogs (Web logs and video logs), is also
providing increasingly varied, appealing, and accessible but still largely
underexamined means of motivating both oral and literate L2
proficiencies. It remains to be seen (and researched) to what extent
specific-purpose language learning, particularly in areas where learners
have few opportunities for exposure to target language use, can be
catalyzed by Internet access and involvement in such interactive e-forums
as subject-specific discussion groups, chatrooms, and live journals (see Six
Apart, 2005). Warschauer (2003) argues for the need to consider a very
complex matrix of resources - physical and digital as well as human and
social - when examining technology use for any educational purposes
(see, e.g., his analysis of the "Hole-in-the-Wall" experiment in New Delhi,
2003, p. 1).
Another reason that texts and literacy have so often been the object of
ESP research attention has to do with the dominance of EAP (see Johns
& Dudley-Evans, 1991, and the Journal of English for Academic Purposes,
especially its premiere issue, Hyland & Hamp-Lyons, 2002). EAP professionals,
often situated in higher education, are likely to be better
positioned than EOP professionals to do research (Flowerdew & Peacock,
2001). Thus, though EOP spans an enormous number of domains,
much less evidence of EOP than EAP knowledge construction appears in
print, and when it does, the focus is often on business, law, and medicine,
among the most lucrative professions. The move toward more informal
publication on personal or community Web pages, with less gate keeping
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and demand for formal research genres, may make a difference, but the
visibility of such sites may remain limited in the foreseeable future.
Resources also help explain the continuing influence of the center
countries (e.g., the United Kingdom, United States, Australia, Canada),
where most so-called international journals are published. Although
published ESP research is among the most diverse in origin and
consumption in ELT - with issues of English for Specific Purposes now often
dominated by contributions from noncenter countries, and more readers
of the journal outside the center than in it - the opportunities for
sharing ESP knowledge and practices in refereed forums are still limited.
As others have noted, when "many of the superior, but localized, ESP
projects are not discussed in international publications, [it is] a great loss
for teachers and materials designers everywhere" (Johns & DudleyEvans,
1991, p. 303; see also Swales, 1988). Projects such as Muangsamai's
(2003) use of Internet resources to revitalize an EAP curriculum for
premedical students in Thailand have the potential, with greater visibility,
to benefit many, perhaps especially those in noncenter communities
where material resources may be meager. A promising development,
however, is the start-up of new journals based in noncenter countries,
such as the Review of Applied Linguistics in China and ESP in Taiwan, which
will be especially appreciative of local perspectives but not limited to
local audiences, given the possibility of electronic distribution. Certainly
having more refereed publication opportunities available beyond a
limited number of prestigious center journals will be a welcome
development.
Thus it is not surprising that the center influences not only who but
what gets published. ESP prides itself on investigating a broad range of
specific varieties of English, but these varieties are related mainly to
domain not "linguacultural background" (Seidlhofer, 2004, p. 230).
Variety seldom refers to World Englishes in published ESP research.
Seidlhofer (2001), who is herself addressing the need for more attention
to lingua franca English through a corpus project, observes that there
has been "very little empirical work [anywhere in ELT] ... on the most
extensive contemporary use of English worldwide . . . among 'non-native'
speakers" (p. 133). Nickerson (2005), with ESP and especially business
purposes in mind, adds to this agenda the need for research that is not
exclusively focused on English but that examines its use as one of a
number of languages in contexts where being multilingual is the norm.
Further attention to varieties of English as an international language
may help ESP rethink its conceptualization of expertise, or proficient
specialist language use, long the target of ESP research efforts. How
often are domain experts and native or native-like speakers synonymous
in ESP studies? Again with multilingual international business contexts
in mind, Nickerson (2005) calls attention to another needed develop-
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ment, a shift in focus away from proficiency to strategic communication
- strategies that are communicatively effective "regardless of whether
the speaker/ writer is a native or non-native speaker" (p. 369). Perhaps
with this shift would come more attention to the strategic competence
needs, or deficiencies, of center English speakers communicating with
noncenter-English-speaking interlocutors. In an interesting turning of
the tables, global English is now returning to the center morphed into
new glocalized forms spoken by those in positions of power. At a
Japanese-owned auto plant in the Midwestern United States, for example,
on-site ESP classes have been offered for the English-speaking
Japanese managers, but, to my knowledge, no one has demanded classes
on communication strategies useful for American workers conversing
with Japanese English-speaking managers. As Seidlhofer (2001) has
trenchantly remarked, "uncoupling" English from its native speakers
"holds the exciting, if uncomfortable, prospect of bringing up for
reappraisal just about every issue and tenet in language teaching which
the profession has been traditionally concerned with" (p. 152). Accustomed
as they are to addressing newly identified learner needs and their
own needs in new pedagogical contexts, ESP professionals should be
able to face the prospect of reappraising the role of English language
teaching in a rapidly glocalizing world with a ready array of professional
resources.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the editor and anonymous reviewers for their suppor
helpfully challenging feedback on an earlier draft of this article.
THE AUTHOR
Diane Belcher is associate professor and director of graduate stud
Department of Applied Linguistics/ESL at Georgia State University. Sh
co-edits the journal English for Specific Purposes and a teacher reference
Michigan Series on Teaching Multilingual Writers. She has also guest-ed
issues of the Journal of Second Language Writing.
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