(854)    IIEPI THE HPOAOTOT KAKOH0EIA2
1. TloWovs [lev, & 'AXegavSpe, tov 'HpoSorov1 /cat -q Xe£is ojs d<peXrjs /cat Siya ttovov /cat pqhicas emrpexovaa rots TTpdypiaow e£r)TTa.t7]Ke- rrXeloves Se tovto rrpos to fjOos avTov TTETTOvQaaw. ov yap F p.6vov, a>s <f>T)oiv 6 ilXdrajv, ttjs eo-^aT^? dSiKcas p.rj ovra SoKeXv etvcu Sikcliov, dXXd /cat KaKorjdeias aKpas epyov evKoXiav pup.ovp.evov /cat airXor-qra. Sva-(pcoparov* elvcu. ***3 pdXiora rrpos re Boiwrovs /cat Kopivdiovs Ke)(pT]T<u p-qSe tcHv aXXcov twos aireaxrjpevos, olpai TrpoorJKeiv "fyfuv* dpvvopevois vnep tcov npoyovwv dpa /cat rfjs dXr/deias, hot avTO5 tovto ttjs ypa.(/>rjs to pepos- erre! rd y dXXa ipevapara /cat irXdapara /3ouAo/Lievois e-Tre^tevat ttox-Xcov av j3tpXtcuv Se-rjaeiev. dXXa.
Setvov to t&s rieiOoBs Trpoaanrov,
1 -noXXovs ueV, <I 'A., tov 'HpoSdrou L. P. : tov 'hoobotou (lacuna of 12 letters) mXXovs p.4v, <L 'A. Editors either ignore lacuna or supply tov Xoyoypa^ov or tov loropiKov, following
2 SvotfiatpaTOv E : ovafopaiTaTov B.
3 Lacuna of about 160 letters in mss. Possible supplement: oirep ^tAet Trouuv h> rots u-dXiOTa 6 'HpdSoTos, tois p.h aloxiorr) W KoXaxeta xapi.iou.svos, tovs Se ota^aXXuiv Kal ovKO^avrwv. viv 0 ws ouSely T€ToXp.7]Ket> avTov ttjv i/ievSoXoyiav itjeXeyxew, if
4 Bernardakis would add iXiyxew, not necessary with proposed supplement.
5 ko.t avro B : Karawo E.
8
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS
1. many people, my dear Alexander," have been deceived by the style of Herodotus, which is apparently so simple and effortless, slipping easily from one subject to another ; but more people still have suffered a similar delusion with regard to his moral character.   Not only is it the height of injustice (as Plato puts it) " to seem just when one is not so," 6 but it is an act of supreme malice to put on a false show of good humour and frankness which baffles detection, j And 0 this is exactly what Herodotus does, flattering some people in the basest possible manner, while he slanders and maligns others.   Hitherto no one has dared to expose him as a liar.   Since his principal victims are the Boeotians and the Corinthians, though he spares no one, I think it is proper that I should now stand up for the cause of my ancestors and the cause of truth and show how dishonest this part of his work is I; it would, of course, take many books if one wanted to describe all his other lies and fabrications. None the less
Persuasion by her glance doth quell us,
0 Possibly, but not necessarily, the same as Alexander the Epicurean in Mor. 635 f.
6 Plato, Republic., ii. 361 a.   Cf. Mor. 613 f—614 a.
" The loss of several lines is indicated in the mss. at this point. The two sentences that follow are based on a conjectural restoration (see critical note); but the general line of argument is clear.
9
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
855 a>s (prjaiv 6 ZocpoKXfjs, pLaXtora S' orav iv Xoyw X&pw exovTi /cat 8vvajj.iv Tooavrrjv iyyivyjrai rds t dXXas droTrlas Kal to 7)605 d-TroKpvTrre.iv rov ovyypa^eais. 6 p.ev yap (^iXlttttos eXeye npos rovs d<f>iOTap,evovs "EXXrjvas avrov Kal ra> Tlrw Trpoari-dep,evovs, on Xeiorepov p.ev p,aKporepov Se kXoiov p,eTaXap,j3dvovoiv i) 8" 'HpoSoVou KaKorjdeia Aeto-repa p,ev ianv dpieXec Kal p,aXaKO>Tepa rfjs @eo-TTop^rtov, KaddTTTerat, Se Kal Xvirei p.aXXov, aio-nep ol Kpv<f>a 81a arevov TrapaTrveovres dvepLoi, ra>v Sta-Kexvp,evaiv.
Ao/cet Se1 /not jSeATtov etvai tvttio tivI Xafiovras B 00a KOLvfj p.r) KaOapas p,r)8' eipevovs eoriv dXXd KaKorjOovs olov ixvV        yvajplopara 8irjyrjaeu>s, els ravra twv egera^opLevcov eKaorov, av evappLOTT?], rldeodai.
2. E[paJTOV pev ovv 6 tols Svoxepeordrois dvo-paoi Kal prjp.aoiv, erneoKeoTepcov -napovTUtv, iv tco Xeyeiv rd Treirpayp.eva xpd\p,evos (woTrep el deiaopui irpooKelpbevov dyav i£6v elireZv rov NiKiav 6 Se deoXrjTrrov TrpooeiTToi, 7) BpaovT-qra Kal p.avlav KAe'ajvo? pidXXov r) Kov<poXoylav) ovk evpbevijs ioriv, 1 Se editors : 8ij.
" Jebb-Pearson, Fragments of Sophocles, Hi, fr. 865.
6 Philip V of Macedon, from whom the Greek states were liberated by the Roman army of Titus Quinctius Flamininus (197 b.c.).
0 Recalcitrant slaves, especially runaway slaves, were burdened with wooden or iron collars ; a pun is probably intended here; the new collar would be longer-lasting, and 10
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855
as Sophocles says a ; and this is particularly true when a style so attractive and so effective enables a writer to conceal his moral character as well as the errors in his statements. Philip b used to tell the Greeks who were abandoning their allegiance to him and throwing in their lot with Titus Flamininus that they were merely accepting a new collar of servitude ; it might chafe less than the old one, but they would wear it longer." So the malice of Herodotus, no doubt, is of a smoother and softer variety than that of Theo-pompus,d but its effect is more penetrating and more painful—just as winds can create more discomfort by seeping through a narrow crack than when they spend their force out in the open.
I think, however, that I had better make some kind of outline, and list, in general terms, the indications by which we can determine whether a narrative is written with malice or with honesty and good will; then the individual passages examined can be classified under the different headings, if they fit the pattern.
2. First, then, the man who in his narrative of events uses the severest words and phrases when gentler terms will serve ; if, for example, when he might have called Nicias " too much addicted to pious practices," he called him " a fanatical bigot " ; or if he spoke of Cleon's " rashness and insanity " instead of his " unwise speech " e—such a writer is clearly
also longer, larger, and heavier. In Life of Flamininus, chap, x, this remark is attributed to the Aetolians.
d Jacoby, Frag. Or. Hist, ii b, no. 115, T. 25. This fourth-century historian was famous for his violent brand of character-assassination.
' The " gentler " terms are those of Thucydides (vii. 50. 4; iv. 28. 5), who nevertheless speaks of Cleon making " a madman's promise " to take Sphacteria (iv. 39. 3). Cf. Life of Nicias, chap, vii and Mor. 169 a.
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA (855) aAA' olov anoXavatv ra> ■f'CTo0a)91t Sirjyeladai rov
TTpdypXLTOS.
C 3. Aeirrepov, orcp kcikov irpooeanv dXXcos rfj S' loTopiq pjr) TrpocrrJKov, 6 Se avyypatpevs emSpdr-rerat, tovtov Kal TTapep.j3dXXei tols -npayp^aaw ovSev Seo/zeVoi?, dXXd rr\v Sirjyrjo-iv enefjayajv /cat KVKXovpievos, ottcos epvnepi,Xd^r) drv^ffp-d twos* t) •npd^iv dronov Kal ov yfi-r\ar"f]v, SfjXos earw rj§6-p,evos tu> KdKoAoyelv. odev 6 ®ovkvS18t]s ovSe rcbv KXecovos dp,apTT]p,drcDV d<f>dovojv ovtcov enoir\aaro <ra<f>rj SiTJyqcnv,3 'Yrrep[36Xov re rov 8rjp,aya>yov 6t,yd)V evl* pr)p.ari Kal p,o)(Qrip6v avQpumov Ttpoaei-nthv d(f)fJKe. OiAiaro?6 Se Kal Alovvctlov ra>v trpos rovs fiapfidpovs d8i/aajv oaat, pur) avveirXeKovro tols D 'EWrjviKois Trpdyp,acnv dndaas TtapeXiTrev al yap e/cj8oAat Kal Traparponal rrjs laroptas p-dXiara rots p,v6oLs St'Sovrai Kal rais dpxaioXoylais, en Se npos rovs inaivovs6' 6 Se TrapevOrJKrjv Xoyov to fiXaatpr]-p,elv Kal tfieyew TTOi.ovp.evos eoiKev els ttjv rpayiKTjv
1 ra> oo<j>ws] Vaj ootfrioTiKios Post: t<3 tfrios Aldine edition : ■niiis tu> Stephanus : ocuj>u>s t<3 Wyttenbach : t<3 aa<f>a>s Ber-nardakis. ao(j>u>s is clearly corrupt, but none of the emendations is satisfactory.
2 drvxyifia tivos] tivos arvxtj/jLa Benseler.
3 hvx\yr\aiv K : t-tjv SiTJyrjoiv B.
4 Oiydiv Ivl Xylander : dtfycuv ev E : Biywv ev B.
5 <daiotos Basel edition : oiaiotou.
6 Something may be lost in the text here: Reiske suggests
Text and precise meaning uncertain here. For similar but clearer language and possibly similar thought see Mor 630 p, where it is pointed out that when men describe their own successes or the failures of their enemies they seem, as it were, " to be experiencing the pleasure of the incident itself 12
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855
lacking in good will; he is apparently deriving pleasure out of another man's misfortune by making a clever story out of it."
3. Secondly, when something is discreditable to a character, but not relevant to the issue, and the historian grasps at it and thrusts it into his account where there is no place for it, drawing out his story and making a detour so as to include someone's ill-success or foolish unworthy act, there is no doubt that he delights in speaking ill of people. Thus Thucydides, even in writing about Cleon, never gave any specific account of his misdeeds, numerous though they were, and he was content with a single adjective to deal with Hyperbolus, the demagogue, calling him " a bad character " 6 and letting him go with that. Likewise Philistus 0 omitted all the crimes of Diony-sius against the barbarians which were not tied up with the story of Greek events. The fact is that the digressions and excursuses in his history d are mostly devoted to myths and tales of early times, or else to praise of his characters. The writer who inserts abuse and fault-finding parenthetically seems to be expos-
as they talk." Post would translate rather, " they derive pleasure from the adventure in the telling," and the present passage with his emendation, " he seems to take pleasure in narrating the fact with sophistic colouring."
* Thucydides, viii. 73. 3. Plutarch's own language is not so restrained in Life of Nicias, chap. xi.
0 Jacoby, Frag. Or. Hist, iii b, no. 556, T. 13 b.
* Or " of history " in general. Jacoby evidently takes this to be the meaning, as he does not include this sentence in the Testimonium of Philistus. Plutarch might be thinking of the digressions in Thucydides devoted to mythology and early times, which include praise of Theseus (ii. 15. 2) and Themis-tocles (i. 138. 3); but Philistus is said to have modelled himself on Thucydides.
13
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855
(855) efnruTTTeiv Kardpav,
Qvryrcov eK.Xeycov ras ovp.<f>opds.
4. Kai p.i)v to y avTiorpcxpov tovtco rravn SijXov cos KaXov nvos Kayadov rrapaXei^iis eaTW, dvvrrev-dvvov Sokovv irpayp^a etvai, yivofievov oe KaKor]8cos,
E avnep ep.TTL7rrrj to TrapaXei(f>9ev els tottov Trpoorj-KovTa T7J loTopia- to yap d7rpodvp,cos eiraiveiv tov ifieyovra xa^Petv OVK emeiKeoTepov, dXXd Trpos rep p.r) imeiKeaTepov 'locos Kal %eipov.
5. TeTa/DTov toivvv Tidep-ai orjp,elov ovk eip.evovs ev iaTopiq, Tpoirov to SvoZv1 t) TrXeiovcov irepl tovtov Xoycov ovtcov tco xeipovi irpoaTideadai. toZs yap oocbioTaZs e^etrat Trpos ipyaolav t) 86£av eanv ot€ tcov Xoycov Koop.eZv tov TjTTOva TrapaXap.@dvovTas' ov yap epvrroiovtn ttiotw la)(vpdv irepl tov -rrpdy-
F p^aTOS ov8' dpvovvTat, -rroXXaKLS els to Trapd8o£ov emxeipetv* VTrep tcov dntaTCov. 6 8' laToplav ypd-tbcov a p,ev olSev dXrjdfj Xeycov" SiKtuos ion, tcov S' dSrjXcov rd fieXriova SoKeZv dXrjdcos Xeyeodai p,aXXov t) to -)(eipova. ttoXXol S5 oXcos to, \elpova irapaXei-•novaw coairep dp,eXei -rrepl QepnoTOKXeovs "Etfiopos p,ev, elrrcov on tt)v Havaravlov TrpoSoolav eyvco* Kal Ta TTpaoaopbeva Trpos tovs fiaaiXecos OTpaTYjyovs,
It > 9        /    /}      ft      I I (i       lOV ts If-
aAA  ovk eTretaoT],    cbrjcnv,     ovoe irpooeoe^aTO KOLVovp.evov Kal irapaKaXovvros ainov irrl tcls5
1 Svolv] Svetv Bernardakis. 2 smxeipzlv Stephanus : imxatpeiv. 3 Xiyosv Reiske : Aeyetv. i iyvca Wyttenbach : dviyvca. 6 rdy] rdj avras Reiske.
14
ing himself to the curse of the tragedy,
Be damned, compiler of men's miseries.0
4. The reverse of this behaviour, as anyone can see, is the omission of what is good and creditable ; such behaviour may seem immune from criticism, but it is prompted by malice if the omitted material has a proper place in the narrative. In fact, to begrudge praise is no less unfair than to take delight in censure ; and one might add that it is really more objectionable.
5. My fourth sign of ill will in history-writing is a preference for the less creditable version, when two or more accounts of the same incident are current. Sophists are permitted, on occasion, to adopt the worse cause and make the best of it; but this is for practice or display ; they are not really inducing any firm belief in their cause and they may even admit that they are trying to startle people by a defence of the incredible. The historian, on the other hand, if he is to be fair, declares as true what he knows to be the case and, when the facts are not clear, says that the more creditable appears to be the true account rather than the less creditable.6 Many omit the less creditable version altogether. For example, Ephorus 0 in writing about Themistocles says that he knew of the treachery of Pausanias and his negotiations with the king's generals ; " but," he says, " when Pausanias told him about it and invited him to share in the expected rewards, he was not per-
« Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag/ p. 913.   Of. Mor. 520 b.
6 This is in sharp contrast with the expressed view of Herodotus : "I am obliged to set down what is recorded, but not to believe in it absolutely " (vii. 152. 3, cf. ii. 123. 1).
• Jacoby, Frag. Or. Hist, ii a, no. 70, F. 189.
15
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(855) iXnlBas" • QovkvBIBtjs Be Kal to -napamav tov Ad-yov tovtov ojs KareyvwKchs TraprJKev.
6. "eti1 to'ivvv eirl tu>v 6p.oXoyovp,eva>v Trenpa-X^M>       B' alriav aft fjs treTTpaKTai Kal tt)v Sia-voiav e^ovTOtv dS'qXov, 6 rrpos to ^etpov e»ca£a>v Bvup.evrjs cctti Kal KaKorjd-qs' djcmep ol KOjp,iKol 856 tov Tr6Xep.ov vtto tov YlepLKXeovs SKKeKavaOat, St' ' Aorraalav 7} Sia OeiStav 6nrocf>alvovT€s, ov (fiiXo-Ti/xt'a rtvi  /cat  (jjiXoveiKia p.aXXov OTopeaai? to (f>p6vqp,a   TleXoTrovvrjoltov   Kal  p/qBevos v^eladat AaKreSai/xovt'oi?3   edeXrjoavros.    el  p.ev  yap tls* evBoKip,ovaiv epyots Kal TTpa.yp.aaiv eTrat,vovp.evot,s alriav <f>avXr)v VTroTldrjcrt. Kal KaTayerat, reus Bia-fioXals els imoifilas dro-novs rrepl ttjs ev a<f>avel rrpoaipeoecos tov Trpdtjavros, cwto5 to TreTrpayp,evov ep,<j)ava)s ov Bvvdp.evos tfieyeiv (warrep ol tov vtto ©t^sijs" ' AXe^dvBpov tov Tvpdvvov <f>6vov ov p.eya-Xovolas ovoe p,t,aoTTOvr]plas, £rjXov Be twos epyov B Kal rrddovs yvvamelov Tt.dep.evot,- Kal Karajva Ae-yovTes eavTov dveXelv BelcravTa tov p.er aua'a? ddvaTov vtto Kaiaapo?), evBrjXov otl <j)66vov Kal KaKorjBelas vTrepploXr)v ov XeXonre.
7. Ae^erai Se' Kal rrapd tov Tporrov tov epyov Birjyrjois loropiKr) KaK07]deiav, dv xprjuaoi <fidaKrj
1 en Wyttenbach : el. 2 oropeoai Turnebus : loTopijoai: els to p7/£at Stephanus. 3 AaKeSat/Aovtotff Madvig : AaKeSaifioviaiv. 4 ns Wyttenbach : rofr. 6 avro Reiske : airrov. 6 e-rjfas Xylander : 07;|3as.       ' Se] omitted in B. '
" For the methods of Herodotus in assigning intentions and motives see L. Pearson, Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc. lxxii (1941), pp. 348-355.
16
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 855-856
suaded to accept the offer." Thucydides, on the other hand, has tacitly condemned the story by leaving it out altogether.
6. Again, when there is agreement about what was actually done but the cause and intention of the deed are in doubt," the writer who tends towards the less creditable explanation is uncharitable and malicious —like the comic poets who represented the spark of war as set off by Pericles on account of Aspasia or Pheidias,6 not because of a contentious ambition to check Peloponnesian arrogance and because he was unwilling to make any concessions to the Spartans. It may happen that a writer invents a discreditable reason for worthy deeds and actions which have won the praise of the world, and that his slanderous fabrications lead him on to unworthy suspicions concerning the secret purpose of the doer, though he cannot openly find fault with what was actually done—as with the writers who claim that the assassination of the tyrant Alexander by Thebe c was not prompted by a noble spirit and a hatred of evil, but was an act of jealousy and womanly passion, and those who say that Cato committed suicide because he feared the horrible death which Caesar planned for him d ; envy and malice can certainly go no further than this.
7. Furthermore, with respect to the way in which a deed is accomplished, a historian's narrative is open to the charge of malice if it asserts that the success
6 Cf. lAfe of Pericles, chaps, xxiv, xxx-xxxii (where he does not specifically refute the charges).
c Alexander of Pherae, killed by his wife Thebe in 359 b.c. Cf. Life of Pelopidas, chaps, xxviii, xxxv, and Mor. 256 a, and for a different version Mor. 768 f.
d Plutarch himself thinks that Caesar would have spared Cato (Life of Cato, chap, lxxii).
17
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(856) p.ř) 81 áperijs Kwreipyaadat ttjv rrpdi^lv, ws í>ťAi7T-770V ěvioi <f>áoKovoiv av avv ovSevl ttovco Kal paSicos, ojs 'AAe'^avSpov av fir) ^povipxus aXX, euTU^áj?, ojs Tip-ódeov ol i)(dpoí, ypá<j)0VTíS ev1 ■nívafciv eis Kvprov Tivá ras TróXeis avrás, eKelvov KadevSovTOS, V7to8vop,évas. 8-rjXov yap Stí too v C npá^eojv eXaTTOvm to puéyeOos Kal to KaXXos ol to yevvaícjs Kal (JjiXottÓvojs Kal Kar' ápcTr\v Kal Si' avTtov a<j>aipovvres •
8. "Eon" Toivvv Tols aV eiiOelas ovs3 fiovXovTai KaKtiús Xéyovai hvoKoXlav emKaXelv Kal Bpaavrtyra Kal p,avlav, eáv p,ř) fMerpiá^coaiv ol 8é 7rAayi'a>s olov it; d(f>avovs ftéXecri xpáp-evot toís StajSoAaiy, eh-a nepuóvTes oirLauj Kal ávaSuó/xevoi, tw <j>áaKeiv ami-otěiv a iravv moTeveadai deXovaiv, apvov/ievoL KaKorjdeiav áveXevOepíav tíj KaKorjBeíq TTpoaoýXi-OKavovmv.
9. 'Eyyvs Se tovtíúv elalv ol tois tpóyois erraí-vovs nvás TtapaTidévTes, cos e-nl "EaiKpaTovs 'Apt-
D oTo^evos, ánaíSevTOV Kal áp.a8rj Kal á/cóAacrTov ehrojv, inrjveyKev " áSi/aa 8' ov itpoarpí!' ů>onep yap ol avv twi Téyyr) Kal SělvÓttjti KoXaKevovres eonv oře ttoXXoís Kal pLaKpois éiralvois ifjóyovs TrapapLiyvúovaiv iXa<f>povs, olov rjSvopia 777 KoXaKeíq
1 év (or im) added by Reiske, not in mss. 8 éari Meziriacus : řn. 3 ofis Meziriacus : ov.
« Of. Mar. 187 b-c and, for slightly different detail, Life of bulla, chap. vi. Timotheus played a vigorous part in the 18
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856
was won not by valour but by money (as some say of Philip), or easily and without any trouble (as they say of Alexander), or not by intelligence but by good luck (as the enemies of Timotheus claimed, when they painted pictures showing the cities entering of their own accord into a kind of lobster-trap while Timotheus slept).0 It is evident that writers detract from the greatness and virtue of deeds when they deny that they were done in a noble spirit or by hard work or by valour or by a man's own effort.
8. Now men who openly abuse the persons whom they want to attack can be charged with ill-temper and lack of restraint, and lack of sanity if they go beyond reasonable bounds ; but if they do it indirectly, if they shoot their slanderous shafts from under cover, as it were, and then turn round and withdraw from the fight by saying that they do not believe the charges which they certainly want other people to believe,6 by their denial of malicious intent they show themselves guilty of a mean spirit as well as a malicious one.
9. Similar to these writers are those who qualify their fault-finding with some expressions of praise, as Aristoxenus c did in his verdict on Socrates, calling him an uneducated, ignorant sensualist, and adding " but there was no real harm in him." Just as men who flatter with some degree of skill and finesse sometimes mingle expressions of gentle criticism with their catalogue of praises, introducing the element of frank-Athenian resurgence of the fourth century, which led to the formation of the Second Athenian Confederacy.
' 6 Plutarch is thinking in particular of Herodotus, viii. 94,
the story that the Corinthian admiral took flight at Salamis. Of. below, 870 b-d.
c F. Wehrli, Die Schule des Aristoteles, ii, frag. 55.
19
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(856) rrjv Trapprjaiav e/xjSáAAovTes, ovrco to KaKorjdes els Triariv <Lv ipéyet, irpoVTTOTÍderai1 rov éVaivov.
10. 'Hv Se Kal TrÁeíovas KaTapidfieiadat, toiv ^a-paKTiqpuiv apKOvai S' oStoi Karavórjcnv rávOpcx)-ttov rfjs Trpoaipéaecos Kal rov rpónov napaa^elv.
11. Hpújra Bř) ttÚvtojv woirep á<f>' eorías ápíjá-pievos 'íovs rfjs 'Ivá^ov Bvyarpós, rjv návres "eaa17-
E ves eKTeBeLtoadat vop.ltpvai rais Tí./xaí? vtto tójv fšapfiáptúv Kal KaraÁnreXv ovop,a TroÁXalg p,év 8a-Xárraís, 7rop8p,á)v Se rois (JbeyurrotS acj> avrfjs Siá rrjv 8ó£av, ápxrjv Se Kal nrjyrjv tG>v em<f)aveoTáTU>v Kal ftaoiÁiKcoráTiov yevčov vapaaxeív Tavrrjv o yev-vaios emSovvai cfrrjaiv iavrrjv Ooťvi^i <f>oprT]yoLS, vtto tov vavKÁrjpov 8i,a<f>6apeiaav ÍKovaluis Kal <j>ofiovp,évr)v p,r) Kvovaa tjjavepa yeVrjrat. Kal Kara-ifievoerai QolvÍkwv cos ravra Tře pí avríjs* XeyóvTCov. Hepoájv Se rovs Áoyíovs3 pLaprvpetv <f>rjoas, 6ti ttjv 'low1 p.er' aAAajv yvvaiKÓJV ol OoiviKe? á(f>apná-
F oeiav, evdvs onrocfyaiveTai yvúpvqv to koWiotov epyov Kal p,éyi(jTov ttjs 'EAAáSos d^eXreplq,6 rov TpajiKov ■nóXep.ov yevéadai Stá yvvaiKa <f>avXrjv. " SfjXov yáp," (/>r)o-ív, " 6ti, ei p.ř) avTal* efiovXovTo,
1 TrpovTTOTÍdeTa.1 Abresch : irpoaTTOTÍSeTai. 2 avTÍjs E : avTTjv B. 3 Aoyíous Wyttenbach : Xóyovs. 1 ttjv 'lovv Stephanus : lacuna of 8 letters in mss. 6 ápeÁrepíq, Bernardakis : a^eXrrjpía (so also in 859 d). 6 aural Emperius : aÍTai.
" Cf. Plutarch, Quomodo Adul. ab Amico Intemosc, esp.
SI c-d.
20
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856
ness as a sort of seasoning to their flattery,° so malice offers some preliminary praise to make its accusations seem convincing.
10. One might enumerate more characteristics of this kind ; but these are enough to convey an idea of the man's purpose and method.
11. At the very beginning, then, starting from his own hearth, as it were, with lo the daughter of Inachus, whom all Greeks suppose to have received divine honours at the hands of the barbarians 6 and to have won such fame that many seas and the most famous straits were named after her 0 and to be the source from which the most notable royal families sprangd—our worthy Herodotus6 says that she handed herself over to some Phoenician traders after she had let herself be seduced by the skipper, because she was pregnant and was afraid of being discovered ; and he falsely represents the Phoenicians as telling this tale about her. And after naming the learned men among the Persians as witnesses for the story that the Phoenicians carried off Io together with some other women, he goes right on to say that the greatest and noblest exploit of Hellas, the Trojan War, was in his opinion an act of folly, entered upon for the sake of a worthless woman ; " for it is clear," he says, " that they would not have been carried off unless they them-
b As a cow-goddess Io was commonly identified with Isis, especially since her wanderings ended in Egypt.
c The Ionian Sea to the West of Greece and the Bosporus or " Cow-ford," whether the Cimmerian or the Thracian, were supposed to be named after Io, because she passed that way on her wanderings when transformed into a cow. Cf. Aeschylus, Prometheus, 732-734, 839-841 ; Apollodorus, The Library, ii. 1. 3.
* The kings of Egypt and Argos (Aesch. Prom. 853-869 ; Apollodorus, ii. 1. 4). * i. 5. 2-3.
21
1
I24j3&3 Í b&% 'J V
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(856) ovk av r/pTrd^ovTO." Kal roiis deovs toivvv dpeX-repa rroieZv Xeycopev,1 vrrep tcov AevKrpov2 dvya-repwv j3iaa6etowv p/qvLovras AaKeSatp,ovtoi,s Kal KoXd^ovras Atavra Sid rfjv KaaavSpa? vfipw SrjXa yap S17 Kad' 'UpoSorov otl, el p,rj avral* efiovXovro,* ovk av i^pi^ovTO. Kauroi, Kal 'ApiOTop,evrf <f>rjolv avros vtto Aa/ceSai/xovtajv £covTa avvapTTaadfjvai, Kal QikoTToLpvqv varepov 6 tcov 'A^attSv arpaTTjyos 857 ravro rovr evade, Kal 'PrjyovXov exeipwaavro Kan^Sdvi^ tov6 'Pu>p,ala>v VTrarov wv epyov evpetv p,a)(tpiU)Tepovs Kal TToXepuKCorepovs avSpas. dXXd Oavp.dE,eiv ovk a£iov, orrov Kal irapSdXeis ^cooas Kal riypeis avvapirdl,ovaiv dvdpwTtof 'Hpo-Sotos Be Karrjyopel twv fiiaaOeiocov yvvaiKtov, drroXoyovp-evos vrrep twv dprtaadvTWV.
12. Ovtw Se <f>iXofidpj3ap6s eartv, uiare TSovoipw diroXvoas rfjs Xeyop,evrjs dvdpaynoOva[as Kal tjevo-KTOvias, Kal rraoiv Alyvirriois oaidrryra} TroXXr\v
1 \iywy.zv Stephanus : \4yoftev (o is a mere smudge in E).
2 AevxTpov] AevKrplov suggested by Bernardakis, SiceSacrou added by Xylander. 3 avral Emperius : oStm.
4 efiovXovro Basel edition, Emperius: ifiovXevovro E: ifiov-AraTO B.
6 'kpi.OTop.lvq Basel edition, Turnebus : ' kpioroyev-r]. 6 rov Reiske : rcov. 7 &aAn[ta Cobet: BewrrjTa.
a i. 4.2. Herodotus offers this verdict as the opinion of the Persians, not as his own.
s The story was that some girls of Leuctra were raped by some Spartan envoys and killed themselves ; and the Spartan defeat at Leuctra, where their tomb was shown, was said to be the result of divine anger. Plutarch in Mor. 773 b— 774 d calls them daughters of Scedasus (cf. Life o/Pelopidas, chap, xx, Pausanias, ix. 13. 5-6), but Diodorus, xv. 54, says " daughters of Scedasus and Leuctrus." See also Xenophon, Hell. vi. 4. 7.
22
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 856-857
selves had wanted it." ° Let us say, then, that the gods commit folly when they are angry with the Spartans because of the rape of the daughters of Leuctrus 6 and when they punish Ajax for outraging Cassandra, because, by Herodotean standards, " it is clear that if they had not themselves wanted it they would not have been outraged." Yet he says himself that Aristomenes was carried off alive by the Spartans,0 and in later days the Achaean general Philopoemen suffered the same fated and the Roman consul Regulus was captured by the Carthaginians e ; and it would be hard to find more valiant warriors than these men. Nor need we be surprised at such things, since even leopards and tigers are carried off alive by men ; but Herodotus makes these outraged women the object of an accusation and pleads in defence of the men who carried them off/
12. He is also such a pro-barbarian that he acquits Busiris of the charge of human sacrifice and murder of strangers." He bears witness to the strict piety and justice of all Egyptians h and turns this charge of
0 A false quotation. Aristomenes, heroic leader of the Messenians in the struggle with Sparta, is not mentioned by Herodotus ; the story of his capture (on three separate occasions) is found only in later writers. Cf. Polyaenus, Strategemata, ii. 31, Pausanias, iv. 17. 1 and 18. 4.
' Life of Philopoemen, chap, xviii. • In the First Punic War.
1 No one claimed that Helen was " outraged " or followed Paris to Troy against her will. Plutarch, in the heat of argument, appears to forget this.
' The story was that the Egyptians tried to sacrifice Heracles but he turned on his captors and slew them (cf. the famous vase painting in Vienna, Pfuhl-Beazley, Masterpieces of Greek Drawing and Painting, no. 7). Herodotus, ii. 45, rejects the tale as showing ignorance of Egyptian customs (he does not mention Busiris by name). k e.g. ii. 37. 1.
23
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(857) Kal BiKcuoovvqv p,apTvpr]aas, i(f>' "EAA^va? dvaorpe-(f>et. to [ivaos1 tovto Kal tt)v iuai<f>ovLav. ev yap rfj B Sevrepq /?i/3Aa> MeveAaoV (f>r/ai. napa Upcorecos dnoXa^ovra ttjv 'EXevrjv Kal rifirjOevra ScopeaXs p,eydXais dhiKOirarov dvdpwncDV yeveodai Kal kcl-klgtov vtto yap dnXoias ovve^6p,evov " emTe^vT]-aaoBai Trpayp,a ovx ocriov, Kal Xafiovra 8vo rraiSCa dvSpwv emywpiusv evrofid ac^ea2 Troifjaai.- pna-q-Oevra 8' em tovtoj Kal 8iu)Kop,evov o'txeodat. <j>ev-yovra rfjoi vrjvaiv3 em At,j3vr)s." tovtov 8e rov Xoyov ovk 0I8' ootis Alyvrrriajv etprjKev dXXa rdvavrla TroXXal p.ev 'EXevqs noXXal 8e M.eveXdov Ti/xat 8ia<f>vXaTTOVTat, nap' avrois-
13. '0 Se ovyypa(f>evs emp,eva>v Ilepoas /xeV <j>rjoi C Traiol* p,Layeadaf Trap' 'EXXrjvcov p,a86vras. Kairoi ttws "EXXrjoi Hepoai SiSaa/caAia Tavrqs 6<j>eiXovai rrjs aKoXaolas, Trap' ols dXiyov Setv vtto Travraiv 6p.oXoyelraLe TratSa? eKTerp-rjodai, irplv 'EXXtjvlktjv I8elv ddXaaoav; "EXXrjvas Se piadelv Trap' Alyv-tttiu>v Tropmas Kal Travqyvpeis, Kal to roils7 SdJSe/ca deovs oefieardaf Awvvoov Se Kal rovvop.a Trap' AlyvTrrlwv MeAa/LiTroSa p,adeZv Kal SiSa^cu rovs dXXovs "EXXrjvas- pvorqpia Se Kal rds rrepl Arj-p,r)TpaB reXerds vtto ra>v Aavaov 8vyarepa>v e£
1 [ivaos B : iiTaos E.
2 CTTofia o&ea Wesseling (as in Herodotus) : en-o/ids . . . (lacuna of 5 letters).
3 -rjjm vrjvalv L. P. (as in Herodotus): vrjvmv Bernardakis: vrjvolv tJgiv E : vrjvalv Wii B.
4 iraiai supplied in Basel edition : omitted in mss.
5 ulayzoQai B : fiiyeodai E.
6 d/ioAoyeiTni Stephanus : 6[ioXoycTo9a.t,. 24
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857
abominable butchery back against the Greeks. His story, in his second book," is that Menelaiis after recovering Helen from Proteus and being honoured with rich presents behaved like the most shocking criminal; prevented from sailing by bad weather, " he devised an unholy deed, seizing two boys from the native population and cutting them up as sacrificial victims ; this roused a storm of hatred against him and he escaped his pursuers by sailing away towards Libya." I do not know what Egyptian may have told this story ; but it is contradicted by the numerous honours still paid both to Helen and to Menelaiis in Egypt.6
18. But the historian sticks to his theme. He says that the Persians learnt the practice of paederasty from the Greeks.0 Yet how is it possible that the Persians owe their lessons in this sensual practice to the Greeks, when almost everyone admits that they had practised the castration of boys before they ever saw the Greek sea ? He says that the Greeks learnt about processions and national festivals from the Egyptians, as well as the worship of the twelve gods d ; the very name of Dionysus, he says, was learnt from the Egyptians by Melampus, and he taught the rest of the Greeks e ; and the mysteries and secret rituals connected with Demeter were brought from Egypt by the daughters of Danaus/
0 ii. 119. He says it is the story told him by the Egyptian priests (120. 1).
b There is in fact no evidence that they were honoured by Egyptians. c i. 135.
" ii. 4. 2 ; 58. c ii. 49. 1. ' ii. 171. 2-3.
7 to tovs Kronenberg : tous Reiske : tovtov; tous Bernardakis : TouVour.
8 ArJ/iT/Tpa. Bernardakis : A^ijTpai/ (cf. Mor. 367 c).
25
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(857) Alyvrrrov Kopiodrjvat.. /cat rvrrreadat pev Alyv-tttIovs <f>r]al /cat rrevdeiv, ov Se Oeov1 ov j3ov\eodcu
D ajjTos8 ovopd^eiv, dXX' evoropios3 KeioBat Ttepl tcov deicov. 'Hpa/cAea Se /cat Aiovvaov ovs pev Alyv-Ttrioi oeftovrai,, rraXaiovs drrocfiaiviov ovras deovs, ovs "EXXrjves Se, dvdpcoTrovs* KarayeyrjpaKOTas, ovSapov ravTTjv Trpovdero rrjV evXdfieiav. kolItoi Kal tov AlyvTTTiov 'Hpa/cAe'a tcov Sevrepcov decov yeveodcu Xeyei /cat tov Atovvaov tcov Tp'ircov, cos dpx^jv eaxrjKoras yeveoecos /cat ovk ovras dtSwvs' dXX' opcos eKetvovs pev arrocpaiveu deovs, tovtols 8' ojs c/)9itoZs /cat rjpcocnv h>aylt,eiv o'lerai Setv6 dAAd pi] dvew cos deois-   ravra /cat 7rept Ilavos e'iprjKe,
E rat? AlyvTrritov dAa£ovet'at? /cat pvdoXoytais rd aepvorara Kal dyvorara tcov 'HJXXrjviKcov leptov dvarpeTttov.
14. Kat ov tovto6 Sewov dAA' dvayaycbv els Ylepoea to 'Hpa/cAeou? yevos Uepaea pev 'Aaav-piov yeyovevai Ae'yet /card tov Ylepcrcov Xoyov " ol Se A.copcecov," c^rjalv, " rjyepoves cjtaivowT av Al-
1 ov Se 8eiv (or ov Se) L. P. (c/. Herodotus, ii. 61 tov Se TviTTovrai) : ovs Se Reiske : Tivas 8e Duebner : Sta tl Se Tur-nebus: lacuna of 5-8 letters at end of line in mss.
2 avros Reiske : avTois.
3 euoro/iojs] evorofid ol Madvig.
4 ovs /lev Alyvimoi aeflovrai, ttoXoliovs diro^alvoiv ovras Qeovs, ovs °EAAr/ves Se', dvOpumovs Madvig (iraXaiovs added by L. P.): ovs /tev Alyvwrioi oe^ovrat dVo^aivo'/xevos deovs, ovs Se "EAA^ves dv9punrovs Reiske : o$ pcev Alyvimoi, dirot^alvajv ovras Qeovs, o5 S* "EAAr/ve?, dvdpumovs Bernardakis : ovs /^ev Alyvirnoi diro-ibairovrai Qeovs, *EAAr/ve? Se dvOpamovs.
6 oterat Setv E : Setv oteTat B. 6 touto] touto Ira) Bernardakis.
" ii. 61. 1 : cf. 171. 2.
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857
He says that the Egyptians beat their breasts and lament, but that he will not actually name the god for whom they mourn because " he will not break silence in holy matters." ■ Nevertheless in his treatment of Heracles and Dionysus he never showed any such reserve. He represents the Heracles and Dionysus whom the Egyptians worship as ancient gods, but those worshipped by the Greeks as men who grew old as men.6 He does say, however, that the Egyptian Heracles was one of the second group of gods and Dionysus one of the third, so that they had a beginning to their existence and had not existed eternally '; but even so he represents them as gods, while to the others he thinks it proper to " make offerings " as to heroized mortal men but not to " make sacrifice " as to gods.d He has said the same thing about Pan also, using worthless Egyptian stories to overthrow the most solemn and sacred truths of Greek religion.1*
14. Nor is this the worst. He traces the ancestry of Heracles to Perseus and says that Perseus, according to the Persian account, was an Assyrian ; " and the chiefs of the Dorians," he says, " would be estab-
6 The precise Greek text is uncertain, but the argument is clear. Herodotus could not accept the identity of the Egyptian Heracles and Dionysus with the Greek gods of this name, because they were said to be " ancient gods " who existed many thousand years before the dates generally accepted for the birth of their Greek counterparts (ii. 43-44, 145). Since Heracles was supposed to have been born and to have grown old as a man in Greece, Herodotus suggested that he and Dionysus might have been men who took the names of the old Egyptian gods (ii. 146). To Plutarch this argument seems impious.
0 ii. 43 ; 145-146. d ii. 44. 5.
8 ii. 46. 1 ; 145. 1 (not exactly as Plutarch reports).
27
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(857) yvTmoi Wayevees eovres, KaTaXeyovri,1 tovs dvw Aavdrjs Kal 'A/cpto-iou2 Trarepas." tov ydp "E7ra-(f>ov Kal -rr)v 'Id> Kal tov "laoov Kal tov "Apyov3 SXcos a<f>fJKe, (p'lXorip.ovp.evos p,r) povov dXXovs 'Hoa/cAets AlyvTTTiovs /cat OotVt/ca? aTroc^aiveiv, dAAd /cat rovrov, ov avTOS rpirov yeyovevai fy-qaiv, F els /3apj3dpovs aTrofjevdjaai rrjs 'EAAdSos. /cat'rot tcov rraXaLcov /cat Xoyiojv dvSpwv ovx "Op,rjpos oi>x 'Hat'oSo? ovk 'ApxiXoxos ov Heicrav8pos ov Uttj-oLxppos ovk 'AA/Cjitdv ov TllvSapos AlyvrrTiov ea^ov Xoyov* 'HpaKXeovs rj OotVi/coj, dAA' eva tovtov t'craai ndvTes 'Hpa/cAea tov BoiaVriov 6p,ov /cat 'Apyelov.
15. Kai p.r)v tojv eWd oo<f>a)v, ovs avros cro(f>i,-ords TrpooelTre, rov p,ev ©dXrjra Oot'vt/ca r<3 yevei to dveKadev drro^aiveTaL fidpfiapov rols Se 0eoty AoiSopou/xefo? ev ru> SdAaivo? TrpoaatTreia)5 ravr' eiprjKev " c5 Kpotcre, eiriai-dp.evov p,e to delov rrdv 858 ebv </)9ovep6v Te Kal Tapax&o'es eTreupwras dvOpw-TTf]la)v wpaypaTCOv rrepi "6- d ydp avrds e<f>povei irepl tcov dewv rip ZoAojvt TrpooTpt.l36p.evos Kaicorj-Oeiav ttj l3Xao(j>rjp.ia TrpooTidrjoi.   IliTTa/caj toivvv
1 KaraXiyovTi Meziriacus (as in Herodotus, vi. 53) : /caTa-fUyovrts.
2 dvai AavarjS /cat ' AKpioiov] avat curd Aavar/s Tr)s 'A. Meziriacus (c/. Herodotus).
3 tov "Apyov B : to "Apyos E.
4 eo-^ov Adyoy] Adyov ea^ov Benseler.
5 irpoaojireLOj] Tfpoaunrcp Cobet.
G npayadratv wept L. P. (as in Herodotus, i. 32) : ttipi wpay-p.draiv B : Trpa.yp.aTa E.
« vi. 53-54.
28
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 857-858
i
ished as pure-blooded Egyptians, if we counted their ancestry back beyond Danae and Acrisius." a The fact is that he has completely abandoned Epaphus and Io and Iasus and Argus 6 ; not only is he anxious to establish an Egyptian and a Phoenician Heracles ; he says that our own Heracles was born after the other two, and he wants to remove him from Greece and make a foreigner out of him. Yet of the learned men of old neither Homer nor Hesiod nor Archilochus nor Peisander nor Stesichorus nor Alcman nor Pindar ever mentioned an Egyptian or a Phoenician Heracles, but all of them know only one, our own Heracles who is both Boeotian and Argive.
15. Then again among the Seven Sages (whom he calls " sophists ") "he represents Thales as a Phoenician by origin, of barbarian descent.1* He has used Solon as a mouthpiece to revile the gods when he makes him say : " Croesus, when you question me about affairs of men, you are questioning a man who knows how utterly envious the divine nature is and how ready to confound us." e By thrusting upon Solon his own ideas about the gods he is combining blasphemy with malice/ He cites Pittacus for minor
6 Danaus, the " Egyptian " great-grandfather of Acrisius, is a Greek if descended from Epaphus, son of Io ; Iasus and Argus, according to one version, were father and grandfather of To.
" The word " sophist " in early Greek writers simply means " wise man " (c/. Herodotus, i. 29 with the note of Legrand, Bude edition) and Plutarch must have known this. Cf. Mor. 478 c with Hejmbold's note in L.C.L., vol. vi.
d i. 170. 3. According to the account in Diogenes Laertius i. 22 he was Phoenician because descended from Cadmus.
' i. 32. 1.
f In fact Solon's attitude towards the gods is not unusual and appears constantly in Greek literature.
29
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858
(858) els (iLKpa, Kal ovk d'£ia Xoyov xpijcra/xevos', o \ieyi-otov earl raw TTeTrpaypbevojv rdvSpl Kal KaXXiarov, ev Tais irpd^eai, yevopievos,1- TraprJKe. 7ToXep.ovvra>v ydp 'Adrjvalcov Kal MimA^vaiaw2 irepl Siyeiou Kal Opwwvo? tov arparTjyov rwv 'A6y]valojv rrpoKaXe-aap,evovs tov fiovX6p,evov els p,ovop.axlav, dirrjVTr)-B arev 6 YlirraKos Kal Siktvcd Trepi^aXajv1 tov dvSpa pwpiaXeov dvra Kal pueyav aTreKTewe- ra>v 8e Mim-Xrjvalojv oojpeds aiirip p.eydXas 8l86vto)v, aKOVTiaas to 86pv tovto p.6vov to xtoplov ri^uiioev oaov hriayev r) alxp*?)' Kal /caAeiTai /xe^pt vvv II m-d-Keiov.6 tI ofiv 6 'JipoBoTos, Kara tov tottov yevo-p.evos tovtov; dvrt ttjs HiTTaKov dpiOTelas" tt)v 'AA/ccu'ou SirjyrjaaTO tov ttoit]tov (f>vyr)v'! Ik ttjs p.dxr)s, Ta dirXa plifiavTOS' raj -rd p,ev ^p^ard p,r) ypdipat Ta 8' atcr^pd p.r) TrapaXnreiv p,apTvprjoas toIs and puas" KaKlas Kal tov <f>66vov (fyveadai Kal ttjv emyaipeKaKlav Xeyovai. 0 16. Merd TavTa tovs 'AXKp,ea>vl8as* dvSpas10 yevop,evovs Kal tt)v iraTpl8a ttjs Tvpavvloos eXev-OepwoavTas, els alrlav epbflaXwv Trpooocrlas 8e£a-adal (j>T]m tov YleicrloTparov e/c ttjs (frvyfjs Kal avyKaTayayelv em t<3 yapico ttjs Meya/cAeou? dvyaTpos' tt)v 8e -rralBa rrpos ttjv p/rjTepa (jypdaai rr)v eavTTJs oti " ai p,ap,p,l8t,ov, dpas; ov p.lyvvTal
1 yevop.evos Reiske (who adds avrov before irpd£eaiv): yevo-
2 mutiatjtoiojv Bernardakis : MiTuhqvaltov (so also below).
3 irpoKaXeoa/ievov Pletho, Stephanus : 7rpooKa\eaap.dvov.
* weptjSaAojv B : irepika^cbv E.
6 ILmaKeiov Pletho, Cobet: TLmaiaav.
30
details not worth mentioning," but ignores the man's greatest and finest deed, though he had occasion to describe it. The Athenians and Mytilenians were at war over Sigeum and the Athenian general Phrynon challenged anyone who would come forward to single combat; whereupon Pittacus came forward, trapped the man in a net and killed him, big strong man though he was. And when the Mytilenians offered him handsome rewards, he threw his spear and asked only for that extent of ground which it covered in its flight; and to this day this piece of land is called Pittaceum. What does Herodotus do, then, when he comes to this point in his story ? Instead of the heroic exploit of Pittacus he describes how the poet Alcaeus fled from the battle, throwing away his arms.6 By omitting the good and failing to omit the bad he gives support to the view that envy and delight in the misery of others are products of the same vice.0
16. Later on he attacks the Alcmaeonids, who proved themselves brave men in freeing their country from tyranny ; he charges them with treachery, saying that they received back Peisistratus from exile and restored him to power on condition that he marry the daughter of Megacles. Then his story is that the girl said to her mother, " Look, mamma ; Peisistratus
" i. 27. 2-4. * v. 94-95.
" They are called " brothers " in Mor. 518 c.
6 TliTTdKov dpiOTeias] dpicrreiaff UtrraKov Benseler.
7 <j>vyrn> Stephanus, Xylander : $iaiv.
8 puds] Kal ttjs avr^s added by Reiske.
0 'AXKp.eu>vl8as Herwerden : ' AXKp.ai.a>vioas (so also below, P-32).
10 axSpas] avSpas dyaBovs Herwerden.
31
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(858) p.01 Kara vop.ov UeialaTpaTOS." em tovtoj Se toiis 'AAKfiecovloas tGj mxpavop,r]p,aT{. ayerXiaaavTO.'s e£-eXdaai tov Tvpavvov.
17. "Iva tolvvv p.7]8' ol AaKe8aip.6vioi tujv 'A8r)-vaiwv eAaTTOv exwai TVS KaKorjdelas, tov ev avTois fidXtora 6avp,at,6p,evov koI Tip.ojp.evov Spa mos
D SiaAeAu/xavrcu, tov 'Oopvdoav " tov Se era," j>r\al, tov -nepiXeifyQevTa tojv TpirjKoatoJv aloxwopevov aTrovoaTeeiv is J^TrdpTTjv, tojv avXXox^Teojv 8i.e<f>9ap-p,evojv, avTov puv iv ttjol Qvpe-rjat1 KaTaxprjaaaOai2 eajvTov." dvoj p.ev yap dp.oloTepot.s imSiKov elvai to vlk7]p.d (fj'qouv, evTavda Se ttj alaxSvn tov '06pvd8ov ttjv3 tJttov tojv AaKe8aip,ovlojv «are-p.apTvprjcrev rjTTrjdevTa p.kv yap tfiv alaxpov rjv, rrepiyeveadai Se viKcovTa koXXlotov.
18. 'Eal4 Toivvv Stl tov Kpolaov dp.a6rj Kal dXa-£dVa Kal yeXotov (ftrjoas iv Traaiv, vtto tovtov (f>rjolv, alxp-a.XwTov yevop-evov, Kal Trai8ayojyeXo9ai, Kal vovdeTeladai tov Kvpov, os (jjpovrjoei Kal dpeTrj Kal
E p.eyaXovoiq ttoXv -ndvTOJV 8oKet TreTrpaiTevKevai tojv fiaoiXeajv tw Se Kpoiacp p,7]8ev dXXo KaXov i) to Tt/xijaai. tovs Oeovs dvadrjp,aoi ttoXXois Kal p.eydXois p.apTvp7]oas, avTo tovto -ndvTOJv dae/JeWa/rov ano-8eiKvvcriv epyov.   d8eX<f)6v yap avrov5 UavTaXeovTa*
1 iv rfjm Qvpeym Bernardakis, following Xylander's iv raim Qvpeaim (as in Herodotus, i. 82): & nm BvpevLm E : iv rotcrt dvpeotai B.
2 KwraxpriaaoBai. Reiske (as in Herodotus): KwraxwoaoQai..
3 t-tjv added by Benseler, not in mss.
4 iu> Stephanus : iyw.       6 avrov Herwerden : aural..
6 TlavraXdovra Bernardakis (as in Herodotus): XlavroXiovra (so also below).
■ i. 59-61. Herodotus does in fact describe the part played
32
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858
does not have intercourse with me in the normal way," whereupon the Alcmaeonids, enraged at such behaviour, drove out the tyrant."
17.1 He is determined, however, that the Spartans shall suffer from his malice just as much as the Athenians. Notice how roughly he has handled Othryadas, whom they particularly admired and honoured. " The one man of the three hundred who survived," he says, " was ashamed to return to Sparta when his companions in battle were killed, and he committed suicide on the spot at Thyreae." b The fact is that earlier he represented the victory as claimed by both sides, but here he presents the shame of Othryadas as evidence of the Spartan defeat, because it would be a disgrace to live on after defeat, but a high honour to survive after victory.^
18. I will pass over the way in which he first represents Croesus as an ignorant braggart and a completely ludicrous figure," and then, after he has been taken prisoner, shows him as the mentor and counsellor of Cyrus/ though Cyrus is supposed to be by far the greatest of all monarchs in intelligence and valour and nobility of character. The only virtue he allows to Croesus is that he honoured the gods with many great gifts ; and even this he represents as the most ungodly behaviour imaginable.   He says that
by the Alcmaeonids in finally freeing Athens from the tyranny (v. 62-63); and he is at pains to refute the charge that they tried to betray Athens at Marathon (vi. 121-124.).
6 i. 82. 8. 300 Spartans fought with 300 Argives to decide who should have the area of Thyreae.
■ Of. the stories in i. 27 ; 30-33 ; 53-56 ; 71 ; 75.
6 i. 88-91. In Life of Solon, chap, xxvii, Plutarch tells the story of Solon's interview with Croesus, rejecting the argument that it is chronologically impossible and declaring it appropriate to Solon's character.
vol. xi c 33
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(858) irepl rrjs /JatriAetas avrcp1 8ia<pepeadai, £o>vto? en rov irarpos' rov ovv YLpoiaov, ojs els rr/v fiamXetav Karearrj, ra>v eraipcov Kal (piXcov rov TlavraXeovros V eva rcov yva>pip,u>v em Kvdcpov2 8ca<pdeXpai Kara^ai-vopcevov, eK Se rwv y_p7]p,droyv axtrov rroirjodpevov dvaOijp.ara rols deots aTroareiXai. ArjioKrjv Se rov MijSov dperfj Kal SiKaioovvr/ ktv)odp.evov rr)v rjye-p,oviav ov (pvaei yeveaQai <f>r]crla roiovrov, epaadevra Se rvpavviSos emdeadai TTpoo-Troirjp,ari BiKaioovvrjs.
19- 'AAA' d(f>lr\p.i rd rdiv* flapfldpaiv dcpdovlav yap avros ev rols 'HXXrjviKoZs ireTToir]Kev. 'Adrj-vaiovs roivvv Kal rovs ttoXXovs rcov aAAwv 'Icbvajv eTraio~)(vveadai ra> 6vop,ari rovrcp, pur) fiovXop,evovs dXXd (pevyovras "lojvas KeKXrjodai, rovs Se vop,i-^ovras avrdjv yevvaiordrovs5 elvai Kal 6pp/q6evras diro rov Trpvravrjlov rd)v '' ABrjvaioJV eK fiapftdpwv TraiooTToir)aao8ai yvvaiKaJv, irarepas aircbv Kal dv-Spas" Kal rralSas (povevaavras' 816 rds yvvaiKas vop-ov deoQai Kal7 opKovs erreXdaai Kal irapaSovvat, rats dvyarpdai, p/r\Trore dp.oairrjaai roXs dvSpdat p,r)8' dvop,aorl fiofjaai rov airfjs dv8pa- Kal rovs
859 vvv ovras MiXr/otovs e£ eKeivojv yeyovevai row yvvaiKUiv.   vrremtov Se KaBapcos "lutvas yeyovevai
1 aura] omitted in Basel edition.
2 dm Kvd(j)ov Salmasius (as in Herodotus):   imvdfov E: y
em vd(f>ov B : tVi vdtpov Aldine edition.
3 (foal B : Tjal E.
a t"
4 to. twv (t(ov) B : rcav E.
5 yevvaiordrovs B : yevvawTwrov E.
34
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 858-859
his brother Pantaleon disputed the kingship with him when their father was still alive ; and that when Croesus became king he killed one of the nobles, who was a friend and supporter of Pantaleon, by stripping his skin from him on a carding comb, and turned his property into gifts which he sent off to the gods." He also says that Deioces the Mede, whose high character and justice won him the kingship, was not naturally such a person, but that when he conceived a desire for absolute power he set out to win a reputation for justice.6
19- But never mind his treatment of barbarians ; he has been only too generous with examples on the Greek side. He says that the Athenians and most of the other Ionians are ashamed of the Ionian name, that they do not wish to be called Ionians, but shun the title ; and that those who came from the Pry-taneum of Athens and considered themselves the noblest Ionians fathered children by barbarian women, whose fathers and husbands and children they had slaughtered; and that for this reason those women established a law and bound themselves by oaths, which they passed on to their daughters, never to take a meal with their husbands or to call them by name ; and he says that the Milesians of to-day are descendants of these women." He adds that the true Ionians are those who celebrate the Apaturia festi-
■ Cf. i. 92 (but this is not the only source of Croesus' offerings). 6 A slight distortion of i. 96.
0 An unskilful (or deliberately misleading) summary and combination of two sentences in Herodotus, i. 143. 3 and 146. 2-3.
6 Kal dvopas added by Reiske, not in mss. ' koi added by Bernardakis, not in mss.
35
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(859) tovs 'Arrarovpia ayovras1 eoprrjv, " dyovai Se ttov-res," <j>r]al, " ttXt)v 'Ecbealiov Kal KoXo(/)iovliov." tovtovs p.ev2 ovrcos eWe/cAei/ce rrjs eiyeveias.
20. UaKTvrjv 8' aiToo-ravTa Kvpov fool3 Kv-p,atovs Kal MvriXrjvaiovs e/c8iSoVai rrapao-Kevd^e-odai rov dvBpiortov " em p,io0u) Scrip Br},4, ov yap ex°> ye elireiv drpeKeios " (eS to p,r) SiafSefSaiovodai Troaos rp> 6 p.iaOos, rr/XiKovro 8' 'EXXrjvlSi rrdAet rrpoofiaXeiv oveiSos, ibs st) aa<f>a>s elSora)- XCovs
B p,evrot rov HaKrvrjv Kop,io6evra rrpos avrovs et; tpov Adrjvairjs rroXiovxov eKSovvai, Kal ravra TToirjaat. tovs Xlovs rov 'Arapvea puaBov Xafiovras. Kairot Xdpiov 6 AapufiaKr/vos, dvr)p Trpeofivrepos,6 ev rots rrepl TiaKrvrjv Xoyois yevop,evos, roiovrov oiSev ovre MvnXrjvaiois ovre Xt'ot? dyos rrpoore-rpnrrar ravrl Se Kara Ae£w yeypa<f>e, " HaKTvrjs Se ibs errvOero irpoaeXavvovra rov arparov rov HepaiKov ipxero (pevycov dpri p,ev els mutiaijvt/v, eneira Se6 et? Xt'ov Kal avrov eKpdrrjcre Jivpos."
21. Ev Se rfj rpirrj tlov j8tj8Awv' 8ir\yovp,evos rrjv AaKeSaipLovitov errl YloXvKpdrrf rov rvpavvov
0 arparelav, avrovs9 fiev oieodai </>r)ai Kal Xeyeiv Ea/w'ous, ibs ^a/aiv eKrivovres avrois rijs errl Mea-
1 toi>s 'Airarovpia ayovras] Bernardakis suggests rods an ABtjvSiv yeyovoras Kal 'Anarovpia ayovras.
2 uev] p.ev oSv Bernardakis.
3, bernardakis would amplify faolv els Kvp-yv <pvyelv Kv-p.a(ovs 8' exirepu/iai npos MvTiXr]valovs, Kal MuriA^vatous . . .
4 Sou) Srj Reiske, as in Herodotus : short lacuna at end of line in mss.
6 -rrpeofSthepos] 'HpoSdrou vpeoBvrepos Reiske. 6 Se] omitted in E. ' fS$\wv Xylander : kvkXwv. 8 noAuKpaTij E : noAu«paT7;>' B. 36
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859
val; " and all celebrate it," he says, " except the Ephesians and Colophonians." 0 This is the way, then, in which he denies these people their claim to noble lineage.
20. He says that when Pactyas revolted against Cyrus the people of Cyme and Mytilene made arrangements to surrender the man "for a certain price, though I cannot state the exact amount " b (a fine thing this, to refuse to state what the price was, and yet to brand a Greek city with this mark of infamy, as though he were sure of his facts). " But the people of Chios," he says, " when Pactyas came to their country, removed him from the temple of Athena Poliuchus and handed him over ; and they did so in return for the territory of Atarneus which they received as a reward." 0 The fact is, however, that Charon of Lampsacus, an older writer, in his account of Pactyas, has not dishonoured the Mytilenians or the Chians with any such taint of guilt; his actual words are : " When Pactyas learnt that the Persian army was approaching, he took flight, going first to Mytilene, then to Chios ; and Cyrus captured him." d
21. In his third book when he describes the Spartan expedition against the tyrant Polycrates, he says that, according to what the Samians themselves think and say, the Spartans made the expedition in gratitude for
* i. 147. 1-2 (again not quite a fair report).
6 A highly compressed and somewhat misleading account of i. 157-160; but there may be something missing in the text (see critical note).
c i. 160. 4. Atarneus is on the mainland facing Chios.
d Jacoby, Frag. Or. Hist, iii a, no. 262, F. 9. Jacoby disputes the statement that Charon is an older writer than Herodotus.
9 auTous Amyot, Xylander (c/. Herodotus, iii. 47): auTos.
37
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859
(859) arjviovs1 (iorjdeias aTparevoeiav, tovs re cftevyovras Kardyovres tcov ttoXitcov Kal tco Tvpdvvco TtoXep.ovv-T€s' dpveiaOai Se ttjv alriav ravr-qv AaKeSaipo-viovs, Kal Xeyeiv d>s ov fiorjdovvTes ov8' eXevde-povvTes dXXd Tip.copovp.evoi Hapiiovs orparevaaivTo, Kparfjpd riva Trepvrr6p,evov K.poicrcp Trap' avTiov Kal diapaKa rraXiv Trap' 'Ap.dai8os Kop,i£6p,evov avrois dtbeXop,evovs. Kairoi rroXiv ev tois rore xpoVois2 ovtc <f>iX6rip,ov ovtcos ovre p.iaorv pavvov iap,ev cos tt)v AaKeSaipiovicov yevop.ev-qv ttoiov yap eVe/ca dcbpaKos t) tivos Kparfjpos erepov Ku^teAt'Sa? pAv D e£ef$aXov e/c Kopivdov Kal 'Ap.vpaKias e/c Se Na£ou3 Avy8ap.iv e£ 'AOrjvcov Se tovs IleiaiaTpdrov Trai8as Ik Se Tiikvcovos Aloxivqv e/c Qdaov Se Sw/x/xa^ov e/c Se QcokIcov ASXiv eK MiXr/rov S' 'Apiaroyevr], ttjv 8' ev QerTaXois Swaoreiav erravoav, 'ApioTO-p,rj8r] Kal 'AyeXaov* KaraXvaavres 8id Aea>TVXi8ov rov fiaoiXecos; rrepl 3>v ev dXXois aKpifiemepov yeyparrrai.   Kara 8' 'HpoSorov ovre KaKias ovt'
1 Meacnjplovs Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : Meo-u^njs. 2 Bernardakis would add ov8e/uai>. 3 Nafov Turnebus, Xylander : gevdyov. 4 'AyeXaov Hubert: "AyeXXov E : "AyycXov B.
■ iii. 47.
6 The Cypselid tyrants controlled their colonies in the N.W. through members of their family. It is hard to see how Sparta could have interfered actively in Ambracia, and according to Aristotle, Politics, v. 1304 a, the tyrant there was dethroned by a democratic uprising; cf. H. R. W. Smith, Univ. of California Publications in Classical Archaeology, i, p. 263. In Corinth the Corinthians probably expelled then-tyrants without external help. Cf. Nicolaiis of Damascus, Frag. Or. Hist, ii a, no. 90, F. 60, with Jacoby's commentary ; but see also D. E. W. Wormell, Hermathena, lxvi (1945), p. 18.
38
Samian help against the Messenians, restoring the citizens who had been exiled and making war against the tyrant. But he says the Spartans deny this explanation and claim to have made the expedition, not with any intent to help or liberate the Samians, but to punish them for appropriating a mixing bowl that they were sending to Croesus and also a breastplate which was on the way to them from Amasis.° | Nevertheless we know of no city at that date which was so ambitious for honour or so hostile to tyrants as Sparta.l Was it for some such breastplate or mixing bowl that they expelled the Cypselids from Corinth and Ambracia,6 Lygdamis from Naxos," the sons of Peisis-tratus from Athens, Aeschines from Sicyon/2 Sym-machus from Thasos, Aulis from Phocis, and Aristo-genes from Miletus,6 and put down the power of the Thessalian overlords when King Leotychides deposed Aristomedes and Agelaiis ? ' These are events which have been described more fully in other authors. But according to Herodotus the Spartans sank to the
" A protege of Peisistratus. No other author says that the Spartans expelled him ; they might have done so at the time of the Samian expedition.
d Cf. the unknown author of Rylands Papyri, i, no. 18 (Frag. Or. Hist, ii a, no. 105, F. 1); Aeschines is not mentioned elsewhere. See also T. Lenschau, Philologus, xci (1936), pp. 183-184.
* Even the names and dates of these tyrants are unknown ; and Spartan interference in Thasos and Miletus is hard to believe. For tyrants at Miletus cf. Tod, Oh. Historical Inscriptions, i, no. 35.
* The names of these Thessalians are unfamiliar; but when Leotychides led a Spartan force to Thessaly to punish the powerful Aleuadae for their medism in the Persian Wars, Herodotus says that they bribed him to leave them in power and that he was exiled from Sparta in consequence (vi. 72; cf. Pausanias, iii. 7. 9).
39
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(859) dfieXrepías vrtep^oX^v XeXoliraoLv, el rř)v KaXXiarrjv Kal SiKaioTarrjv rfjs orpareías dpvovp,evoi Ttpófyaaw cbpoXoyovv Stá pLvrjaiKaKiav Kal pu,KpoXoylav em-rideadai Bvorvxovcriv dvOpámois Kal KaK&s irpár-rovaiv.
E 22. Oi5 p,r)v dXXd AaKeoaipoviovs p*év ap,ojoyé-ttojs1 VTTOTreaóvTas avrov ra> ypa(f>ela> irpoaexpuioe' rr)v Se K.opiv9lu)v ttÓXív, Íktos Spófiov Kara, rov-rov odaav rov rórtov, 6p,ms TTpooTrepiXapčbv óBov, (f>acrí,2 irápepyov dvéTrXrjoev3 aírías Seivfjs Kal p.ox~ drjporárrjs Sta/SoAř}?. " avveTreXápovro yáp," j>r\aL, " rov orparevp.aro5 rov eirl Sá/xov4 wore yevéadai
F Kat Kopívdioi 7rpo6vp,a>s,5 v/3píop.aros eis avrovs vtto Sa/zíajv -npórepov viráp^avros. i)v 8e roiovro-KepKupaiojv Traioas rpiaKoolovs rwv rrpwraiv* Hepl-avSpos 6 YLopLvdov rvpavvos eV eKrop.fj Trap' 'AÁu-arrrpp erTepvne- rovrovs dirofiávras eis rř)v vrjoov oí Yiápuoi SiSá^avres ev íepa> 'Aprép.iSos ÍKeras Kad-i£eo-0at Kat rpcoKrd TTporidévres" avrols 6or]p.épai or)aáp.ov Kal fiéXíros TrepieTroírjoav." rovd' iífipiap,a Sa/iťcuv eis JíopivOíovs o ovyypa<f>ei>s vpooayopevei Kal Stá rovró (f>r)ai ovpnrapotjvvai AaKe8aip.ovíovs Kar avrčúv ereauv ovk óXíyois varepov, eyK.Xrjp.a rtoiT]aap.évovs on rpiaKooíovs 7ratSaj 'EXXtjvcov i(f>v-Xačjav dv8pas. 6 8e rovro Koptvflťot? Trpoorpi(3óp,e-vos rovveiSos drroýaívei rov rvpávvov p,o)(drjpoTépav
1 á/itotryéiTtos Reiske : aÁÁuis yé ttws. 3 </ia<7í Xylander : ^yqat.
3 ávéirÁijoev E : evéirXriaev B.
4 rov im "Láfiov Reiske (as in Herodotus): eVi Xá/xo>.
6 Kal KopívBioi Trpodvfiws Stephanus (as in Herodotus)
líopívdiois vpoBvnov E : KopívBíois rrpo8vp.ov B. 40
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859
lowest depths of baseness and stupidity, if they denied the most honourable and just explanation for their campaign and admitted a petty vindictiveness as their reason for attacking men in misery and misfortune.
22. Still it must be admitted that the Spartans were, after a fashion, proper subjects for his pen when he blackened their character like this. The city of the Corinthians was not directly in his path at all on this occasion ; but even so he seized the opportunity of a diversion, as the saying is, and made them the objects of a shocking accusation and a monstrous slander. " The Corinthians," he says, " were vigorous supporters of the expedition against Samos, as an affront had previously been offered to them by the Samians. What happened was this. Periander was sending three hundred boys from the leading families in Corcyra to Alyattes to be made eunuchs ; and when they went ashore on the island, the Samians instructed them to sit down as suppliants in the temple of Artemis, provided them daily with cakes of sesame and honey, and saved them from their fate." ° This is what the historian calls the " Samian affront to the Corinthians " and this is the reason, he says, why many years later they abetted the Spartans in their quarrel—making it a ground for complaint that the Samians preserved the manhood of three hundred Greek boys ! A writer who foists this shameful act on the Corinthians is representing the city as worse
" An inaccurate summary of iii. 48.
6 Tuiv irparroiv\ avhpuiv twv TTpcoTwv Herodotus. ' 'AXvdrrrjv editors :   'AAuaTiji> B :  'kXvarqv E.   The text of Herodotus is wap' 'AAuarrea eV eKropvij. 8 7TpoTtdevTes E : irepirtQevrGS B.
41
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 859-860
(859) TfjV jroXiv eKeZvos p-ev ye1 rov vlov avrov2 KepKv-paiovs aveAcVras3 r/pLwaTO, Kopivdioi, Se tl jradov-res erip,copovvro Hapilovs epvnohtov ardvras d)p,0T7]Ti Kal 7rapavop,la roaavrrj, Kal ravra puera. rpeZs ye-veds 6pyi)v Kal puurjaiKaKiav dvacbepovres virep rv-860 pawlSos, rjs KaTaXvdetorjs irav re* p,v7jp,a Kal ttov 'ixvos etjaXeithavres Kal d<f>avit,0VTes ovk eTravovTO, XaXeTrrjs Kal /?apeias aurot? yevop,evrjs ;
'AAAd Si) to p.ev vfipiapxi, toiovtov5 rjv to Sa/xtaiv els JHopLvdlovs' to Se Tip,t!>p7]pLa noZov ti to YsxipivBloyv els Yiap.iovs; el yap ovtuis iopyltpvTo HapUois, ov -napo^vvew, d-noTpeireiv Se pcaXXov avToZs rp> TrpoorJKOv AaKe8aip,ovlovs enl HoXvKpaTr] B orpaTevopLevovs, ottojs p-r)6 tov Tvpdvvov KaTaXv-devTos eXevdepoi Sa/itot yevowTO Kal -navaawTo 8ovXevovT€s ■ o Se pbeyiaTOV eon, tI StjiroTe YLoplvOioi Hap,ioi,s p,ev ojpyl^ovTO j3ovXr]6eZoi a&oai Kal p.r) SvvrjdeZat. Kep/cupai'a>v' TraZSas, KviSi'ot? Se toZs oajoaoi Kal djTodovoiv* ovk eveKaXovv; ko.ltoi KepKvpaZot, Zdjiuajv p,ev em tovtu) Xoyov ov ttoXvv exovai, KviSlcov Se p.ep,v-qvTai Kal KviSiois elal tl-
1 ye] yap Meziriacus. 2 auTou] aurou Stephanus. 3 dveXopras Meziriacus, Reiske : iveXovra. 4 re Reiske : to. 6 toioutov B : toiouto E.
6 fir) E : [17)81 B. 7 KepKvpalajv] tovs KepKvpaiatv early editors. 8 aTToBovoiv E : wtto8i8ovgiv B.
" iii. 53. 7.
6 In the third generation, according to the Greek way of counting. It is only one generation later according to 42
than the tyrant; he struck at the Corcyreans for the murder of his son a ; but what happened to the Corinthians that they should want to punish the Samians for standing in the way of such criminal savagery ? And, furthermore, that they should still be angry and bear a grudge two generations later 6 in the cause of a tyranny, every memory and every trace of which, after its fall, they never ceased trying to obliterate and destroy, since it had been a severe and oppressive regime.0
Or suppose we grant this " affront " to the Corinthians by the Samians. What sort of punishment is this that the Corinthians inflict on them ? If they were really angry with the Samians, they ought not to have abetted the Spartans, but to have deterred them from the expedition against Polycrates ; in this way the tyrant would not be deposed, the Samians would not win freedom, and their slavery would continue. But here is the biggest difficulty : how did it happen that the Corinthians were angry with the Samians for wanting to save the boys and failing to do so, but made no complaint against the Cnidians who did save them and return them to Corcyra ? d The Corcyreans, in fact, do not pay much attention to the Samians' part in this affair ; it is the Cnidians whom they remember and who are honoured in Cor-
Herodotus iii. 48. 1, if the traditional text is correct (but cf. the emendation and note of Legrand in the Bude edition). For discussion of the chronological problem (the dating of the Corinthian tyrants) see T. Lenschau, Philologus, xci (1936), pp. 278-283 and H. R. W. Smith, Univ. of California Publications in Classical Archaeology, i, pp. 254-266.
c Cf. the speech of the Corinthians in v. 92. On this story see R. L. Beaumont, J.H.S. lvi (1936), pp. 173-174.
* But according to Herodotus, iii. 48. 4, the Samians were successful in getting the boys back to Corcyra.
43
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(860) fial Kal dreXeiai Kal ifir)<j>ttr[iaTa Trap* avrois' oSroi yap imTrXevoavres i{jrjXaoav sk tov lepov tovs Hepi-C dvopov (f>vXaKas, avrol 8' dvaXafiovres tovs rraiBas ei? Kep/cupav SteKo/itcrav, cos 'Avrrjvcop iv rots Kp^Tt/cois1 loToprjKe Kal Aiovvoios 6 XaAKiSeiis1 iv Tats Kruremv.
"oti S' ov rip,copovp,evoi Ea/Luou? dAA' eXevde-povvres dno rov Tvpdvvov Kal ocp^ovres iarpdrev-aav oi AaKeSaip.6vioi, Sa^/.tots' avrois eo-Tt XPV~ oaadau iidprvaw. 'Apjfjta. yap dvSpl HiTrapTidrrj Xap/rrpcos dycovioapbevcp tote Kal rreaovri rdcj>ov et-vat Sij/xoata. KareaKevaap-evov iv Hdp.cp Kal np,cb-p,evov vtt' avTcdv Xeyovoi- Sid Kal tovs aTroyovovs rdvSpos del BiareXetv Ea/xtois olKelcos Kal tbiXav-dpcoTrcos Trpoocfcepop.e'vovs, cos avros 'UpoSoros Ta5-Ta yovv a7Top,ep,apTvpt]Kev.
23. 'Ev Se rfj Trep/TTTTj3 tcov dptcTTCOv 'Adrjvrjat, Kal rrpcorcov dvBpcov KXeiodevrj p,ev dvairetaat cf>iim
D rr)v YlvQLav ipev86p,avrt,v yeveaftai, rrpocfiepovoav ael Aa/ceSat/novtois iXevOepovv drro tcov rvpdvvcov2 rds 'Adrjvas, KaXXLarco p,ev epytp ko.I SiKaiordrcp TrpoadrrTcov doef3r)p,aros Sca/SoXrjv tt/Xikovtov Kal pa8iovpyrjp,aros, d<f>aipovp.evos Se tov Oeov p,av-relav KaXr)v Kal dyaOrjv Kal rfjs Xeyop,evt]s avpvnpo-(f>rjTeveuv ®ep,i8os d£iav. 'loayopav Se rrjs yap.errjs vcf>Leodai KAeojLtevet cpoircovn Trap' avr-qv cos 8' elcodei, Trapap,iyvvs Triorecos eve/ca Tot? ifioyocs eTrat-
E vovs Ttvdj, " 'loayoprjs Se','' cj>r]olv, " 6 Tiadvhpov
1 h> tois KprjnKols Kaltwasser : re d Kpr/Ti/cdr. 2 Tvpdvvaiv : mss. add del.
" No inscriptions survive from Corcyra recording any such resolutions. 6 Frag. Or. Hist, iii b, no. 463, F. 2.
44
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 860
cyra with grants of special privileges and resolutions commending them a—because they were the ones who sailed in and drove Periander's guards away from the temple ; and they picked up the boys and brought them back to Corcyra, as is described by Antenor in his History of Crete b and by Dionysius the Chalcidian in his Foundings of Cities."
lOn the other hand, we have the evidence of the Samians themselves that the Spartans made this expedition not to punish the Samians but to save them and free them from their tyrant. They say that a Spartan called Archias fought and died heroically on that occasion and that they, at public expense, built a tomb for him which they hold in honour ; and that in consequence the descendants of Archias still have close ties of friendship with the Samians ; and these/? are details to which Herodotus himself bears witness.0?
23. In the fifth book he says that Cleisthenes, a member of one of the leading noble families in Athens, persuaded the Delphic prophetess to deliver counterfeit responses, when she continually told the Spartans to free Athens from its tyrants.e Thus he attaches the charge of grave impiety and fraud to a noble upright action and he denies all credit to the god for a noble and honourable response, worthy of Themis who is said to have a part in these responses. He says also that Isagoras connived at the attentions paid by Cleomenes to his wife ' ; and, in his usual way, so as to appear convincing, he mingles some expressions of praise with his fault-finding : " Isagoras," he says, " the son of Tisander, came of a
c Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iv, p. 396, fr. 13. * iii. 55. • v. 63. 1.
' v. 70. 1 (recorded as rumour, not as fact).
45
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(860) oIkItjs p.ev rp> SoKipov, aVdp rd dveKadev ovk e^co (ppdaai- dvovat, Se ol avyyevels avTov Att Kapi'a>.'' evpvdp,6s ye1 Kal ttoXitlkos 6 pvKrrjp tov avyypa-<j>ea>s, els Kdpas coarrep els KopaKas dTroBioTrop,-rrovpevov tov 'laayopav. ' ApiOToyeuTova p.evToi ovKeri kvkXco Kal KaKtos,2 dAA' dvTiKpvs Sid nv-Aaw els QoiviKrjv eijeXavvei, Tecjivpatov yeyovevai Xeycov dveKadev tovs Se Vecbvpalovs ovk air' Eu-F j3oias ovS'3 'EpeTpieis* utarrep olovTai Tives, dAAd QoiviKas elval cjjrjaw, avTos ovtlo -neTrvapevos .6
'A<f>eX eadai toLvvv AaKeSaipovlovs prj Svvdpevos t7]v 'Adrjvaliov eXevdepwaiv* drro tojv Tvpdvvojv aurxioTLp Trddei KaXXiOTov epyov otos t eoriv daiavitfiiv Kal KaTata-)(yveiv. Ta\v yap peTavoijoai <f>rjmv avTovs, tbs ov TroirjcravTas opdcos, on" Kifi-SrjXoioi' pavTrjioicriv errapdevTes avSpas ^eivovs ovTas avToZai Kal imocrxopevovs VTroxeiplas Trap-e^etv rd? 'Auras' e^-qXaaav eK ttjs rraTpiSos tovs Tvpavvovs8 Kal 8rfp,tu dxaploTto rrapeScoKav ttjv ttoXlv." efra peTarrepifiap,evovs 'Iffmav diro St-yelov Kardyew els Tas 'Ad-qvas- dvTioTrjvai, Se 861 Kopwdlovs avToZs Kal dTroTpe^ai," Ea>/cAeou?10 8i-eXdovTos oaa KvipeXos Kal HeplavSpos /ca/cd11 tt)v
1 ye Reiske : re.
8 Krai KaK&s E : KaKtas B : tos Wyttenbach : irXayicas Kronenberg. 3 oiJS'] Reiske would delete.
4 'Eperpiels] Bernardakis suggests 'Eperpias (Herodotus has 'Eperpir/s).
6 ■neirvop.evos Reiske: veweio/ievos (Herodotus has dvaTrvv-da.v6u.evos).
6 eXevBepcaoiv E and in margin of B : eXevdeplav B.
7 ki^st/agiox B : KifioijXijai E.
8 tovs Tvpavvovs] Cobet would delete.
9 diroTpei/iai Cobet: dnooTpet/iai..
46
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 860-861
distinguished family, but I know nothing of its more remote origin, except that his kinsmen sacrifice to Carian Zeus." ° Our historian certainly knows how to sneer gracefully like a gentleman, getting rid of Isagoras by consigning him " to the carrion heap of Caria," as it were 6 ; but with Aristogeiton he uses no such cowardly circuitous methods; he drives him straight out through the gate to Phoenicia, saying he was a Gephyraean by descent, "and the Gephyraeans are not Eretrians from Euboea, as some people think, but—as I have discovered for myself—are Phoenicians." c
tNow he cannot deny that the Spartans freed Athens from its tyrants ; but he does succeed in belittling and denigrating then- glorious deed by attributing a most unworthy reaction to them. He says that they soon repented, deciding that they had made a mistake and had been carried away by counterfeit oracles ; they considered that in driving out the tyrants from the country they had driven out their own friends, who had promised to make Athens subject to them, and so had put the city into the hands of an ungrateful democracy.| Accordingly he has them send for Hip-pias from Sigeum and try to bring him back to power in Athens, only to find the Corinthians resisting them and dissuading them ; and he makes Socles describe all the harm that Cypselus and Periander did to the
a v. 66. 1.
' As though he were an unclean thing, a scapegoat, who is generally driven out through a gate of the city (c/. Mor. 518 b), like Aristogeiton in the next sentence. For the language cf. Plato, Cratylus, 396 e. • v. 55; 57. 1.
StoicAeous] Stucri/cAcous anonymous early corrector. 11 KaKa Wyttenbach : Kara.
47
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(861) l&opivBicov ttoXiv elpydaavTO rvpavvovvTes. /cairot HepidvSpov axerXiajrepov ovSev ovo' (hpLorepov epyov UTTopeLTai1 ttjs eKTTOpLTrrjs2 tcov rpiaKocriwv e/cetVa/v, ovs e^aprrdaaoL /cat Sta/ca/Auo-ao-t Tradelv ravra Sa/it'ot? Spyl^eaOai (prjoi /cat pLvqaiKaKelv KopivOlovs Sio-rrep vfSpiadevras. roaavT-qs dvaTrlp.-ttXtjoi. Tapayrjs /cat 8ia(f>covlas to KaKO-qOes avrov rov Xoyov," e(j dirdarjs rfj Si-qyqaei Trpo<pdoecos viroSvopbevov.
24. 'Ev Se rots icpe^rjs rd irepl EapSet? StT^you-p.evos, cos evfjv pAXiara SieXvoe /cat SieXvpLrjvaro ttjv rrpa&v, as p.ev 'AOrjvatoL vavs e£eirep.ipav "Iaicrt Tipuopovs aTroaraai fiamXecos dp^eKaKovs roXp.-q-
B eras irpoaeiTTe.lv, on roaavras 7roAets /cat TijAt/cauTa? EAA^vt'Sa? eXevdepovv eTrexeiprjaav diro tcov j3ap-fidpeov, 'Eiperpieaiv 8e KopuBfj pLvrjadels ev Trapepycp /cat TrapaoicoTrriaas p,eya KaropdwpLa /cat dolSipov. r/Sr) yap cos tcov* -rrepl ttjv '\coviav auy/ce^u/xeVcov6 /cat otoXov fiaaiXiKov TrpoarrXeovros,, diravTrjoavTes ei;co KvTrpiovs ev rep T\.ap.<pvXLw -neXdyei Karevav-p.dxT]aave• elr dvaoTpeipavTes OTrtaco /cat ret? vavs ev E^eaa) KaraAtTrovres enedevro TidpSeai /cat 'ApTa<pepvqv iiroXiopKovv els ttjv aKpoTroXiv /cara-
c <pvyovTa, f$ovX6p.evoL T17V miatjtou Ai7o-at TroXiop-Kiav /cat tovto p,ev eirpa^av /cat tovs TroXep.lovs
1 iaropelrai E : iaropetTai B : earlv etnas Aldine edition : etnas Basel edition.
8 e/cwo/tir^i] ckto/x^s Leonicus, Stephanus.
3 tov Xoyov E : tuv Xoyuiv B.
4 twv Wyttenbach: lacuna of S letters in mss. : more elaborate supplements by early editors.
6 ovyKexupevuiv Wyttenbach:   ovyKexvpev.v E: avyKexv-
fieVTJV B.
48
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861
city of the Corinthians when they were tyrants."2 The fact is, however, that no more brutal and savage deed is recorded of Periander than his sending off of the three hundred boys ; but when the Samians seized them and rescued them from their fate, he says that the Corinthians were angry and resentful, as though they were " affronted." Thus we see how his malice, which creeps into his narrative on any excuse at all, fills his history with confusion and inconsistency.
24. Later on, in describing the attack on Sardis, he does all he can to misrepresent and disparage the exploit. He has the impertinence to say that the ships which the Athenians sent to support the Ionians in their revolt against the king were " the beginning of disaster," 6 because they attempted to free all these great Greek cities from the Barbarian ; and he mentions the Eretrians only quite casually and passes ,over their great epic achievement in silence.0 The facts are that when confusion had already struck in Ionia d and the king's fleet was on the way, they went out to meet it and won a naval victory over the Cyprians in the Pamphylian Sea ; then they turned back, left their ships at Ephesus, and attacked Sardis and kept up the siege of the acropolis where Arta-phernes had taken refuge. Their intention was to raise the siege of Miletus ; and they succeeded in doing this, causing the enemy troops to withdraw in
0 v. 91-92 (in some mss. of Herodotus the name is given as Sosicles).
1 v. 97. 3. c v. 99 ; 102. 3. d Something may be missing from the text here.
6 A different text is implied in Pletho's paraphrase : otoXcu fiaoiXiKtp e/c KvTrpov tt} 'Icovla TrpoairXeovTi e£ai ev rat JXay^vXiai iteXdyei dnavTyaavTes Karevavfjidxyjoav.
49
I
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(861) dveorrjoav eKelQev, iv <f>6f$a) 6avp,aoTco yevopevovs-■n-ArjOovs 8' eTnxvdevTOS avTOis aTrexoiprjaav. ravra 8 dAAot re Kal Avaavtas 6 MaAAwrr;? eV tols nrepl 'Eperplas eiptjKe- Kal KaAoos efyev, el Kal1 8id p,7]8ev dAAo, rfi yovv dAcboet, /cat <j)6opq ttjs rroAeuts eTremeZv to avSpayddr]p,a tovto Kal tt)v dptarelav. 6 8e Kal KparrjOevras avTovs vno twv fiapfidpcov tjyiqulv els rds vavs /caTa8toJX#r/rat, p,r]8ev tocovto tov Aap,ipaKT)vov Xdpcovos laropovvros, dAAd ravrl ypd<f>ovTos Kara Ae£iv " 'AOrjvaZoi 8' et/coat Tpit)-d peaw enAevaav imKovprjaovres tols "iojcti, /cat els %dp8eis iarparevaavro Kal elAov to 7repl UdpSet? arravra ^copt? tov Telxovs tov jSaatAijt'ou* Tama 8e TTOirjaavTes irravaxcopovaiv els MIAtjtov."
25. 'Ev 8e t7] eKTT) 8i7]yqadp.evos irepl II Aa-ratecov, cos acj>ds avTovs eSiSoaav HiTrapTiaTais, ol 8e pLaAAov iKeAevaav rrpos 'AO-qvalovs Tpeireauai " TrArjaLoxojpovs eovTas avTols" Kal Ttfitopeeiv ov KaKovs," TrpooTldrjaiv ov Kad' imovoiav oii8e Sdfav, dAA' cos aKpificos emaTapjevos, on " raura avv-efiovAevov ol Aa/ceSat/zovtot ov /cot' evvoiav oW tojv nAaratecov, cos )3ovA6p,evoi tovs 'AOrjvalovs E exetv ttovovs* ovveoTecoTas Boicotois." ovkovv el p,i) KaKorjdrjs 'Kp68oTos, imfiovAoi p,ev Aa/ceSat-p,6vioi Kal KaKorjOeis,* dvalodrjTOi 8' 'AQrjvaioi TtapaKpovadevTes, nAaratet? 8' ov /car' evvoiav oi8e Tipvrjv dAAd 7roAep.ov rrpocfracris els p,eaov ippi-(jjtjaav.
1 etxev el Kal E : ef^e Kal B.
2 eovras avrois E : ovras iavrols B.
3 ovrat (as in Herodotus) added by Xylander: omitted in mss.
4 navovs (as in Herodotus) Bernardakis : novov. 50
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861
a remarkable state of alarm ; then, when attacked by superior numbers, they retreated. Various writers have described these events, including Lysanias of Mallus in his History of Ereiria.a And, even if for no other reason, it would have been a fine epitaph on Miletus, after its capture and destruction, to describe this magnificent exploit. But he says that they were actually defeated by the barbarians and driven back to their ships.6 Nothing of this sort is to be found in Charon of Lampsacus. His actual words are : " The Athenians with twenty triremes sailed to help the Ionians, advanced to Sardis, and occupied the whole of Sardis except the royal fortress ; and after this they withdrew to Miletus." 0
25. In Book VI he describes how the Plataeans offered themselves to the Spartans, who urged them rather to turn to the Athenians, as " near neighbours of theirs who were no mean helpers " ; and he adds ■—not as a suspicion of his own or a mere opinion, but as though he were sure of the facts—that " the Spartans gave this advice not so much out of goodwill towards the Plataeans as because they wanted to make trouble for the Athenians by involving them with the Boeotians." d Thus, unless Herodotus is a malicious liar, the Spartans were malicious plotters, the Athenians were tricked like simpletons, and the Plataeans, far from being treated with goodwill and respect, were thrown down between the two parties as a possible pretext for war.
" Frag. Or. Hist, iii b, no. 426. " v. 102. 2. c Frag. Or. Hist, iii a, no. 262, F. 10. * vi. 108. 1-3.
5 AaKeSai/wiot Kal KaKo-qBeis E : kol KaKorfBeis AaK. B.
51
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 861-862
(861) 26. Kai /jltjv tt)v TTavaeXrjvov t)8tj aa<f>d>s egeArj-Aey/CTat1 AaKeoai/jLovicuv KaTat/jev86p,evos, rp> <f>r)ol rrepipLevovras avTovs els Mapadtova p,r) J3o7)8r}oat. tols Adrjvalois. oil yap p,6vov dXXas pivplas e^oSovs /cat p,a%as TreTTOiTp/Tat pyqvos larapievov, pjr) Trepi-F p^euvavTes tt)v TravoeXr]vov, dXXa /cat ravrrjs ttjs p.axqs, eKTr)" TSorjSpopuuivos larapLevov yevop,evTjs, oXlyov drteXelobdrjaav, ware /cat dedaaaBai tovs veKpovs eveXdovTes3 errl tov tottov. dAA' op,a>s ravra rrepl ttjs iravaeXrjvov yeypa<f>ev, " dSwara Se cr^t to TrapavTiKa1 rroieeiv Tavra, oi plovXop.evot.ai Xveiv tov vopiov r)v yap larapbevov tov p/qvds evaTif-evaTTj 8e ovk e^eXevaeaOat e<f>aaav, oi' nrXrjpeos eovTOS rov kvkXov. ovtoi p,ev oSv tt)v TTavaeXr)vov epbevov."
2u 8e7 p,eTatj>epeis tt)v 7TavaeXr)vov els dpxr}v pvqvos e/c St^o/i^i'ias',8 /cat tov ovpavov 6p.ov Kal rds t)p.epas /cat rravTa irpdyp,ara avvTapdaaeis. /cat 862 Ta ttjs  EAAdSos* eTTayyeXX6p,evos ypd<j)eiv cos p.rj
1 efeAiJAEy/o-at E : cfeAiJAe/rrai B.
2 ckti) Reiske : eKn/s.
3 eWAftoWy Abresch : eireXBovras (letter blotted in E). 1 crtfn to 7rapauT«a E : a<fnv TowapavriKa B.
5 evaTTj added by Xylander (cf. Herodotus, vi. 106) .-omitted in mss.
8 ou] yvq ov Herodotus.
' Se B : lacuna of 4 letters in E.
8 eK oixou-mias Wyttenbach: Sixofvt]vtas (but E may have short lacuna before 8.): 8ixoju]vtas ovotjs Leonicus: Sixop-qvias olaav Reiske : oSoav oixofnjvtas Bernardakis.
9 Ta] rauxa to. Wyttenbach.
■ vi. 106. 3.
6 The ban on leaving before the full moon perhaps applied only in this particular month, the Spartan month Carneius 52
26. jAgain, it has been shown clearly that he is maligning the Spartans when he says that they were waiting for the full moon and that this was why they did not go to the help of the Athenians at Marathon.0 Not only have the Spartans gone out and fought battles in the first part of the month on countless other occasions without waiting for the full moon,6 but they narrowly escaped being in time for this battle, which took place on the sixth day of the month Boedromion, so narrowly in fact that they saw the dead unburied when they reached the battlefieldJ Even so, this is what he has written about the full moon : "It was impossible for them to do so immediately, as they did not want to violate the law; it was early in the month, the ninth day,0 and they said they would not go out on the ninth day, the moon not being full. The Spartans, therefore, were waiting for the full moon." d
But what are you doing ? You shift the full moon from the middle of the month to the beginning, turning the heavens and the calendar and everything else upside down ; and this when you claim to be writing the history of Greece so that it shall not lack fame !
(cf. the notes of Legrand and of How and Wells on Herodotus).
c Plutarch appears to believe that the Spartans are talking in terms of the Athenian month Boedromion instead of their month Carneius. Since each state adjusted the errors of its calendar independently, it does not follow that the two months corresponded and we can never be sure of the precise relation between the day of the month and the state of the moon.
d vi. 106. 3. Plutarch would prefer the more edifying account of Marathon given by Isocrates, Panegyric, 86-87, according to which the Spartans set out in haste but were still not in time for the battle.
53
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862
And despite your special concern for Athens you have not even mentioned the procession to Agrae, which they still celebrate on the sixth 0 as a festival of thanksgiving for their victory.
Here, at least, is a point which supports Herodotus against the charge that he received a large sum of money from the Athenians in return for his flattery of them. If he had read this account to the Athenians, they would not have let it pass and would not have tolerated his story of Philippides summoning the Spartans to battle on the ninth (when the battle was over), especially since, as he says himself, Philippides reached Sparta the day after he had left Athens b— unless indeed the Athenians waited until the victory was won before they sent for their allies. And yet the story that he received a gift of ten talents from Athens, on the proposal of Anytus, comes from an Athenian, Diyllus, who is quite a well-known historian."
At the end of his account of the battle of Marathon Herodotus further detracts from the victory when he gives the numbers of the dead. According to the usual version the barbarians killed were beyond
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(862) d/cAea yhnfrax, eorrov8aKcos Se rrepl rds 'Adrjvas Sia^epdWoj?, oi5Se ttjv rrpos "Aypas rroprrrp) laro-pr)Kas, rjv rrepmovaiv ert vvv rfj eKrrf yapiaT-qpia rrjs ViKY/s eoprdtpvTes ■
'AAAd tovto ye fiorjdeZ tco 'HpoSoTco rrpos e.KeLvr)v rrjv 8iaf$oXr)v rjv eyet,, KoXaKevaas tovs 'Adrjvalovs dpyvpiov rroXv Aafieiv trap' avrcov. el yap dveyvco ravr' 'Adr/vaiois, ovk av e'laaav ov8e rrepielSov hidrrf tov <^t,XirrTrt8rjv rrapaKaXovvra Aa/ceSai-B poviovs errl tt)v pdyrjv eK rrjs p-d\r\s yeyevr/pevov, Kal Tavra SevrepaZov els H>rrdprr)v e£ 'Adrjvcov, cos avros (frrjtrtv, dcptypevov el p,r] perd to viKrjaai tovs rroAeplovs 'Adr/vaZot. peTerrep/rrovTO tovs avp-pd%ovs. otl pevToi SeKa rdAavra Saipedv e'AajSev e£ 'Adr/vcov 'Avvtov* to iprjcfricrpa ypdxfiavros, dvrjp 'AOrjvaZos, ov rcov rraprjpeAripevtov iv loTopiq, At'uA-Ao? e'iprjKev.
1ArrayyeiAas Se rr)v ev Mapadwvi pdxrjv 6 'Hpd-Soto? ***6 cos pev ol rrXeiOTOi Xeyovai, Kal tcov veKpcov tco dpidpco KadeZXe rovpyov. ev£apevovs
1 <!>s uJ] d/tAea yeViyrai L. P. (from Herodotus, proem) : lacuna of 18-22 letters in mss. : to. twv fiapfidpcov iiraipeis rq> Ao'y<fi Turnebus.
2 ckttj Valckenaer : 'Emmt;.
3 cvdrrj Wyttenbach : eVayiy.
4 'Avvrov Basel edition, Turnebus : dm tov.
5 No lacuna is marked in mss. but something is evidently missing, e.g. dvapiQu.yTajv (3ap{3dpa)v tfiovevBevTCdv.
* The mss. read " to Hecate " but the change is easy (see critical note). The annual sacrifice in thanksgiving for Marathon was made to Artemis Agrotera on the 6th of Boedromion (of. Mor. 349 e and Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 58. 1). Plutarch takes this to be the actual date of the battle ; but the date is not reconcilable with the storv as 54
told by Herodotus, unless the calendar is so badly out of order that the calendar month bears no relation to the lunar month. Of. W. P. Wallace, J.H.8. lxxiv (1954), p. 35. The usual solution is to suppose that this day was made the conventional day of commemoration because the sixth day of each month was sacred to Artemis, and that the battle took place in the middle of the preceding month or even earlier. The matter has been much discussed. See, e.g., Hauvette, Herodote, pp. 104-105, 269-270 ; Jacoby, J.H.S. lxiv (1944), p. 62.
6 vi. 105-106. Philippides, as given in the mss., not Pheidippides, is almost certainly the correct form of the name.
0 Frag. Gr. Hist, ii a, no. 73, F. 3.
55
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(862) yap (pam1 tovs 'Adrjvalovs rfj 'Ayporepq. Ovoeiv X^dpovs oaovs av t&v Papfidpcov Kara^dXwatv, C eha nerd tt)v pidxrjv, dvapl6p,ov ttXtjOovs tu>v ve-Kpatv dva<f>avevTOS, TrapaiTelaQat iffit)(f>foftaTi tt)v deov, ottcos Ka6' eKaarov eviavTov diroOvioai nevTa-Koalas rwv xi-P-dpcuv.
27. Oi5 p.r)v aXXa tovt edaavTes '£8cop.ev rd" p,erd tt)v p.dx7]v " rfjai Se aoitttjov' <f>r)alv,a " ol fidp-fiapoi, e^avaKpovodfievot, /cat dvaXafHovres e/c rrjs vrjaoy ev rfj1 eXnrov rd eg 'EpeTplyjs dvopdrroSa, Txepie-nXeov Tiovvtov, j3ovX6p,evoL <f>dr[vai, tovs 'Adrjvalovs a^iKop.evoC' els to darv airly Se ea^ev6 AdrjvaloLcn i£ 'AXKp,etovioewv p,r)xavfjs airovs ravra emvorjOfjvai- rovrovs yap avvdepLevovs toZol Heporjoiv aVaSet^ai donlSa eovotv 17s77 ev rfjai vr/iW- o£rot p.ev Si) TrepienXeov Hovviov." evravda D to p,ev tovs 'EpeTpieas dvopdnoSa ■npoaemelv, ovTe ToXp.av 'EXXrjvaiv oiSevos oiiVe <f>iXoTip,lav ivSee-ojepav TTapaoxop-evovs /cat TraOovTas dvdtjia ttjs apeTfjs, a<f>elo6co- ?>iafiefiXrip,eviDV Se tGw 'aa/c/iieaj-vtiibv? ev ols ol (leyioTol re to>v o'Ikojv /cat So/ct/xco-
1 <f>am Meziriacus : tj>rjoi.
2 rd added by Turnebus, not in mss.
3 Aoiirjjoi, ifnjaiv Bernardakis : XourfjoLv. 1 rij Turnebus : avrfj.
5 dfaKofLevoi Reiske: a^iKo^vo. (without accent) E: i<j>-tKOfievovs B.
} 6^ atrfy 8c eaxev Turnebus (mss. of Herodotus vary between "^N *aXe(v) and airiijv Se eox<=v ev) : alri-qv Se Zoxov.
7 eoumv . , . vrjvai B : iovm . . . vavaiv E.
e
8 'AXK/jLeoiviSwv E : ' AXiefiauuvtSciv B.
0 This translation assumes that something is lost from the text (see critical note). The reading of the mss. would have 56
I 1
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862
counting 0 ; and they say that the Athenians promised Artemis Agrotera that they would sacrifice a goat to her for every barbarian killed ; and then, after the battle, when the immense number of the dead became apparent, they passed a resolution asking the goddess to release them from their vow on condition that they sacrificed five hundred goats every year.6 27. However, suppose we let this pass and see what comes after the battle : " With their remaining ships," he says," the barbarians put to sea, and taking on board the slaves from Eretria from the island where they had left them they sailed round Sunium with the intention of reaching the city before the Athenians. And the accusation was current in Athens that this move was planned as the result of an intrigue with the Alcmaeonids. They are supposed to have reached an understanding with the Persians and to have flashed a shield signal to them after they had boarded their ships. And so the Persians sailed round Sunium." c Now I will let it pass that he calls the Eretrians slaves, though they had shown as much bravery and patriotism as any of the Greeks and had suffered a fate worse than their courage deserved ; and his slander of the Alcmaeonids, whose number included the greatest families and the most distinguished
to mean " as most people agree, Herodotus has spoiled the story by what he says," which implies that there was an extensive critical literature on Herodotus ; and this can hardly be right. Herodotus says that 6400 barbarians were killed (vi. 117). This is apparently not enough to satisfy Plutarch ; later authors gave much higher figures—200,000 according to Justin (ii. 9. 20).
6 This story appears, with slight variations, in Xenophon, Anabasis, iii. 2. 12, Scholiast to Aristophanes, Knights, 660, and Aelian, Varia Hist. ii. 25.
" vi. 115.
57
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(862) raroi rtbv dvSpcbv r)aav, iXdrrcav X6yosm dvare-rpaTrrai Se Trjs vIkt/s to p,eye8os Kal to TeXos els oiSev rJKei tov TrepifSo-qTov KaTop9a>p,aTos, ouS' ayaiv Tis eoiKev 6v8' epyov yeyovevai tooovtov, dXXd TTpoa-KpovopLa1 [Spaxv rot? fiapfidpois dno-fiauiv (dSoTrep ol SiaovpovTes Kal /JaovcatVovTe? Xeyovoiv), el p.erd tt)v pu&xrjv ov (pevyovot KotpavTes
E ra Treiap,aTa tcov vetov, tu> (pepovn TrpoawTaTU) ttjs 'Attiktjs dvepLcp rrapahovTes avrovs, dXX' a'tperai p.ev aoms avTots TrpoSocrlas orjp,eTov, hrvnXeovai Se Tat? 'A^vais eXirt£ovTes alprjoew, Kal Kad* rjcrvxlav Sowtov Kap.tpavTes imepaiaipovvTai (f>aXrj-pajv2 ol Se TrpaiToi Kal 8oKip,u>TaToi tuiv dv8pa>v TrpoStSoacrtv3 direyvoiKOTes tt)v ttoXiv. Kal yap diro-Xvidv voTepov 'AA/c/iecovt'Sa?4 eTepois ttjv TrpoSocrlav dvaTlOrjoiv " dve8elx6rj p.ev yap dorrls, Kal tovto
E ovk eoTiv aXXa>s5 ehreiv," <f>r)alv ovtos6 ISwv. tovto S' dprfxavov p,ev rp> yeveadai, veviKr\KOTU>v Kara. Kpdros7 tcov 'Adrjvaitov yevop.evov S' ovk dv vrro tcov fiapfidpcov ovvcocpdrj, (pvyfj Kal nova) ttoXXco Kal Tpavp,aai Kal j3eXeot,v els rd? vavs eXavvopLevcov Kal aTToXvnovTOiv to ^aipt'ov, d>s eKaoTos ra^ou? ef^ev. dAA' otov ye rrdXiv vnep tuiv 'AXKp,ea)vi8a>v drno-
1 TrpoaKpovafxa] TrpoGKpovfia Bernardakis.
2 QaXrjpatv] ^aXrjpov in Herodotus.
3 wpoSiSdaow Amyot, Reiske: lacuna of about 10 letters in mss.
4 'AAkjue- E :  'AA/cjuai- B.   This is the usual variation ; subsequent examples will not be noted.
6 dAAtor Stephanus : dAA' ws.
0 auTos] <us avros suggested by Wyttenbach.
7 Kara. KpaTos Aldine edition : KaraKparos. 58
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862
men, is a minor matter ; but the great edifice of victory collapses and the point of the famous exploit comes to nothing, indeed it seems not to be a battle at all or an action of any great importance, but a brief clash with the barbarians as they landed—just as the carping critics, who belittle the action, say a—when he denies that they take flight after the battle, cutting their ships' cables and entrusting themselves to the wind which will carry them as far as possible from Attica, when he says that a shield is raised as a traitor's signal to them and they set course for Athens expecting to capture it,6 and that after rounding Sunium at their ease they lie in wait off Phalerum while the most distinguished leaders in Athens are prepared to betray the city in despair. Even later on, when he is acquitting the Alcmaeonids of treason, he charges others with it; because " a shield signal was given," he says, " and there is no way of denying it " c (no doubt he saw it himself!). Yet it is impossible that such a thing could have happened, if the Athenians had won a decisive victory ; and if the signal had been given, it would not have been seen by the barbarians as they were driven in flight to the ships in great distress under a rain of blows and missiles, each man doing his best to get away as fast as he could. Elsewhere, however, he makes a pretence of defending the Alcmaeonids, dropping these
0 Perhaps the most famous of these was Theopompus, who complained that Athenian propaganda had exaggerated the achievement of Marathon {Frag. Or. Hist, ii b, no. 115, F. 153).
* Plutarch maintained that the Persian ships were forced in the direction of Athens by the wind (Life of Aristeides, chap. v).
" vi. 124. 2.
59
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(862) XoyeZadai TtpoaTrovr\rai, fieOels1 a npcoros dvdpcó-ncov eVev/jvo^ev eyKXřjpLara, Kal e'mrf " 6tóp,a Se p.01? kol ovk ivBéxopiaí tov Xóyov, 'AXKp,ecoví8as dv rrore ávaSet^at Yléporjcnv e'/c ovvdrjp,aros doníSa, f}ovXop,évovs vtto fiapfidpoiai re elvai 'ABrjvalovs /cat vtto Imrér)," KÓp,p,aTÓs tlvos áva/xt/xv^cr/co/xat napoipiiaKov-
p-éve, KapKÍve, Kal ae p.e8rjoco.
tí yap éonovSaKas /caraAa/Jetv, et KaraXafícov p.ed-863 tepat p-eXXeis; Kal ov KarrjyopeZs, etr diroXoyfj-Kal ypdcpeís Kar' eTrupavcov dvBpcov SiafíoXds, as TráXw dvaipeZs, ďniorcov Se6 aeavrco SríXovárf-oeavTov yap á/cij/coa? Xéyovros 'AXKp,ecovl8as dva-oxelv doTrí8a vevcKrjpiévois Kal (pevyovoi roZs jSap-fídpois. Kal p,i)v ev ols rrepl 'AA/c/xecwiSwv diroXoyf} aeavróv aTrocpalveis ovKo<pdvTrjv el ydp " p.áXXov r] ópLolcos KaXXír] rep QaLvimrov, 'IttttovIkov 8é narpl (palvovrai p,iaorvpavvoi éóvres," cós ivravOa ypd-<peis, 'AA/CjaeoWSat, ttov dyjaeis avrcov é/cetVíjv tt)v ovvcopLooíav rjv iv roZs npcóroís yéypacpas; cos irri-B yapiíav TTOirjaóp,€voi YleíOíarpárcp KaTrjyayov avrov dno tíjs cpvyfjs irrl rr)v rvpavví8a Kal ovk dv6 i£rjXa-
1 TrpomroiíJTai, fieBels L. P. : ■npoaTToiiJTai Turnebus : rrpoa-7Totovp.evos Stephanus : rrpoaTTOiú)pLe8a.
2 teal cím; (or £17777 Se) L. P. : £"7777 Wyttenbach : etr;.
3 8&iia (or 8ujvp.a) Se' fioi Turnebus (as in Herodotus) : acuna of 10 letters in mss.
4 povÁofiévovs ino fiapflápoioí Te etvat 'A8. Kal Turnebus (as in Herodotus): povXo/iévovs ye etvai 'A8.
6 Sě] ye Wyttenbach :   81) suggested by Bernardakis: tívi 8é; Reiske.
60
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 862-863
charges—which he was the very first man to bring against them—and he says : " It is amazing to me, and I cannot accept the story, that the Alcmaeonids would ever have made a pre-arranged shield signal to the Persians, with the intention that the Athenians should be made subject to the barbarians and to Hippias." 8 Here I am reminded of a paroemiac verse :
Just wait, crab, and I'll let you go free.6 Why are you so anxious to make a catch, if you intend to let go once you have caught hold ? This is what you are doing : you make a charge, and then you speak in their defence ; you spread slanders against distinguished men which you subsequently withdraw. It must be because you don't trust yourself—because it is your own voice that you have heard saying that the Alcmaeonids raised a signal to the defeated and fleeing barbarians. Yes, when you defend the Alcmaeonids you reveal yourself as a malicious accuser ; because, if they are " clearly enemies of tyranny, just as much as (or more than) Callias, the son of Phaenip-pus and father of Hipponicus," as you write in this passage, how will you interpret that conspiracy of theirs which you described the first time you mentioned them ? You said that they reinstated Peisis-tratus in his tyranny after his exile, so as to establish a marriage connection with him, and would not have ■ vi. 121. 1.
b " Paroemiac " may refer to the metre (the tag end of a hexameter) or it may mean " proverbial," i.e. the verse may be a traditional saying attributed to some animal—possibly " what the snake said to the crab." For scraps of verse relating to the fable of the crab and the snake see Diehl, Anth. Lyrica Oraeca, ii, p. 184.
B ax] Reiske would delete or else change eais to el fit).
61
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 863
(863) aav aSQts, ecos Sie/3Xr]8r] rrapavop.cos rfj yvvaucl pu.yvvp.evos.
Tcwto. p,ev ovv roiavras 'iyei rapaxds' ev pAocp yap1 rrjs 'AXKp.ecovi.8cov SiafioXfjs Kal vnovoias roZs KaAAi'ou rov Qaivlmrov ^pTjcra/ievos erraivots Kal rrpoadipas airco rov vlov 'Ittitovikov, os rjv Kad' 'UpoSoTOV ev roZs rrXovatcordrocs 'AOrjvalcov, cbp,o-Xoyrjaev ort. p,r)8ev rcov rrpayp,drcov Seop.evcov, dXXd Oeparrela. i<al ^apm rov 'lirrroviKov rov KaAAiav TrapeveftaXev.2
28. 'Errei 8' 'Apyeiovs arravres ioaoiv ovk arret-rraptevovs rols "EAAtjcti tt)v avp.pa.xiav, r/yeZoOat Se Kara ro r)p.tov rrdcrrjs rrjs avp,p.axlas3 d^tcocravras, C cos av p,rj AaKeSatp-ovlots exdiarots Kal rroXep.tco-rarois overt rrotovvres dei to rrpoaraaaoptevov erriovrai, Kal rovr dXXcos ovk rjv, alriav KaKorjde-ordrrjv vrrofidXXerai, ypdipcov, " errel Se ocbeas TrapaXap.fidvew1 rovs "FiXXrjvas, ovrco6 8r) emara-ptevovs, on ov p,eraScbaovat -rrjs dpxrjs Aa/ceSat-ptovtot, pteratreetv, tva errl rrpocbdaecos rjovxiav aycoat." rovrcov 8' varepov dvap-vrjoat tf>rjcnv 'Apra^epirjv6 dvafidvras els ~Lovoa -npeafteis 'Ap-yeicov, KaKeivov ehreZv cos " ovSepttav vop,l£oi rroXtv "Apyeos tptXtcoreprjv "■ effi vrretrrcbv, coarrep eicode, Kal dvaSvoptevos ovk elSevat cfyrjal rrepl rovrcov
1 ev fi.iotp yap L. P. : p.era£v hi Bernardakis : lacuna of about 12 letters in E : lacuna of 8 letters after 'AA/cuecoviSulv inB.
a vapevepaXev Reiske : irapefiaXev.
3 TjyeloBai Se Kara, to ijfuou ■ndoris rrjs ovfipiavtas (or : Aa/ce-Sat/xopi'oi? Se rpiaKovrovriv eipyvriv OTreioa/teVouj -qyelaBai Kara, ro muov waoTj? rrjs ovpipaxtas) added by Bernardakis, following Reiske : no lacuna marked in mss.
4 ■napaXap.fldveiv Reiske (as in Herodotus) : KaraXafx.[ldvei. 62
driven him out again, until the charge came up that he was having abnormal sexual relations with his wife."
Thus we see how his story is full of inconsistencies ; he suspects and slanders the Alcmaeonids, and follows this with praise of Callias, the son of Phaenippus ; and he adds the name of Callias' son Hipponicus, who was one of the wealthiest men in Athens in the time of Herodotus 0—a clear admission that he introduced Callias not because he had any place in the story, but simply to please and flatter Hipponicus.
28. Again, everyone knows that the Argives did not refuse to fight on the Greek side, but were prepared to do so if the Spartans would grant them a half-share in the command 0 ; they did not want to be subordinate to the Spartans, their bitterest enemies, and continually subject to their orders. There was no way of denying this, but he trumps up a thoroughly malicious explanation of their conduct. He writes : " When the Greeks asked their help, they made this request for a share in the command knowing perfectly well that the Spartans would not grant it, so as to have a pretext for remaining aloof." d And he says that in later years some Argive emissaries to Susa reminded Artaxerxes of their behaviour and he told them " he regarded no city as a firmer friend than Argos." e Then he adds—withdrawing in his usual fashion—that he has no certain knowledge in these
" i. 60-61 (cf. 858 c above).
b One of the generals in 427-426 B.C. (Thuc. iii. 91.4). See also Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica, 7658.
0 The text here has been reconstructed on the basis of Herodotus, vii. 148. 4. 4 vii. 150. 3. " vii. 151.
6 outcu Turnebus : au™. 6 ' Apra^ep^v] 'Apro/jepgrjv Herodotus mss.
63
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(863) LvrpeKetos, etSeVat 8' oti rraaiv dvBpcoTtois cotIv D iyKXrjp,aTa, " Kal ovk 'Apyeloioiv aloxiOTa Tte-novr\-rai.1 iycb Be Xeyeiv oc^eiXco2 rd Xeyopeva, meLQe-adai ye p,r)v ov Travrdrraai 6<f>eLXco,3 Kai fwi to erros rovro e^era) eg rravra rov Xoyov. eirel Kal ravra Xeyerai, cos dpa 'Apyeiot, rjaav ol ernKaXeadpievoi rov HepoTjv errl tt)v 'EAAdSa, irreiBrj a<f>iv rrpds tovs AaKeSacpioviovs KaKcos r) alxp/r) ioTrjKee, ttSv* Sr) fiovX6p.evoi acj>lai etvai Trpd* ttjs Trapovarjs XvTrrjs."
'Ap' ovv ovx> orrep amos tov Aldio-nd <f>r)ot, rrpos E rd p.vpa" Kal tt)v nopcjivpav elrretv, cos SoXepa p,ev Ta xpt/LAa.Ta' SoXepa Se Ta etpiaTa rtov Yiepaecov eaTi, tovt dv tis e'liroi rrpds avTov, lbs BoXepd p,ev rd prjpaTa SoAepd Se Ta ax^ip-ara tcov 'Hpo&OTov Xoycov,
eXiKTa Kovoev vyies dXXa rrav ireptt;,
cooTrep ol £cpypd<f>oi rd Xapurpd rfj aKia rpavorepa Troiovoiv, ovtco rats dpvrjaeoi rds SiafloXds eiriTei-vovtos avTov Kal rds vrrovoias Tat? dp.cf>ifioXiais fSadvrepas ttolovvtos ; 'Apyeioi S' oVt p.ev ov avv-apap,evoi tols "EAAtjow, dAAd Std ttjv r)yep,ovlav F /cat Trjs dpeTrjs Aa/ceSai/xovtoi?8 eKaravres, Karj)-
1 ■nenoliyrax Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : itenoafintu.
2 \eyeiv a<peika)\ 6(/>eiXa> Xeyeiv Herodotus.
3 to Xeyofieva, ttetBeoBai ye pvtjv ov Tta.vr6.Tta.oi 6(peiXa>, added by Stephanus (as in Herodotus): no lacuna marked in mss.
4 eaTTJKee, ttav Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : earqicev el . . . (lacuna of 4 letters).
6 otpiai (or: o<f>t) etvai Ttpo Reiske (as in Herodotus): a(j>i ■ttpoeivai Wyttenbach :  o<j>iai rrpoaetvai.
6 [xvpa B : fivpa E.
7 xpi^aTa Hadzidakis, Naber (c/. Clement of Alexandria, 64
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 863
matters, but he does know that complaints can be made against everyone and " the Argives are not the worst offenders ; and for my own part I am bound to report the current accounts, but not to believe in them absolutely ; and this statement of mine must be considered as applying to all my history. Indeed there is another version which represents the Argives as inviting the Persian king into Greece, because their man-power had been sorely depleted in war with the Spartans and they supposedly preferred any alternative to their present unhappy state." a
Might one not suitably apply to Herodotus himself the remark that he puts in the mouth of the Ethiopian ? In reply to the offerings of perfume and purple clothing Herodotus makes him say : " Full of guile are the unguents and full of guile are the Persian garments." 6 So one might say of him : " Full of guile are the statements and full of guile the whole treatment of history in Herodotus,
All twisted, no health anywhere, twining all about." c
Just as painters set off the highlights by contrast with shadow, so he intensifies the violence of his slanders by denials and, by casting doubt on them, he deepens the suspicions which he arouses. Now it is impossible i to deny that the Argives brought shame on Heracles
and their noble ancestry when they refused to co-
j " vii. 152. 3.
" iii. 20-22. The retort is slightly elaborated by Plutarch, as on the other occasions when he quotes it (Mor. 270 e and 646 b). 0 Euripides, Andromache, 448.
Stromateis, p. 344): xe'H-aTa (but in Mor. 270 e and 646 b mss. have xpa>H-ara) : aXetp.p.aTa Turnebus. 8 AaKeoaip-oviois E : AaKehaipAvtoi B. vol. xi D 65
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(863) ayvvav1 rov 'Hpa/cAéa Kal ttjv eiyéveiav, ovk eariv avremeľv.2 vwó3 ~Li<pvíoLS ydp ŕ)v Kal Kvdviois1 dp.ewov eXevdepovv rovs "EXXrjvas r) 'Ľnapriárais <piXoveiKo€vras vrrep ápxŕjs eyKaraXnrelv roaovrovs Kal toíovtovs dyčovas. el §' avrol rjoav ol im-KaXeoápevot, rov Ilépar/v im rrjv 'EAAáSa Stá rr/v kclkcos iarčoaav avrols alxp-r)v npôs Aa/ceSat/io-viovs, môs ovk i/xrjSt^ov avacpavoôv ŕjKovros oj)S', et pvq ovarpareveuv ifiovXovro fiamXeZ, rrjv yovv AaKoovíKrjv VTroXenróp,evoi KaKws éiroíovv, r) Qvpéas TJ7TTOVTO rráXiv r) rpórrov äXXov dvreXapL^ávovro Kal 864 7raprjvd>xXovv AaKeSaipiovíois, p,éya fiXáipai Svvá-pevoi rovs "EXXrjvas, ei5 p,r) napŕJKav els IIAaTaiá? Íksívovs eKOTparevaat roaovrois óVAit-cu?;
29. 'AAA' 'Afhqvaiovs ye p,eyáXovs evravda rčp Xóyto nerroLrjKe Kal atorŕjpas ávr/yópevKe rŕjs 'EAAa-Sos- opQuts ye ttoiwv Kal SiKaícos, el p,rj ttoXXo. Kal f$Xáa<j>rjp,a rcpoaŕjv roľs erraívois. vvv Sé rrpoSo-6ŕjvai p.év äv Xéycov ímo tujv aXXojv 'EXXŕjvcov AaKeSaip,ovíovs, " p.ova>Oévras 8' av Kal áirohega-fievovs" epya p,eyáXa drroOaveľv yevvaícos, r) Trpó rov-tov ópoovras Kal rovs äXXovs7 "EXXrjvas p,rj§í£ovras 6p.oXoyLrf av xP'qoaaBai rrpos Eépgea," SŕjXós eanv ov tovto' Xéycov els rov 'AOrjvaíoov enawov, áAA'
1 Karýoxvvav Reiske : Karýaxvvav &v.
2 ovk eonv ávrenreZv E : oi!S' eanv ávreiiretv (before Karn-axvvav) B.
3 vttó added by Wyttenbach : ovv Meziriacus.
4 KvBviois B : Kwtftois E. s eí Bernardakis : ij.
6 áiroot-ganévovs Wesseling, following Reiske (as in Herodotus) : V7ToBe£afiévovs.
' rovs äXXovs Reiske (as in Herodotus): rovs. 8 ónoXoyíy B : ôfioXoyoi-q E. 8 touto Turnebus : rovrovs.
66
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 86S-864
operate with the Greeks, letting the Spartans take from them then- title to valour since they insisted on taking the lead. It would have been better to win Greek freedom following the lead of Siphnians and Cythnians," than to default in such great struggles because of their quarrel with the Spartans over the command. But if it was they who actually invited the Persian invader into Greece because their army had been crippled in their war with the Spartans, why did they not medize openly when he came ? And, if they did not want to serve in the king's army, why did they not at least plunder Laconia when they stayed behind or seize Thyrea again b or do something else to harass the Spartans and impede their operations ? They could have done great damage to the Greek cause, if they had prevented the Spartans from marching out to Plataea with such a large number of hoplites.
29. But, it will be said, at least he has glorified the Athenians in his narrative at this point, and he calls them the saviours of Greece. Yes, he does, and rightly and properly so, except that he qualifies his expressions of praise with many slanderous statements. He says that, " as the situation was," the Spartans would have been betrayed by the rest of the Greeks and " left alone they would have performed great deeds of valour and died heroically, or else they would have come to terms with Xerxes before that, when they saw all the other Greeks medizing." 0 Now it is evident that he does not speak like this in order to praise the Athenians, but rather he praises
0 Typically insignificant Greek cities (small island states in the Aegean).
6 Border territory, constantly in dispute between the Argives and the Spartans.
' vii. 139.
67
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
4) ,
g 'Adrjvaiovs eTraivwv tva /ca/ctos ei'7177 Toils dXXovs a-rravTas. ri ydp dv tis en Svoxepaivoi,1 Q-nBaiovs aet /cat Vai/ceaj rriKpios avrov /cat KaraKopws elj-oveioi^ovros, orrov /cat twv TrpoKivSvvevodvTOiv vrrep ttjs EAAdSo? tt)v yevop.evrp> p.ev oil, yevop.evrjv S' dv,2 ais avros et/cd£et,3 Kara\fjrj^>tt,era.i rrpoSocrlav ; avToiis Se AaKeSaip-oviovs ev dSrjXip 6ep,evos, eir-rjTroprjoev e'tr erreaov dv p,axop.evoi tois TroXep,iois e'tre -rrapioaiKav eavrovs, lu/cpots ye vr) At'a TeKp.7]-piois avrcov dmoTrjcras* rots rrepl Qepp,oTrvXas.
C 30. Airjyovpievos Se avpvrreoovaav vavaylav rat? BaoiXiKaXs vauat /cat 6Vt " ttoAAwv xPrlrl°-ra)v eWe-oovtujv, 'AfieivoKXrjs 6 Kprjnveoj* Mdyvrjs dvr)p dx/jeXyOr] peydXais, xpucrta d<f>ara /cat xpryitaTa6 Trepifia.X6p.evos," ovoe tovtov' d8rjKTov TraprJKev. " dXX' 6 jitev rdAAa," foqalv, " owe evrvxecov evprj-p,aai pieya TrXovoios iyevero- r)v ydp ns /cat tovtov axapis avp,<f)opr) Xvrrevaa rraiSorfiovos."8 tovto ttev ovv TravTi OrjAov, oti Ta xpvoa ^pry/xaTa /cat rd evpfjpiaTa /cat tov ei<[$paocr6p.evov vtto ttjs daXdoorjs ttXovtov hreiar\yaye ttj iaTopiq. ^eupav /cat tottov ttoiwv, ev & drjoeTai ttjv 'Ap.etvo/cAe'ous' rraiSo-0ovt'av.
1 eri Svaxepatvoi Reiske : emSvaxepaivrj.
2 yevonevrjv p.ev ov, yevopevriv 8' dv L. P. : ov yey€vr]u.(VTjv p.iv, yzvop-hrrpi 8' dv Meziriacus : ov yevo/xevrjv 8' dv.
3 eUdCet Reiske : eiVa^ot.
4 amorqaas E : d-nooTquas B.
6 Kpr)riveu> Herodotus mss. : Kprqaivem.
6 xPva^a dtjiara koX xprjp.a.Ta] Herodotus mss. vary between Xpvoea xpyp-ara and xpvoea d(j>ara xPVpa-Ta. 68
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864
the Athenians in order to find fault with all the others. One can scarcely complain of his constant bitter and violent abuse of the Thebans and Phocians, when he attacks even those who stood in the forefront of battle for Greece, condemning them for an act of betrayal which they never perpetrated, but which he imagines they would have perpetrated. And he leaves it in doubt what the Spartans themselves would have done, wondering whether they would have fallen in battle with the enemy or given themselves up. Presumably he did not trust the indications of character which they gave at Thermopylae (were they so slight ?).
30. When he describes the shipwreck which the king's fleet suffered, he says that many objects were cast up on the shore and that Ameinocles, son of Cretines, a man from Magnesia, profited greatly by acquiring a great quantity of gold and other articles. Even this man he has not allowed to escape the sharp point of his pen. " His finds made him very rich," he says, " but in other respects he was an unfortunate man ; he was afflicted with the terrible calamity of killing his own child." a Anyone can see why Herodotus brought up these details—the objects of gold and their discovery and how these riches were cast up by the sea ; it was simply in order to make a suitable place in his narrative to point out that Ameinocles killed his own son.
■ vii. 190. ' tovtov Meziriacus : touto.
8 r\v ydp ns Kul tovtov adapts avu.<j>opri Xvirevoa ttolioo^ovos Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : ttjv ydp ns ko.1 toutov dxapis ovp.. . . . (lacuna of 16 letters) E : ttjv yap ainav Kal tovtov adapts avp. . . . B.
8 travn Stephanus : 7idvrrj. 10 xPVfLaTa Stephanus : prfp.aTa.
69
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
14)
jj 31. Apiaro<f>dvovs Se Tou Boiairoi? ypdipavros on xprjp-a.Ta pev alrr/aas ovk eXafie irapd ©ij/JatW,1 emxeipoov Se toXs veois SiaXeyeadai Kal avaxoXd-t,eiv vtto roov dpxdvrcov eKooXvOrj St' dypoiKiav avrcov /cat p,iaoXoyiav, dXXo piev ovSev lan Te/cpyjj-piov 6 S' 'HpoSoros rep 'Apiaro(f>dvei p:ep,apTvp7jKe, St' cov rd p,ev ifievSoos, rd Se Std /coAa/cet'av/ rd Se cus p.iau>v /cat Sia<f>ep6p.evos rols ©rj^alois ey-/ce'/cArj/ce.
©ecroxtAow jaev yap im' dvdyKrjs diroqjaiverai B pvrjbiaai, to npcorov, dXrjdr) Xeycov /cat wept tow d'AAaw 'EAAtjvoji' p,avrev6pievos cos Trpooovroov dv AaKeSaipoviovs VTtei-nev cos " oi>x eKovrcov dXX' vtt' dvdyKTjs dXioKopievcov Kara TroXeis." ®r)j3alois Se rrjs airfjs dvdyKTjs ov St'Saiat rrjv aiirr)v ovyyvdopyqv. /catVot TrevraKoaiovs p-ev els rd Te/xm] /cat Mvaplav arparr/yov iirefufiav, els Se ®epp,o7TvXas oaovs TJrrjae Aeoovib'as, ot /cat ttdvot cwv Qeamevai irap-ep.eivav avrat, roov dXXcov aTToXvnovroov p,erd rr\v kvkXcooiv. eWt Se rcov rrapoSoov Kparrjaas 6 /3dp-F jSapos eV Tots 6'pots rp> Kal Arjp,dparos 6 TiTrapndrrjs
1 Tiapa. &i)flal(op Pletho (in paraphrase), Meziriacus: wap' 'ASijvauov.
2 Sid KoXaicdav Turnebus: Si dyvoiav Meziriacus : SmpMAcos Cobet: SiajSaAAaiv Bernardakis: Sid . . . (lacuna of about 8 letters).
■ Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 379, F. 5. 6 Text defective at this point (see critical note). c vii. 172. 1. « vii. 139. 3.
70
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864
1 31. Aristophanes the Boeotian has written that
Herodotus was unsuccessful in asking the Thebans for money and that, when he tried to have conversations and discussions with their young men, he was prevented by their magistrates, because of their boorish-ness and hatred of learning.11 Now there is no other evidence to support this statement of Aristophanes, except for the corroboration that Herodotus himself gives by his charges against the Thebans, which are full of lies and partiality for others,6 showing his hatred and bitterness towards the Thebans.
He maintains that the Thessalians, from the beginning, had no choice except to medize,0 and here he is quite right; and when he surmises that all the other Greeks would have betrayed the Spartans, he adds : " not willingly, but inevitably, as one city after another fell victim." d The same inevitable necessity faced the Thebans, but he does not show them the same consideration. The fact is, however, that they sent five hundred men, with Mnamias in command, to Tempe e and all the men that Leonidas requested to Thermopylae * ; and furthermore these were the only men, beside the Thespians, who stayed with Leonidas after the pass was turned, when all the others had left. When the Persians had gained control of the passes and were on their borders, and the Spartan Demaratus/ who was on terms of friendship
■ No Theban contingent at Tempe is mentioned by Herodotus, but only Thessalian cavalry in addition to Spartan and Athenian hoplites (vii. 173. 2). Cf. Cloche, Thebes de Be'otie, p. 37.
f Four hundred, according to Herodotus (vii. 202 ; 205. 2).
' Exiled Spartan king, who accompanied Xerxes as counsellor.
71
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 864-865
(864) Sid tjevias evvovs d\v 5Arrayívco1 rep Trpoeordirt, rrjs óXiyapxías Bierrpd^aro <f>íXov flaoiXéoos yevéodai Kal čjévov, oi S' "EXXrjves ev rats vavalv ř)aav, Tret,fj S' ovoels TrpoorjXavvev, ovrai rrpoaeSe^avro rds 8ia-Xvaeis vtto rfjs p-eydXrjs dvdyKijs iyKaraXrj(f>9evres .2 oiire yap ddXaaaa Kal vfjes avroZs rrapfjaav cos 'AOrjvaiois, ovr aTToirároj KaropKovv ojs Tirrap-ndrai rfjs 'EAAdSo? ev p-v^cp, puds S' r)p,épas 68óv3 Kal rjpLiaeías drrexovri rép MtjSo> avarávres ÍttI rGiv arevdiv Kal St,ayojviadp,evoi p.erd p,óvojv YiTTapna-865 ráiv Kal ©eaméatv rjrvxfjo-av. o 8é o~vyypa<j>evs ovroos éarl Si/caio?, coo-re " AaKeoaip.ovLovs p.év p,o-vcodévras Kal yevop.évovs ovp.p,áxojv épr]p,ovs rv^dv dv, " (f>rjcnv, " opuoXoylrj xp^aao-řJai4 npos Eep^ea " ■ Qrjplaíois 8é raird Sta rr)v avrrjv dvdyKTjv Tradovat. XoiSopeZrai. ró 8é p,éyiarov Kal KaXXiaróv epyov dveXeZv p-ř) 8vvrj9els ojs ov Trpa^Oev avroZs, atria1 (f>avXr) Kal virovola oiaXvp.at,vópLevos ravr' ěypaqhev " ol puév vvv £vp,p,axoťs dTTOTrep.TTOp.evoL cpxovró re dmóvres Kal hre'tBovro Aewviorj- Qeo-rriées1 8é Kal ©Tj^aZot, Karep.et.vav p,ovvoc rrapa AaKeoaip,ovioioi. B rovrwv Se QrjpaZoi p,h> deKovres ep.evov Kal ov ^ovXóp,evoL- KareZxe ydp o(f>eas AecovíSr/s ev 6p,in-poov* Xóyw TTOievp.evos' ©eornées 8é eKovres u&-
1 'Arrayivai Pletho, Reiske (as in Herodotus): 'Anayívw. 2 cyKaTa\ri<j>6évTíS Wyttenbach : iyKaraXeujiBevTes.
72
with their oligarchic leader Attaginus ° as a former guest, had arranged for him to become the king's friend and guest—when the Greeks were in their ships and no land force was on the way—only then, under the stress of dire necessity, did the Thebans accept the king's terms. They had no sea and no ships in which to take refuge, like the Athenians, nor did they live far away in a remote corner of Hellas like the Spartans ; the king was only one and a half days' journey away when they rallied at Thermopylae and fought and fell with only the Spartans and Thespians for companions. And yet, though our historian is fair enough to admit that if the Spartans had been left alone and deserted by their allies they might have come to terms with Xerxes, when the Thebans, equally inevitably, face the same fate, he insults them. He could not undo their great and glorious deed or pretend that it never happened, but by implying that their motive was discreditable he took all the good out of it. These are his words : " So the allies, who were dismissed, went their way in obedience to Leonidas. Only the Thespians and the Thebans remained with the Spartans ; and of these the Thebans remained reluctantly ; they did not want to stay, but were retained by Leonidas who regarded them as hostages ; the Thespians, on the other hand, were
° Herodotus describes how Attaginus entertained Mardo-nius and fifty prominent Persians to dinner with fifty Thebans in 479 b.c. (ix. IS. 4-16. 5).
3 6B6v E : oSoj B. 4 XpyaaoBat. Cobet: xpijoBcu. 5 atria Wyttenbach tentatively : alrtg. ' Reiske adds oi as in some srss. of Herodotus. ' Qeamees Basel edition : Qeomeis. 8 ofajptav Stephanus : oprfpov.
73
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865
(865) Xictra, oi oiSapia1 e<f>aaav dnoXnrovTes AecovlSr/v3 Kal tovs /uera tovtov3 aTraXXd^eadai."*
Eit' oii SfjXos ioTiv ISiav Tivd irpos ©rjpalovs excov opyrjv Kal Svofieveiav, ixj>> rjs oi piovov Si-e/?aAe5 tfjevows Kal dolKu>s tj)v ttoXiv, dAA' oi5Se tov mdavov ttjs 8iaj3oXfjs e<j)p6vTioev, oio' ottcos clvtos eavTip TavavTia Xeyaiv nap' oXiyovs dvOpdmovs* ov (p'a.veiro.i avvei8(as ;   irpoeirrcuv yap ojs "6 Aew-C vlSrjs, erret t jjodeTO tovs avp.p,dxovs eovTas aTrpo-6vp,ovs Kal ovk ideXovTas ovyKivSvveveiv,7 KeXevoai8 o<f>eas aTraXXaTTeadai," -rrdXiv /tier' dXCyov Xeyei tovs ®rjj3aiovs aKovTas ainov /carao-^etv, ovs eiKos rjv direXdaa^ Kal10 fiovXopievovs irapap.eveiv, el pvq-8lt,eiv aiTiav eixov.   ottov yap ovk eSelro tojv /xt) 7rpo9vp,u)v, ti xprjo-Lpiov rjv dvap,efilxOai piaxofievois dvdpdiirovs vttotttovs;   oi yap 8r)  <j>pevas etxe ToiavTas  6 tojv HrrapTiaTcov fiaoiXevs  Kal m EAAaSos r)yep.a>v, woTe  " Kare'^eiv ev o/xrypwv11 Xoyqj " tois TpiaKoalois tovs TeTpaKoolovs ottX' exovras Kal TrpooKeip,evojv epmpoodev -rjSrj Kal om-oOev a/xa tcov ■noXep.liuv.   Kal yap el TtpoTepov ev D ofirjpaiv Xoyip 7roiovp,evos rjyev avTOVs, ev ye tois eaxaTois elKos r)v Kaipois eKelvovs re AecovCSa pvr\-
1 ovSa/id] ov Herodotus mss.
2 Aecow'Siji- Stephanus (as in Herodotus mss.) : Aeuivihrj.
3 /xera toutou] /xct' airov Herodotus mss.
4 diraXXd^eaBai Stephanus : dnaXXd^aaBai. 6 Sie/JoAe Stephanus : Sie/JAa^e.
6 trap' oXiyovs dvOpcowovs]. Perhaps -nap' oXiyois dvBpumois. Other emendations assume different syntax, e.g. -nap' oXiyovs onxovs Amyot: -ndoi -nap' oXiyovs dvBpw-nois Herwerden : irapd irdmv dXiyov dvBpumois Wyttenbach.
7 ovymvSvveveiv (as in Suda)] ovvSiaKivSweveiv or Siaxivh'v-veveiv mss. of Herodotus.
74
most willing to remain and said that they would never withdraw or desert Leonidas and his men." °
Now it is clear—isn't it ?—that he has some personal grievance and spite against the Thebans. And, in consequence, not only has he made wicked false accusations against their city, but he has not even taken the trouble to make his charges convincing ; nor has he realized that few men will fail to see how he is contradicting himself. He begins by saying that Leonidas, " when he recognized the lack of enthusiasm among the allies and their reluctance to share the danger with him,6 ordered them to withdraw " ; then a little later he says that Leonidas retained the Thebans against their will c—though it might be expected that he would drive them away, even though they wanted to remain, if they were suspected of medism. After all, when he needed only willing helpers, what was the use of having persons of doubtful loyalty mixed in with the fighters ? The mentality of the Spartan king and commander-in-chief of the Greeks was not such that he would retain these four hundred armed men " as hostages " among the three hundred, when the enemy was already attacking them from in front and from behind at the same time. In fact, even if at an earlier stage he took them along with him " as hostages," in the final extremity it was likely that they would try to escape
" vii. 222 (cf. 205. 3, which Plutarch might well have quoted). 6 vii. 220. 2. 0 vii. 222.
8 KeXevaai Reiske : KeXzvaas.
0 direXdocu E : dmXdoai B : d-neXaaBai Aldine edition (cf. 869 b).
10 Kal Basel edition : Kal /lit).
11 opripwv E : dprfpov B (so also below).
75
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(865) Sev tbpovTiaavras dnaXXayfjvai Kal Aetovi8av Setaat rr)v tin exeivtav p.aXXov. r) Ttov fiapfidptov kvk\woi,v.
"Avev Se rovrtov, ntos ov yeXoios 6 AetovlSas, tovs p.ev dXXovs "EXXrjvas dmevat1 KeXevtov tbs avTLKa pdXa Tedvrj^opevovs* Qrjpalovs Se KtoXvtov tbs tin' avTov (fivXaTTOWTo tois "EXXtjoiv dnodvrj-OKeiv peXXovTOs;   el yap tbs dXr/Btos iv 6p,r]ptov Xoytp, p.aXXov S' dvhpanohtov, nepirjye tovs dvSpas, ov Karexeiv totbeiXev avrovs perd Ttov dnoXov-pevtov," dXXa napaSovvai rots dmovoi. Ttov 'EAA77-E vtov.   o Se Aot7rdv rjv Ttov ahitov elnecv, " 'lotus Se anoXovpevovs4 /caret^e," Kal tout' dvrjprjKev 6 trvy-ypatbevs, ols nepl ttjs tpiXoTiplas tov AetovlSov Kara Xe£iv eiprjKe5- " ravra Se6 817 eniXeyop,evov AetoviSea1 Kal fiovXopevov KaradeoQai KXeos p.ov-vtov" "LnapnrjTetov dnonepifiai tovs ovppdxovs paX-Xov r) rfjtn yvtbprjai^ hievexdevras."   inepfioXrj yap eiirjdelas ■rjv, rjs dnijXavve S6£r)s tovs ovppdxovs F Karexeiv peOe^ovras tovs noXepiovs.   oti toLvvv ov 8t,e/3epXriTO toXs @ijj8at'oi? d AetovlSas, dXXa Kal tblXovs evopi^e )3ej3alovs, eK Ttov nenpaypevtov 8rj-
1 amevai Reiske : d-Treti/at. 2 Te8vT)£o/iivovs] TeBvrj^ofJtevos Turnebus, Leonicus. 3 a.7ToXovfjAvoiv Reiske : dnoWviAevcov. 4 airoXovuJvovs Turnebus : diroXovu.evtai'. 5 etpijice Xylander : lacuna of 6-8 letters in mss. 0 Se] re Reiske (as in Herodotus). 7 Aetow'Sea] Aeon'i'S^v mss. of Herodotus. 8 fiovvwv] jiovvov all mss. of Herodotus except one. 9 Tfjm yvuiii.riai\ yvw/Mrj mss. of Herodotus.
" vii. 220. 4.
" Plutarch does not mention the possibility that the 400
76
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865
without a thought for Leonidas and that Leonidas would be more frightened of being cut off by them than by the barbarians.
Apart from this, however, it is surely absurd to make Leonidas send the other Greeks away, because they will face certain death if they stay, but prevent the Thebans from leaving, so that he—who is going to be killed—can keep an eye on them for the Greeks. If he were really dragging these men round as hostages, or rather as slaves, he ought not to have retained them with the troops that faced certain death, but to have handed them over to the Greeks who left. The only other possible explanation—that he perhaps kept them so that they would be killed—has also been eliminated by the historian ; this is what he says of the patriotic ambition of Leonidas : " These were the ideas in the mind of Leonidas ; it was because he wanted the Spartans alone to have the glory that he sent the allies away, not because of any disagreement that they had with him." a Stupidity could go no farther than to keep his enemies to share in the glory which he was denying to his allies. No ; the facts make it clear that Leonidas was not at odds with the Thebans, but regarded them as firm friends.6 Indeed,
Thebans were loyalist volunteers (Diodorus, xi. 4. 7, calls them " members of the opposing faction "), in which case they could not hope for any mercy at home if Thermopylae fell. Nor does he consider whether Thebes might be playing a double game, making a token contribution to the force of Leonidas in case the defence of Thermopylae might be, for a time at least, successful. But it is certainly true that bitter feelings at Athens in the early years of the Peloponnesian War have made Herodotus less than fair to the Thebans. The true story is by no means clear; c/., e.g., the notes of Legrand and of How & Wells on vii. 222, and Cloche, Thebes de Beotie, pp. 37-40.
77
il .
if
•J :
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(865) AóV eon.   Kal yap TraprjXOev els ©rJ/Ja? dyatv rd orpdrevpa Kal 8e-qdels ervxev oS p,r)8é els dXXos, ev Tip lepá) KaTaK0Lp,7]9ijvai rov 'Hpa/cAeow, Kal rř)v oipiv rjv elSev ovap1 e^riyyeiXe rols ©ijjSatbw £§o£e yap ev OaXdoajj ttoXvv exovor) Kal rpaxw KXvocova ras emaiavecrrdras Kal p,eyíaras rróXeis rrjs 'EAAá-Sos dvojp.áXois 8ia<pépeodaL Kal aaXevew, rrjv Sě QrjPaíwv vTrepéxew re naowv Kal p,eréwpov áp-Orjvai irpós rov ovpavóv elr' i£aí<pvr]s á<j>avfj yevé-o9ai- Kal ravra pkv rjv op,oia roXs vorepov xpóvat ttoXXó) ovp/rreoovai irepl ttjv ttÓXiv. 866    32.   O 8' 'HpóSoros ev rfj Sirjyrjaei, rijs p^áx^s /cai rov AeatvíSov ri)v p,eyíarr]v rjpavpojKe rrpd^iv, avrov TTeoelv iravras eliroiv év tols arevois nepl rov KoXojvÓv eTTpáxOr] 8' aAAco?.   iml ydp emjOovro WKTOjp rř)v Tteplohov twv TroXep,íu>v, dvaardvres e/Já8í,£ov hrl to arparóneSov Kal rrpí OK7]vř)v óXíyov Seíi>2 plamXéoJS, oós eKeivov avrov ďnoKrevovvres Kal rrepL eKeivcp redvr]£óp,evoi- p^éxP1 H^" °$p TVS OKt]-vř)s del rov ep.7To8wv (f>ovevovres, rovs 8' dXXovs rpeTTop.evoL TrpofjXOov eirel 8' oi>x evplo~Kero aép^rjs, B Irjrovvres ev p,eydXcp Kal ohavět orparevp,an Kal TrXavú>p,evoi p.óXis tmo rójv fiapfidptov navraxódev nepixvOévrojv Siecpddprjaav.    oaa 8'  aAAa rrpós toutoj roXpjrjpLara Kal pr)p,ara rčov Hirapnarójv TrapaXéXonrev,3 ev rdi AecovlSov /3ía> ypacp-rjaerar
1 švap] "Hpav Aldine edition. 2 oXíyov Setv] Reiske would omit. 3 ■napaXéXomev Wyttenbach : KwraXeAoiirev.
■ The rise of Thebes under Epameinondas and its brief hegemony of Greece (371-362 b.c.) and its destruction by Alexander of Macedon in 335. The dream clearly belongs to a later tradition, presumably a Theban one. 78
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 865-866
he had entered Thebes at the head of his army and, at his request, received a privilege granted to no one else—permission to sleep in the temple of Heracles ; and he told the Thebans of the vision which he saw in his sleep, in which the greatest and most notable cities of Greece appeared to be tossed and thrown in
\ disorder on a rough and stormy sea, and the city of
Thebes towered high above them all and was lifted right up to the sky and then suddenly disappeared.
I This vision was indeed very similar to the fate which
befell the city long afterwards.0
32. In his description of the battle Herodotus has also dimmed the glory of Leonidas' most heroic deed. He says that all fell right in the narrows, by the Hill.6 But this is not true, because when they heard in the night that the barbarians were coming round by the other pass, they pushed forward and reached the Persian camp, almost as far as the king's own tent, intending to kill him and give their lives in return for his ; and they advanced right up to the tent, killing anyone who blocked their path and forcing everyone else to withdraw; then, when Xerxes was not to be found, they searched for him in that huge sprawling army and, losing their bearings, they were finally surrounded by the barbarians on every side and killed." I shall describe in my Life of Leonidas all the other brave deeds and sayings of the Spartans that Herodotus has omitted d ; but it will not be amiss to men-
b vii. 225. 2-3.
0 This version, which appears in Diodorus, xi. 9. 4-10. 4, is presumably taken from Ephorus.
d Of. the collection of Leonidas' sayings in Mor. 225 a-e. The Life of Leonidas has not survived, if indeed it was ever written.
79
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(866) fiiKpa 8' ov ^eípóv ion Kal vvv SieXdelv. dycova fiev yap errvrdc^iov avrcov1 rjycovicravTO rrpo rrjs e£óoov Kal tovtov iOecovro Trarépes avrcov Kal p.7]t€pes' avros 8' 6 AeoivťSa? rrpós p-év rov elrravra rravTeXtos dXlyovs ečjdyeiv avróv errl rř)v p.áx*)v " rroXXovs p.év,"2 e<prj, " redvrj^op.évovs " ■ rrpos oé ttjv yvvaiKa, Trvv6avop.évrjv e^ióvros et n Xéyoi, C pLeraorpacpels elrrev " ayadoís yap.eiodai Kayadá TLKreív. ' ev Se Qepp,oTrvXat,s p.era rrjv kvkXlooiv Svo rcov drro yévovs VTretjeXéadai. fiovXóp,evos ernoTO-Xrjv eStSot) rcp irépcp3 Kal enepmev 6 S' ovk iSéíjaro <f>i)aas p-er ópyrjs- " p.axarás rot, ovk áyyeAta-cpópos, eÍTróp-av "• rov S' erepov eKeXevev eiireiv ti •npos Ta réXt] tójv STrapTiaTÓJV d 8' arreKpívaTO, \' Kpeíaacov eycb p,évcov Kal Kpeíaoov' ep,ov p.évov-to?) rd Trpáyp,ara,"i Kal ttjv darríSa Xaficbv eis rd£iv KaréaTY).
Tavr' ovk dv ns eneríp,r]CTev dXXov TrapaXiTrovros' 6 Se rfjv 'A/xáatSos drro>pócf>ricTiv Kal rř)v rcov ovcov rov kXÍtttov TTpoaéXaoivB Kal ttjv tcov doKcov érrl-hoaiv Kal ttÓXX' dXXa* roíavra avvayaycov Kal
1 avruiv Leonicus, Turnebus : airů.
2 /xeV] /těc ovv Pletho, Cobet.
3 t<3 irépu) Wyttenbach : Barépai Reiske : irépu).
4 aireKpivaro, <" Kpeioawv iycb p.évajv Kal Kpeítjoov' ép.ov p.évov-tos> Ta. irpáypiaTa " L. P. (cf. Mor. 225 e) : aireKpivaro tó> irpáy-fian Wyttenbach : ámKpívovros (sic) ra irpáyp.aTa Aldine edition : á.tt€Kpívaro ra. irpáyp.ara.
5 irpoaéÁaatv Stephanus : irpooéXevoiv.
6 ttóXX' áXXa Bernardakis : dXXa iroXXa Reiske i woAAá.
" Cf. Mor. 225 a and Diodorus, xi. 4. 3-4.
6 Plutarch tells this same story in Mor. 225 a and 240 e. The question always comes from Leonidas' wife, Gorgo, but since the message is meant for Spartan womanhood in
80
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866
tion a few of them now. They celebrated their own funeral games before leaving Sparta, with their fathers and mothers among the spectators. And there is the reply of Leonidas himself, when someone said to him that he was taking very few men out to battle, and he answered : " Many enough to take to their death." ° And to his wife, who asked him as he was leaving if he had a message to give, he turned and said : " Marry good husbands and bear good children." 6 And at Thermopylae, after the encirclement, wishing to save two men of noble family, he gave one a dispatch to carry and sent him off, but the man refused, saying angrily : "I came with you to fight, not to carry messages " 0 ; and when he ordered the other man to take a message to the Spartan authorities, he answered : " I shall do my duty better if I stay here, and the news will be better if I stay here " ; and he picked up his shield and took his place in the ranks/
One could let these omissions pass without criticism in another author,6 but in an author who describes the vulgar retort of Amasis ' and how the thief brought along the donkeys and made the guards drunk g and who has collected and recorded many other stories of
general, the story in its original form perhaps made the question come from a nameless Spartan woman. Ambiguity between " the woman who asked him " and " his wife asking him " would be easy in Greek. " Cf. Mor. 221 d, 225 e.
d The Greek text is corrupt and the man's reply is supplied by a conjectural restoration ; in Mor. 225 e, where the same story is told, he says : " I shall be a better man if I stay here."
8 Herodotus has in fact several stories of this type in vii. 221, 229-232. ' ii. 162. 3.
0 ii. 121, in the story of Rhampsinitus.
81
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
16)
J) Siap,vr]povevcov, ovk dpeXela S6£eiev dv Kal vrrep-oifiia rrpoteoOai KaXd p.ev epya KaXds Be cbcovds, dAA' ovk evp,evr)s cov rrpds iviovs oiSe BiKaios.
33. Tovs Be ®r]j3aiovs rrpcoTov1 p,ev cj>r]oi " p,erd tcov 'EAAip'oiv eovras pd^eodai vrr dvdyKrjs e^o/xe-vovs"' ov yap p,6vov Eepfij?, cos eoiKev, dXXd Kal AeiovLBas paorcyocf)6povs e*Xev erropievovs, v<f>' cov 01 Q-qfiaioi rrapd yvcbp,r]v r)vayKd£,ovTO piauTiyov-pevoi p.dxeaOai. Kal tis dv cbp,6repos tovtov ye-vono avKO(f>dvrr]s, os pidxeadai p,ev vrr' dvdyKrjs <j)r]al tovs drreXBeiv Kal cfrevyeiv2 Bvvap-evovs, psr)-Biaai 8' eKovTas ois oiBels rraprjv fiorjdcov; etjrjs Be tovtois yeypatf>ev oti " tcov dXXcov erreiyop,eviov
E irrl tov KoAcovdv arroaxiodevTes ol ®r]j3aioi ^etpds re irpoereivav Kal rjaav3 doaov tcov fiapfidpcov, Xe-yovTes tov dXr]6eoTaTOV tcov Xoycov, cos p/r]8ioeiavl Kal yrjv re Kai iiBcop eSooav5 fiaoiXei, vrrb 8' dvdyKrjs exdp.evoi els ®epp,orrvXas drriKeaTO* Kal dvaiTioi elev tov Tpcbpiaros tov yevop,evov fiacriXei-ravTa Xeyovres rrepieyevovTO' eixov yap Kal ®ea-craAou? tovtcov tcov Xoycov p-dpTvpas." opa Sid tooovtcov iv j3apj3dpois Kpavyais Kal rrap.p,iyeoi Oopvfiois Kal cbvyais KaV Biw^eaiv aKovop,evrjv BiKaioXoylav Kal paprvpcov dvaKpioiv Kal ®eoaa-Xovs pera^v tcov cf>ovevop.evcov Kal rraTovp,evcov vrr'
F dXXrjXcov rrapd rd8 arevd QrjfSaiois avvBiKOVVTas, oti rfjs 'EAAdSo? avTovs KparovvTas d^pi ®eamecov
1 ■npaiTov Basel edition: npSros: reais Reiske (as in Herodotus). 2 fevyeiv] <pvyetv Herwerden.
3 rtpoireivav /cat fioav] Trpoireivov /cat 7jLtjav mss. of Herodotus.
4 fir/Sto-eiav] pajoLi.ovai Turnebus (as in Herodotus). 6 zSooav] eSoaav dv Reiske.
6 dm/ceaTo] dm/cotaTo Turnebus (as in Herodotus). 82
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866
this kind, one can hardly think that he omits noble actions and noble sayings because he is careless of detail or thinks them beneath his notice ; it must be because he is hostile and prejudiced towards certain parties.
33. " For a time," he says, " the Thebans fought along with the Greeks, as they had no alternative." ° It seems, then, that Leonidas, like Xerxes, had men with whips in his army, under whose blows the Thebans were forced to fight against their will. How could calumny be more cruel than this ? He says that men who could have run away and escaped fought because they had no alternative, and that men who had no one to support them were glad to medize. Then he goes on : " When the rest of the Greeks were pushing towards the Hill, the Thebans broke away and went towards the barbarians holding out their hands in entreaty, saying—with perfect truth—that they had medized and given earth and water to the king, that they had come to Thermopylae under compulsion and were innocent of the blow which the king had suffered ; and these words saved their lives, because they had Thessalians as witnesses to their statement." 6 Just imagine such a plea being heard in such a situation, amid the barbarians' shrieks and the confused shouting of the flight and pursuit! And imagine the witnesses being questioned. With men being killed and trampled underfoot all around them in the narrow pass, the Thessalians support the Thebans' plea by saying : " Until recently we controlled Greece as far as Thespiae, but they defeated us in
" vii. 233. 1. o vii. 233. 1-2.
7 /cat B : omitted in E. 8 wapd rd] iravra yap Aldine and Basel eds.
83
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(866) evayxos e^-qXaaav p-axy irepi.yevoiJ.evot1 Kal rov dpxovra Aarrapivav2 cvrroKTelvavTes. ravra yap VTrfjpxe BoícotoZs rare Kal QecraraXoís irpós áXXŕj-Áovs, émeiKes oé Kal <pi\ávdpa>Trov ovSév.
'AAAá 8f] Ttov ©eaaaXtov p.apTvpovvTCov, ttôjs TrepieyévovTO ©ryjSatot; " tou? pkv avrcov árréKreL-vav oí páppapoi rrpomavTas," cos aiiTos elprjKe, " tovs 8e3 irXevvas, KeXevaavTOS Eéptjeaj, eari^av oríyp,ara fiaoiXŕjia, áp^ápievoi áno rov orpaTr/yov 867 Aeovnáoea)." áAA' oiire* AeovTiáSrjs ev ®epp,o-TTvXaig r)v aTparrjyás, áAA' 'Avátjavopos, cós 'Apt-orocpávrjs eK rtôv Kar' äpxovras VTrop,vrjp.áTCúv lorópr/ae Kal NúcavSpo? 6 K.oXo<pwvios' ovre yivói-OKei tis äv6pco7rajv6 Trpo 'Hpooórov GTixOévras vtto Eiepfjov Qrjfiaíovs. eirel p.éyiarov r)v áTroXóyr)p,a rŕjs 8ia/3oXfjs Kal KaXcos efve ttjv ttÓXiv áyáXXeaOai toZs arlypLaoLV SKeívois, cbs Eéptjov SiKaoavTOS exOíoTois xpýcraa9a<' Aeutvlhrj Kal AeovTtáSry rov p.ev ydp fjKÍoaro ireiTTojKÓros to aójp.a, tov 8é £cúvtos eoTí^ev.   6 8e ttjv puév els AecovíSav d)p.ó-
1 irepi.yevop.evoL Meziriacus : rrapayevóp.evoi. 2 Aa.Trap.vav E : Aarrap-iav B. 3 Sé Bernardakis : 8e ti E : 8' en B.
4 áAA' ovre Reiske : ovre. 5 ávOpajtrcúv Stephanus : ávOpunrovs.
" Of. Life of Camillus, chap, xix, where this victory is dated " more than 200 years before Leuctra," i.e. 571 b.c. at latest, in which case it is hardly relevant to the present situation ; Beloch, therefore, is disposed to date it towards the end of the 6th century (Griechische Geschichte, i. 2. 205). The battle is not mentioned by any author except Plutarch; perhaps he is still following the Boeotian historian Aristophanes.
84
i ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 866-867
battle and drove us back, killing our commander Lattamyas." 8 That was how Boeotians and Thes-salians stood towards one another at the time ; there was nothing warm or friendly in their relationship.
However, suppose the Thessalians did bear witness •—how did the Thebans save themselves ? " Some of them the barbarians killed as they came forward " (this is what he says himself), " but most of them, at Xerxes' command, they branded with the royal brand-marks, beginning with the general, Leonti-adas." b But the general at Thermopylae was not Leontiadas but Anaxander, as Aristophanes tells us, on the basis of the Register of Magistrates,0 and Nicander of Colophon d ; nor is anyone aware, until Herodotus writes, that Xerxes branded any Thebans. Indeed, it would have been the strongest defence in reply to charges against them and the city might well have prided itself on these brand-marks, if they could claim that Xerxes gave orders to treat both Leonidas and Leontiadas as his bitterest enemies, mutilating the body of the Spartan leader in death and branding Leontiadas while still living.e   Herodotus, however,
" vii. 233. 2.
c Frag. Gr. Hist, iii b, no. 379, F. 6.
<* Frag. Gr. Hist, iii a, no. 271-272, F. 35.
• Eurymachus, the son of Leontiadas, was instrumental in planning the Theban attack on Plataea in 431 b.c. which opened the Peloponnesian War (Thucydides, ii. 2. 3 ; Herodotus, vii. 233. 2, says he was killed when commanding the Theban force, perhaps incorrectly). Whatever official positions were held by father and son, Athenian ill-feeling against the family is easy to understand. The branding story may not be true; but Plutarch seems deliberately perverse in failing to see the point of it—that the king branded the Theban captives as untrustworthy slaves who had turned against him; thus the story, if true, is in fact proof that Thebes had formally medized.
85
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
-g rr/Ta orjXojp,a rroiovptevos, on pLaXiara or) dvopwv 6 fidpfiapos i9vp.u>6r] £aWt AeoWSry, Qrjfialovs Se /cat /xr/St'^ovras- Ae'ya»v eV ®epp,omjXacs arix9r)vat Kal arrixdevras avdis ev IlAaTaiat? pbrjoi^eiv rrpo-9vp,a>s So/cet p,oi, KaOdrrep 'IrnroKXelBris 6 rots OKeXeai ^etpovo^idiv em rrjs Tparret^s, elnetv dv igopxovpievos1 ttjv dXrjdeiav " oi <f>povrls 'Hpo-Sotoj."
34. 'Ei> Se rfj oyoorj tovs "EAAr^vd? <f>r]oi Kara-oeiXidaavras drro tov 'Aprepucriov2 Sprjopiov fiov-Xevecrdai, eaoj els ttjv 'EAAdSa, /cat twv Ej5/3oe'ajv BeopLevcov dXlyov em.p.elvai xpovov, ottojs imeK-doivro yeveds /cat to oi/ceri/coV, dAtyajpetf, &xpi? ot> C ©e/xto-to/cArJ? dpyvpiov Xapltuv Evpvfii.dor) re p,er-eSw/ce /cat 'ASet/xdWai too K.opivdla>v arpaTrjytp-Tore Se pueivai Kal Stavau/xa^rjaat rrpos tovs jSap-fidpovs. 6 p,ev UlvSapos, ovk u>v ovp.p.dxov rroXeajs dXXd p,t}8t£,et,v alriav exovarjs, opLOJs tov ,Aprepu-atov p.vrja9els eTn7re(f>d>vrjKev
of?t4 TratSe? 'AOavatojv6 epIaXovro* obaevvdv Kprjrno"7 eXev9eplas.
'HpoooTOS oe, v<f>' ov KeKocrpLfjadal rives d^iovat tt)v EAAdSa, oojpoSoKlas Kal kXotttjs epyov drrocbatvei rr)v viktjv eKelvrjv yevop,evqv Kal tovs "EAAr^a? aKovaioos aya)viaap,evovs, vtto tow OTpaT-qy&v e£-
1 eiopxovfievos] dmpxavuevos Herwerden (cf. Herodotus, vi. 129).       2 'Aprepioiov B : 'Aprep.et.oiov E (so also below).
3 axpt- E : dxpis B.
4 odi B : o>s oi E : on Aldine edition. 6 'A0a.va.iaiv Boeckh : 'AB-qvaiaiv.
6 efiaXovro Stephanus : epaXAovro.
7 <f>aewav Kpymb" E : $aevdv Kprj-alo' B. 86
I ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867
offers the savagery of Xerxes towards Leonidas as a i proof that the barbarian hated no one so much in life as Leonidas ; but he shows the Thebans being branded at Thermopylae, even though they medized, and then, despite the branding, he shows them just as eager to medize at Plataea. It looks to me as though, like Hippocleides standing on his head on the I • table and waving his legs in the air, Herodotus would " dance away the truth " and say : " Herodotus doesn't care." a
34. In Book VIII he says that the Greeks took | fright at Artemisium and planned to run away into the straits to Greek territory, and when the Euboeans begged them to wait for a little time, so that they could remove their families and their slaves to safety, they paid no attention until Themistocles was given money and shared it with Eurybiadas and the Corinthian commander Adeimantus ; only then did they remain to face the barbarians in battle at sea.6 Pindar comes from a city which was not an ally, but was accused of medism ; none the less he has a word of praise for Artemisium, as the place
Where sons of Athens laid for Freedom A gleaming white foundation-stone.c
But Herodotus, whom some people regard as the panegyrist of Greece, represents that victory as the fruit of bribery and deceit, and shows the Greeks fighting reluctantly, tricked by their corrupt com-
" For the story of Hippocleides, the suitor who " danced away his marriage," see Herodotus, vi. 127-129.
6 viii. 4>. 1-2. Cf. Life of Themistocles, chap, vii, where Plutarch makes no protest against the story.
" Frag. 77 (Bergk-Schroeder-Snell), 65 (Bowra), quoted also in Life of Themistocles, chap, viii and Mor. 350 a, 552 b.
87
i
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(867) arraTrjdevTas dpyvpiov XajSovrtov. /cat tovto to D rrepas1 oil yeyovev amip tt)s Kanorjdeias- dAAd rravres pev avOptoiroi o~xeSdv opoXoyovoi rats vau-/x.a^tat? avrdflt KpaTovvras tovs "EXXrjvas optos vtpeodai tov 'Aprepiolov Tots jSapjSdpois, rd rrepl QepporrvXas aKovoavTas- ovSe yap rjv otf>eXos ivravda Kadrjpevovs tppovpeiv ttjv ddXaaoav, ivros UvX tov tov rroXepov yeyovoros /cat Sep^ou tcov rrapoStov KpaTOVvros. 'HpdSoro? 8e, rrptv dnay-yeXrjvai tov AetoviSov ddvarov, rjSrj rroiel tovs 'EXXrjvas /3ovXevop.evovs drroSiSpdoKeiv Xeyei S' ovTtos- " Tprjxetos2 Se rrepiethdevres,3 /cat ovx rjKiOTa E AdrjvaXoi,, Ttov at rjpiaeiai Ttov vetov rerptopivai fjoav, Sprjopov ifiovXevov* els ttjv 'EAAdSa." Kairoi ttjv rrpo tov dytovos dvaxtbprjoiv ovrtos ovopdcrai, paXXov S' oveiSlaai, Se86o8to- 6 Se /cat nporepov Spaap,6v elrrev /cat vvv Spaopov dvopd^ei /cat per' oXiyov rrdXiv epei Spaopov ovrto mKptos5 Ttp prjpari, TrpoorrethvKe. " tois Se fiapfidpoioiv avTLKa peTa raura rrXoltp rjXdev dvrjp 'Eariaievs,6 dyyeXXtov tov Sprjopov tov dV 'ApTepitrlov Ttov' 'EAAryvwv ot Se vtt6s dmaTirjs tov pev dyyeXXovra etyov ev tbvXaKrj, veas Se Ta^eta? aTre'o-TetAav 7rpo-KaToifiopevas."9 Tt av Xeyecs;  drroSiSpdoKeiv tos KeKparrjpevovs,
1 to wepas E : irepas B.
2 rpTjxews E : rpixecos B.
3 7repie<t>9(vrcs Reiske (as in Herodotus): weptepx&sWs E : 7t€pievex6evTes B.
4 eflovXzvov E : ij3ovXevovTo B.   Herwerden adds caw as in Herodotus.
6 mxpais] yMoxpais Wyttenbach. 6 'Eortcueus] 'loruuevs mss. of Herodotus. 88
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867
manders. Nor does his malice stop at this point. Almost everyone agrees that though the Greeks had the upper hand in the battles at sea here, they nevertheless yielded Artemisium to the barbarians when they heard of the fate of Thermopylae, because there was no point in sitting there keeping guard at sea once the war came past Thermopylae and Xerxes was in control of the passes.0 Herodotus, however, shows the Greeks planning to run away even before the death of Leonidas is reported. These are his words : " They had suffered severely, especially the Athenians, of whose ships half the number had been damaged, and they planned to run away to Greece." 6 Now he may be permitted to talk of running away and to use such a term of reproach in speaking of retreat before the battle ; but he talks of " running away " now just as on the former occasion, and a little later on again he will speak of " running away "—so fierce is his attachment to this expression : " Immediately after this a man from Histiaea arrived by ship telling the barbarians that the Greeks had run away from Artemisium ; but not believing this messenger they kept him under guard and sent out fast ships to see for themselves." e
What do you mean ?   That they are " running
" Modern critics would agree on this point. It is a weakness of the narrative of Herodotus that the combined strategy by land and sea is not made clear (c/., e.g., How and Wells, Commentary, vol. ii, pp. 371-372).
6 viii. 18.
c viii. 23. 1.
7 tov dV 'A. rajf Duebner (as in most mss. of Herodotus) :
tov 'A. ToV tujv E :  tov 'A. tov tov B.
8 &tt6 B (as in Herodotus) : dVd E.
9 TrpoKaTO\jiop.evas B : TTpoaKaroijJouAvas E.
89
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
867)
jp ovs oi TTo\e[j,Loi [xera. ttjv /zakryv dmarovai <f>evyeiv cos ttoXv Kparovvras; efoa mareveiv a^iov tovtco ypá<j>ovTi Třepí ávopós rj rróXecos p,iäs, os évl prjp,an to vcKrjp,a rys 'EÁXáSos á<f>aipeÍTcu Kal to Tpórraiov KaöaipeX Kal Tas emypaclds, as ědevTO napa ttj 'ApTe/xiSt Tfj Upooritpq,1 Kopjrrov dvorpaívei Kal dXa^oveíav;   e^ei 8' ovrio roirrlypapupa-
TravToBarrcov dvSpcdv yeveas 'Aaías díro ^copa? rralSes 'Adr/valaiv rcoSé ttot iv TreXdyet
vavp.axía Sap,daavTes, errel arpaTos toXero Mřj-
OLOV,
orjp,ara TavT* eOeaav TrapOévtp 'ApTepLiSi. 868 iv p,év oSv Tats p.dxais ovk era£e tou? "EXXrjvas ovb" iSrjXcooev rjv ÍKdoTr) rróXis exovaa x^ópav évav-p.axrjoe, Kara Sě tov drrorrXovv, ov avTOs Spaap.óv Trpooayopevet, rrptoTovs <f>rjal Kopivdíovs rrXetv votÓtovs 8' 'Adrjvaíovs-
35. "ESei p.év ovv pr/Sě toís pjqBíoaaiv 'EXXřjvcov dyav i-rrepbßaivev, Kal Tavra Qovpiov p.év vtto tcóv dXXojv vop,í£,óp,evov2 avróv Sé 'AXiKapvaaétov rrepi-exop.evov, ot AcopieTs ovTes pterd rř>s yvvaiKiovÍTiSos e-m tovs EjAArjvas eoTpaTevoav.
O Sě ToaovTov ďrrohel tov rrpaorepov3 dvop,dt,eiv
1 ITpooTjaía Xylander (cf. Life of Themistocles, viii) : vpos . .   (lacuna of 5-7 letters).
2 vofu^opievov] óvo/ia^ópíevov Cobet.
3 irpaórepov Emperius : Trpórepov.
" " Artemis who looks towards the east." It was this temple which gave the promontory of Artemisium its name. For the site see Lolling, Mitteilungen des deutschen arch. Inst, in Athen, viii (1883), pp. 7-23.
b Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica Qraeca, ii, p. 104.
c viii. 21. 2.
90
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 867-868
away " like beaten men ? The enemy regard them as definitely victorious and cannot believe that they are taking flight after the battle. Can we believe what such a man writes about any individual or any city ? With a single phrase he wipes out the Greek victory, pulls down the trophy, and makes empty bombast out of the inscriptions which they set up in the temple of Artemis Proseoa.0 This is the verse that stands there :
With men of every race from Asia's land The sons of Athens fought once in these waters ; The victory won, the Persian host destroyed, These gifts to maiden Artemis they offered.6
So also, in his account of the battles he did not describe the Greek arrangements or tell what station each city occupied with its ships, but in the withdrawal—" running away " as he calls it—he says the Corinthians went first and the Athenians last."
35. He had no right to be so very severe even towards the Greeks who medized. After all, though some regard him as a citizen of Thurii, his attachment is really to the Halicarnassians,1* those Dorians who took their harem with them on the expedition against Greece.6
He certainly fails to use fair terms in describing the
d Herodotus was a native of Halicarnassus, but took part in the settlement of Thurii in Italy, a colonial enterprise of Athens, in 444 b.c. In the opening words of his history, as preserved in the manuscripts, he called himself " the Hali-carnassian; " but, as appears from Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii. 1409 a and Plutarch, Mor. 604 f, some ancient copies read " the Thurian." See Legrand, Herodote, Introduction, pp. 12-14.
• The Halicarnassian forces were commanded by a woman, Artemisia.   Cf. 869 f below.
91
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(868) v
g ras rcov psijouaavrcov dváyKas, coare Třepí QeaoaXcov Sirjyrjtrápievos on QcoKevaiv, e^Opols Kal TroXep.íois ofioi, TrpooéTrepÁJjav ÍTrayyeXXóp,evoL rř)v %cópav avrcov apÁaftřj hiacbvXá^eiv, el TrevrrjKovra ráXavra piiodov Xáfioiev, ravra Třepí Oai/cécov yéypa<f>ev av-rols 6vóp.aaiv " ol yap 0a>/cet? p,ovvoi rcov ravrj] ávdpcÓTTCov ovk epLT]oi£ov, Kar' dXXo p.év ovSév, cós1 eycb ovpifiaÁÁópLevos evploKco, Kara. Se ró ě^flo?2 ro QeoaaÁcóv el 8é QeooaXol rá 'EXXr/vcov rjv$ov,3 cós épLol So/cet,4 éaijSt^ov av ol Oco/cei?." Kalroí p,erá pUKpov avrós epel rpioKalSeKa TróXeís rcov (bcoKecov víro rov fiapfiápov  KaraKeKavaOai, 81-C etfydápdai rř)v ^túpav, epvneTTpý)aQai ro ev "A/Jat?6 lepóv, dvSpas drroXcoXevai Kal yvvaiKas, ocroi p,i) Siacpvyóvres ecbdrjoav eis rov Uapvaoóv.   áXX' op,cos rovs rá ěoxara Ttadeuv errl rcp piř) rrpoéadai ro KaXov VTropbelvavras eis rrjv avri)v eOero KaKiav rots TrpoOvpLorara p/qhlaaav  Kal rá  ěpya rcov ávSpcov ipéijai pvr) Svvrjdels, atria? eKadrjro <f>avXas Kal  VTTOvolas  eirl rov ypacjtelov6 ovvnOels Kar' avrcov Kal KeXevcov1 ovk acf>' čov errpaijav, áXX' á<p' Jív hrpa^av av" el p.r) raivra  0ecro-aAot? e8o£e, Kpíveodai rr)v StáVotav avrcov, coarrep ^cópas ávr-D eiXrjp.p.évrjs'1  vcb'   érépcov rfjs  TrpoSooías áVroAet-chdévras.
1 Kar' aAAo fiév ovSev ws supplied from Herodotus : lacuna of about 20 letters in mss.
2 ex"os Stephanus (as in Herodotus): á^flos.
3 -qv£ov Bernardakis (as in Herodotus) : rjigovv.
4 SoKet] So/ceW Herodotus.
6 "A/3ats Basel edition : a/i/?pais.
92
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868
plight of those who were forced to medize ; but his unfairness does not stop there ; in his story of the message sent by the Thessalians to their bitter enemies the Phocians, in which they offer to keep their land unharmed in return for the price of fifty talents, these are the actual words that he uses about the Phocians : " The Phocians were the only people in this area who did not medize, for no other reason, as I conjecture, except their hatred of the Thessalians. I imagine that if the Thessalians had supported the Greek cause, the Phocians would have medized." a And yet, a little later, he will tell us himself that thirteen cities of the Phocians were burnt down by the barbarians, that their country was laid waste and the temple at Abae set on fire, and that all the men and women who did not escape to Mount Parnassus in time were killed.6 Despite the fact that they were prepared to endure anything rather than betray their honour, he ranked them no higher than the most enthusiastic medizers. Not being able to find fault with what they actually did, he sat with his pen inventing base motives and rousing our suspicions against them, inviting us to judge their intentions not by what they did, but what they would have done if the Thessalians had acted differently—as though they failed to be traitors only because the traitors' place was already occupied by others.
" viii. 30. » viii. 32-33.
6 art tou ypacpetov] áiríorovs rtu ypatpeía) Herwerden.
7 KeXevwv E : koXovoiv B.
8 óAA' á<p' &v iirpa^av av added by Meziriacus : no lacuna marked in mss.
9 a.vTeiXTjp.p.évTjs] ávTeiXrip.p.évoíS Aldine edition.
93
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868
(868) El toLvvv QeaaaXovs ris errt^eipet tov p.rjSiap,ov Trapairetadat, Xéycov cos oil ravr* ěj3ovXovTO, rfj Se Trpos OcoKeas SiacfiopS. rot? "EAA770-1 Trpoari6ep.évovs opiovres avroL rrapd yvcóp/rjv e/xrySiouv, dp' oiiK dv aioyiOTO. KoXaKeveiv é'So£e Kal Trpos érépcov X^-Pw curias' xpryorás' erri Trpdyp,aai d\avXois iropít,cov Sia-arpéfyew rr)v dXrjdeiav; eyco p,ev olp,ai. ttcos ovv ov Trepi^avéarara 8óč;ei avKocbavreZv 6 p,r) Si' dperrrv rd j3éXriaTa QcoKels eXop,évovs aTrocfiaivó-p,evos, áAA' on rdvavría QeaaaXoiis ěyvcoaav <j>po-E vovvras; ovSé ydp eis irépovs, coarrep e'Lcodev, avayei rrjv SiafioXrjV aKrjKoévai Xéycov áAA' auro? evpíoKeiv avp.j3aWop.evos. ehreZv ovv ěSec ra reK-p,y)pia, Sť cZv eneiodrj rovs1 opoia TrpáTTovras roZs dpíoTOis ravra roZs cpavXoTdrocs Siavoirjdrjvat.
Tó ydp rfjs ěxdpas yeXoláv eariv ovre ydp Aíyi-vrjTas eKcóXvaev r) Trpos 'Adrjvaíovs Siac^opa Kal XaA/ciSeí? r) Trpos 'Eperpiéa? Kal ííopivdíovs r)2 rrpos Meyapea? tjj 'EAAáSi avp.pa.xelv ovS' av rráXiv ©eooaXovs pvr]8Ll,ovTes oí TroXep,t,cÓTaToi Ma/ceSóVe? rfjs Trpos tov j3dpj3apov c^iAía? drréarpeifsav. ras yap íSia? drrexSeias 6 koívos aTréKpvifte kÍvSvvos, coare tcov dXXcov rradcov eKTreaovras r) rcp KaXco Si' F dperrjv r) rep avpubepovTi Sť áváy/ojv TrpoaríOeadaL ttjv yvcóp/rjv.   ov p,r)v dXXd Kal p.erd rr)v dvdyKrjv
1 toís B : toís E. 2 rj Reiske : ij.
" The Greek has a past tense, " obscured," but it is probably a gnomic aorist, used to express a general truth. 6 Strictly Plutarch should have said that the Phocians
94
Now suppose someone tried to excuse the medism of the Thessalians by saying that they did not want to medize, but did so against their will because of their quarrel with the Phocians, when they saw them supporting the Greeks. It would seem to us, wouldn't it, that he was whitewashing their conduct in the worst possible way and that he was distorting the truth if, in order to please one side, he invented worthy motives to explain their unworthy actions ? I am sure it would. How, then, can a writer be thought anything else but a barefaced slanderer when he represents the Phocians as choosing the noblest course not because they were good men, but because they found that the Thessalians were opposed to it ? He does not even refer the slander to other people, as he usually does, and say he has " heard it " ; he says it is his own " conjecture." In that case he ought to have given the evidence which persuaded him that men who acted along with the best had the same intentions as the worst.
The motive of enmity is ridiculous. The Aegine-tans were not stopped from fighting on the Greek side by their quarrel with the Athenians, nor the Chalcidians by their quarrel with the Eretrians, nor the Corinthians by their quarrel with the Megarians ; nor, on the other hand, were the Thessalians deterred from making friends with the barbarian because their bitterest enemies the Macedonians medized. The truth is that a common danger obscures a individual grievances ; men forget all other feelings, and either honour makes them decide for the nobler course or necessity for the expedient one.6 Nor must it be for-
chose both alternatives, attempting honourable resistance first and then medizing out of sheer necessity.
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 868-869
(868) eKelvrpv, rj KareXrj<f)6r)crav vtto M17S01? yeveadai, rrdXiv p,eref3dXovro rrpos rovs "EXXrjvas ol dvSpes, Kal AaKpdrrjs p.ev avrots 6 JjTTapridrrjs dvriKpvs epLaprvprjcrev airos S' o 'UpoSoros wcnrep eKpia-aOels ev rots HXarauKots dp.oXoyet Kal Owxtas rrapayeveadai rots "EAArjow.
36. Oi) Set Se 6avp.dt,eLV el rots drvxtfcracnv eyKevrat, rriKpois, orrov Kal rovs rrapayevopLevovs 869 Kal ovyKivSvvevoavras els rr)v rdiv rroXep,ltov p.e-plSa Kal rrpoSordiv p.erarldrjOL. " Ndtjioi yap rpets1 errepupav rprfpecs avp,p.dxovs rots fiapfidpois, els Se rdiv rpirjpdpxojv A.7]p,oKpiros erreiae rovs dXXovs eXeodai ra row 'EAAtjvojv." ovrcos oi5S' enaivetv avev rov t/jeyew olSev, dXX' IV'2 els avr/p eyKOjpuaodfj, ttoXlv oXrjv Set KaKios aKovaai Kal Sfjpiov. piaprvpet S' avrots3 rdiv p,ev -npeafivrepoiv 'EAAdvi/co? rdiv Se vetorepow "HL<f>opos, 6 p.ev e(; 6 Se -nevre vaval rovs* Nations eXdetv rots "EXXrjot fSor)6ovvras laroprjoas. avros Se Kal TTavrdrraijiv eavrdv d 'UpoSoros e^eXeyxet ravra rrXarrop-evov. B ol p.ev yap Natjlojv tbpoypd<f>oi Xeyovat, Kal rrpd-repov M.eyafidrrjv drrojaaadai, vavcrl ScaKoalais em-TrXevaavra rfj vr/crto, Kal Adrw addis rdv crrparrjydv
1 rpets] Teoaepas Herodotus. 8 iv' Turnebus : el.
3 p.aprvpel S' auroty (or : dvTiuapTvpel 8' avrco) Reiske : p.ap-rvpei 8' aurui. 4 tovs Reiske : aurous.
" Lacrates is not known from any other source.
6 This is inaccurate. Herodotus, ix. 17-18, says that in the spring of 479 the Phocians (who did medize, however unwillingly) were slow in sending 1000 hoplites to join Mar-
96
gotten that, after the passing of the necessity that made them submit to the Medes, these men changed back again to the Greek side ; the Spartan Lacrates ° testified directly in their favour, and Herodotus himself, having no alternative, admits that Phocians were with the Greek forces in the campaign of Plataea.0
36. There is no need to be surprised that he attacks luckless victims so savagely when even those who stood firm and took their share of the danger are ranked by him as enemies and traitors. " The Naxians," he says, " sent three triremes to help the barbarians, but one of their captains, Democritus, persuaded the others to decide for the Greek cause." 0 This shows how he cannot praise without finding fault; in order that one man may be commended, the reputation of a whole city and people must suffer. Evidence in their favour comes from Hellanicus and Ephorus, to mention one older and one later writer. The former says that the Naxians sent six ships to help the Greeks, the latter that they sent five."* And, as a matter of fact, Herodotus himself provides the proof that his story is a complete fabrication. The chroniclers of Naxos say that they previously drove off Megabates when he approached the island with two hundred ships,6 and subsequently repelled the Persian commander Datis, after he had burnt their
donius and that these were accepted by him only after a severe test of their bravery; in ix. 31. 5 he lists these thousand in the Persian line of battle, but adds that there were Phocian loyalists based on Parnassus making raids on the army of Mardonius.
" A paraphrase, not an exact quotation, of viii. 46. 3.
d Frag. Or. Hist, i, no. 4, F. 183 ; ii a, no. 70, F. 187.
' Frag. Or. Hist, iii b, no. SOI, F. 3. Herodotus, v. 32-34, says Megabates withdrew after spending four months in an attempt to take the city by siege.
vol. xi e 97
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(869) išeXáoau1 Karanp-qaavTa (rd lepá, avrovs Sě Naftou? oúSěv emxeípýo-avTa') rroLfjoai /ca/cóV.2 el Se, (Ls 'HpóSoTOS eíprjKev áXXaxódi, rfjv p,év nóXiv aíirwv epxrprjoavTes 8ié<f>9eipav, ol 8' dvOpwiroL Karacpvyóvres els rá 0/577 Sieatódrjaav, i)irov KaXř)v aiTiav etxov rots ánoXécaoL rr)v irarpíoa rtépmeiv fíorjdeiav, dXXd p,ř) tols áp,vvop.évois vrrép rrjs KOLVrjs eXevdepías áitúVetv. on 8' ovk éiraivéaai fiovXrjBels Arjp.ÓKpLTOV, áXX' eV aíaxvvQ Na£ťa>v C avvédrjKe to ifievSos, SrjXós éan ru> TrapaXiTrelv oXcos /cat 7rapaaiojTTTJo-aL to Ar)p.oKptTov Ka.TÓpdojp,a /cat rrjv ápLOTelav, r}v" emypáp,p,an Stita/vťSojs i8rjXu>oe-
Ar)p,ÓKpLTOS rplros rjp$e p,áxr)s, ore nap SaAa-pXva
"EAAijve? MijSot? avpL^aXov ev neXáyef ■névre Sě víjas ěXev 8i)íojv, Čkttjv 8' vtto xe^Pa pvaaro /Sap/Sapt/cr/v4 AcopťS' áXio-Kop,ěvr)v.
37. 'AAAá ft dv ns áyava/CTOtij 7repí Na£ťa>v; et yap eloLv dvrÍTToSes rjp,ójv, aiarrep évtot Xéyovm, ttJs yfjs rá Karoo nepioiKovvres, ořtiat iirjS' ckclvovs dvrjKÓovs elvai ®ep.iuroKÁéovs Kal rov ®ep.ioro-kX4ovs flovXevpLaros, o fiovXevaas rfj 'EAAáSt vav-D /ia^řjaat6 -npo ríjs TtaXapuvos l8pvaaro vaóv 'Apt-OTofiovXřjs' 'AprépiiSos ev MeXírr), tou ftapfiápov
1 éieXáaai E : égeXáoai B (cf. 865 c).
2 KaTtmptfoavra. <rá Upá, avrovs Se Naftow ovSev ěmxeipij-aavra> ttoí^oox kolkov L. P. following Cobet: Ka.Ta.7rprjaa.VTa. voířjaaí kukÓv : KarairXevaavra ttXoíois eKaróv EmperhlS (vavalv íkotóv Wyttenbach).
3 Bernardakis would add év. 98
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869
temples but did not attempt to do any actual harm to the people of Naxos." And if it is true, as Herodotus has described elsewhere,6 that the Persians burnt and demolished their city and the men saved themselves by taking refuge in the mountains, they certainly had a fine reason for sending help to the destroyers of their country and refusing to join those who resisted in the common cause of freedom ! c Herodotus evidently invented his story to discredit the Naxians and not because he wanted to praise Democritus ; this is clear from his complete omission and suppression of the heroic exploit of Democritus, which is celebrated in an epigram of Simonides d :
Democritus was third to offer battle
When Greek and Persian clashed at Salamis.
Five enemy ships he took; and, sixth, a Dorian, Rescued from capture by barbarians.
37. But why should one be upset over the Naxians ? If there are antipodean peoples, as some say, who dwell on the under side of the world, I imagine that even they have heard of Themistocles and the Themi-toclean plan—how he counselled the Greeks to fight for Salamis and subsequently set up a temple of Artemis of Good Counsel at Melite, after the bar-
■ The Greek text is corrupt here, and this conjectural restoration is based on the account of Herodotus, vi. 96. » vi. 96.
c The argument is quite absurd ; as subjects of Persia the Naxians would have no choice in the matter. d Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 85.
4 vtto xelpa . . . ^ap^apiKT)v\ ano xeipos . . . fiapflapiiajs Tur-nebus : dwd x£lP^v • • ■ flapflapiKwv Reiske. 6 vavp-axyjoat B : vavp-axTJoas E.
6 'Kpicrro^ovX-qs Xylander (cf. Life of Themistocles, xxii) : flovXijs,
99
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(869) KaraTToXe 1X7)6evros. tovto p.ev tov1 ©efuaroKXeovs o ^aptet? ovyypa<f>evs ooov e<£' eavrco rrapaipov-p.evoss Kal rr)v oogav els erepov /xeraoSepojv ravra ypd<pei Kara, Xe£iv " evravda Se3 ©e/xicrro/cAea d(p-LKop,evov em ttjv vea e'lpero MvyottpiXos dvi)p 'A9rj-vaZos, o ti a<f>iv eirj f3eflovXevp,evov TtvOopLevos ok Trpos avrov, cos earl SeSoypLevov* dvdyeiv rds veas rrpos rov 'lo-9p,6v Kal irpd ttjs UeXorrovvrjaov6 vav-paxeeiv, etve"- ' ovk'1 dpa, rjv aTralpcoai, Tas veas dm) HaXapitvos, ouSe rrepl pufjs" ert narplSos vav-p.axr)oet.s- Kara yap -rroXeis ewaoToi rpeipovTai ' "
E (Kal p.eT oXiyov) " ' dXXd el tis coti p.rixavr), Wi re Kal treipco Sta^eai ra f3epovXevp,eva, -qv kcos' Svvrj avayvcooat. Ei5puj8taSea pieTaplovXevcracrdai cooTe avTov p.eveZv.' "la etd' VTteimov on " Kapra rep QepLioTOKXeZ rjpeaev r) vtto9t]kt\, Kal ovSev npos Tavra dpLeupapbevos d<pLK€TO Trpos tov EvpvfSidh'Tjv," ndXiv avraZs Xe£eoc yeypa<f>ev " evTavda 8e ®epu-otokXtjs napi^opievos11 ot12 KaTaXeyei KeZvd re irdvTa
E a13 r/Kovcre Mvrjai(plXov ecovrov Trotevp.evos,u Kal
1 rov Valckenaer : to.
2 ira.paipovp.evos Valckenaer : TrapaiTovp.evos.
3 Se] Si) Herodotus mss.
1 earl SeSoypevov Stephanus : emheb'oyp.evov : evq 8eSoyp.evov Herodotus mss.
5 XleXoTTOvvTnoov B : UeXoirovrfoov E (this variation is constant and will not be noted again).
6 c2We Stephanus (as in Herodotus): omitted in mss.
7 ovk] ovtoi Herodotus.
8 ouSe irepl /uijs (as in one Ms. of Herodotus)] other mss. of Herodotus have irepl ovSe puijs or jrepl ouSeyut^y.
9 rp> kws Stephanus (as in Herodotus): tjXUois. 100
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869
barians were defeated. But our clever historian does everything in his power to obscure the part played by Themistocles and to transfer the credit to another man. These are his actual words 0 : " Now when Themistocles came to his ship, an Athenian, Mnesi-philus by name, asked him what plan had been decided by them ; and hearing from him that the decision was to withdraw the ships to the Isthmus and fight in defence of the Peloponnese, he said : ' In that case, if they remove the ships from Salamis, you will no longer even have a single native land to fight for 6 ; the men will all go off separately to their own cities.' " Then a moment later he says 0 : But if there is any way possible, go and try to upset these plans ; perhaps you can somehow persuade Eurybi-adas to alter his decision and remain here.' " Then Herodotus adds that this suggestion pleased Themistocles greatly and without saying a word in reply he went to Eurybiadas. Again I quote his actual words : " And then Themistocles sat down beside him and told him everything he had heard from Mnesiphilus, with some additions, presenting it as his own opinion." d
- viii. 57. 1-2.
6 That is, the sense of fighting in defence of a united Greece will be lost; and that is the only thing that holds the forces together.
0 Plutarch is abbreviating; the speech is unbroken in Herodotus.
1 viii. 58. 1-2. On Mnesiphilus see Life of Themistocles, chap. ii.
10 p.evelv] mss. of Herodotus have p.eveeiv or /itveiv.
11 irapt.£6p.evos (or : Trapet,6pevos) mss. of Herodotus : lacuna of 7-9 letters . . . £op.evos.
12 ol Herodotus : omitted in mss.
13 ir&vTa a E : a B : navra to. Herodotus.
14 iroievp^vos E : noiovfievos B.
101
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(869) dAAa1 rtpoandels." opqs on KaKorjdelas Trpoarpl-fieTtu ravSpl hot-av, I'Siov avrov BovXevp.a rroietadai to tov M.vrjoicf>(Xov Xeycov;
38. "En Se pLctXXov tcov 'EXXrjvtov KarayeXcov* QepioTOKXea pev ovre tpr/cl cppovfjoai, to avp<f>epov dXXd rrapiSeZv, os 'OSvooevs errcovopdo0ri Sid ttjv <f>p6vr)oiv, 'ApTepialav3 Se rrjv 'HpoSorov ttoXitiv, pxjSevos 8iSd£avTos3 avrrjv dc/Y eavrrjs emvorjoaoav aep£r) rrpoeirreZv 4 tbs " ovx °'ot' re woAAoV xpovov eaovral toi dvrexeiv ol "EXXrjves, dXXd ocfteas Sta-870 aKeSqs,6 /cara 7r6Xeis Se e/cao-Toi <f>ev£ovTa<.m xal ovk eiKOS avroiis, rjv av errl rrjv YleXorrovvrjoov iXavvrfs tov rret,dv OTpaTOV, drpepr^aeiv,6 ovSe a<pw peXr]-aeiv rrpo tcov 'A&jve'aiv' vavpaxeew rjv Se avriKa erretxdfjs vavpaxrjcrai, Setpaivco pr) 6 vavnKos OTpa-tos KCiKcodels teal" tov 7re£oV TTpoa8rp\r)a7)Ta.i."w TavTa pev ovv perpcov evSeZ tco 'UpoSorcp, Si/3dA-Xav drrocfyrjvai11 ttjv 'ApTepiolav ra p,eXXovTa rrpo-Qeanlt,ovoav ovtws aKpuBcos. Std koX aep^r/s avrfj rrapeStoKe tovs eavTov rraZSas drrdyeiv els "Ecf>eoov erreXeXrjoTO yap etc Tiovocov, cbs eoiKev, dyeiv yv-vaiKas, el yvvaiKelas eSeovro1' rraparrop,rrrjs ol rraZ-Ses-
39- 'AAA' o13 p,ev eipevoTai, Xoyos r)pZv ovSels'
1 aAAa] aAAa woAAd mss. of Herodotus.
2 KaTayeXwv B : KareyeXwv E.
3 'Aprepuolav B : 'Aprefieiaiav E (so also below). * irpoemeTv Stephanus : irpooevneiv.
6 oiao-Kioas Stephanus (as in Herodotus):  Stao-KESia E : SiaovceSiap B.
6 drpe/iTioetv] mss. of Herodotus have arpeftielv or arpepeetv.
7 'Adijvewv Bernardakis (with some Herodotus mss.) : 'Ady-valwv (as in others).
102
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 869-870
You see how he contrives to make Themistocles look like a dishonest man, making him present the plan of Mnesiphilus as if it were his own.
38. His mockery of the Greeks goes even farther. Not content with saying that Themistocles never recognized what ought to be done and that it escaped his notice—this man who was nicknamed Odysseus for his cleverness—he makes his own fellow citizen Artemisia see it all by herself, with no one to prompt her, and warn Xerxes. " The Greeks will not be able to hold out for long against you," she says, " you will scatter them, they will take flight, each man to his own city ; and if you advance your land forces against the Peloponnese, it is unlikely that they will remain where they are or be concerned at all to fight in defence of Athens ; if, on the other hand, you are in a great hurry to fight a naval battle, my fear is that the navy, if it suffers defeat, will involve the land force in disaster also." a All that Herodotus needs here is verse to present Artemisia as a Sibyl—so accurately does she predict the future. And so Xerxes handed over his own sons to her to take back to Ephesus.6 It seems that he had forgotten to bring any women from Susa—if the boys really needed a woman's protection on the journey.
39- However we are not concerned with the fact
» viii. 68. p-y. " viii. 103.
8 koI] not in Herodotus mss.
9 iretpv Stephanus, from Herodotus : not in mss.
10 ■npoao-qXyorrrai editors of Herodotus : 7rpoorjXijoT]rai. (as in some mss. of Herodotus ; others have npoooTjXyoeTat).
11 airotf>ijvai\ cijs d.TTO(f)rjval Reiske.
12 eSe'on-o] Perhaps ScWto should be read.
13 dAA' o Stephanus : dAA' a Bernardakis : dAAco : dAA' u>s, dAA' on, or dAAtuj /j.ev el also possible.
103
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
10) a ,
■g a Se ye Karéifievarai1 fióvov e^erd^opiev. <f>r)al ToCvvv 'Ad-qvaíovs Xéyeiv, obs 'ASelfiavros 6 Kopiv-dícov arparr/yós, ev X€PaL T0~>v rroXepiioov yevopiévoov, VTrepeKirXayels Kal Karaoeícras ě(f>evyev, ov irpvpivav Kpovadp,evos ovSé SiaSvs drpép,a Stá tóov ita^otie-vojv, dXXd Xapnrpáis eTraipópievos rá laría Kal ras vavs dvdcras aTroarpéipas- elra pbévroi KeXrjs eXavvó-p.evos avTio avvérvxe Trepl rá. Xrjyovra rrjs ZaAa-puvías, Ík Sé rov KeXrjros é(f>déy^aró tis- " ov p,év, co 'Aoelp.avre, </>evyeis Karairpooovs tovs "EXXrjvas-
C ol Sé Kal Sř) vikóóoi, Kadárrep Tjpójvro im,KpaTÝjoaL tiúv exOpóov." 6 Sé KeXrjs oStos r)v, obs eoiKev, ovpavoTTerfjS' rí ydp eSei abeíSeodai3 p,rjxoLvrjs rpayi-Krjs, ev Tram rots dXXois vireprtaíovTa tovs Tpayoo-Sovs áXa^oveíq.; moTevoas oSv 6 'ASelpiavTos " iir-avfjXdev eis to OTpaTOTreSov iir é^eipyaap.évois3' avTT] ýáTis ěxei vtto 'Adrjvaíoov ov p-évToi Kopťv-dioi ópioXoyéovoiv, dXXd ev ttpooToiai otfréas avTovs TTjs vavpiaxírjS vop.it,ovoi yevéadai- piapTVpet Se aqbi Kal r) aXXr] 'EAAáV."
Toiovtos Íotiv ev TroXXots 6 dvOpooTros4' érépas KaO' ěrépoov SiafíoXds Kal KaTTjyopías KaTaríd-qoiv,s D looTe p,r) Siap.apTetv tov <f>avfjvaí riva ttÓvtoos ttovtj-póv dxnrep évravda Trepleariv avTop, dmaTovpLevovs 'Ad-qvaíovs," TTiaTevop,évrjs Se7 tí}s SiafioXfjs Kapiv-
1 a Se ye KaTeipevarai Turnebus : a Sé tlvwv Karapevorai Herwerden: á 8ě tóov 'EÁXývoov Karét/ievoTat, Wyttenbach: aSer . . . (lacuna of 4 letters) 0eOoT<u.
2 faloeaBai Emperius : ■nyrS.av'ai. Valckenaer : awexeoflat Wyttenbach: ríBeaBai.
3 eV e£eipyaop.évois Turnebus: eV Qtiipya.op.ivos B: eVef up-yaouévos E.
104
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870
that he tells lies ; we are examining only his malicious lies. According to him the Athenians say that, when the enemy approached, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantus, was seized with abject terror and took to flight, not by backing water and slipping quietly through the ranks of the fighters, but openly raising sail and making all his ships turn with him ; and then, at the far end of the island of Salamis, a speeding cutter caught up with him and someone from the cutter called out: "So you are running away, Adeimantus, and you have betrayed the Greeks basely ; and yet the victory is already in their hands, the victory over the enemy that they prayed to win." It seems that this cutter fell down from the skies— since he is more theatrical in every other respect than the writers of tragedy, why should he avoid using the machinery of the stage ? And so Adeimantus believed what he was told and " returned to the camp to find that all was over ; such is the Athenian story, though the Corinthians dispute it and maintain that they played a leading part in the battle ; and the rest of Greece supports their contention." °
This is what the fellow does so frequently ; he piles up different slanderous charges against different people, so that someone is bound to appear in a bad light in any event. And so here the result for him is that the Athenians are discredited if the charge is disbelieved, the Corinthians if it is believed.  I don't
" viii. 94. 1-4.
4 eV ttoWols 6 avBpamos B : 6 avBpamos ev ttoXXols E. s Ka.TariB'qoiv B : k . . . tlBtjolv E.
6 amorovpivovs 'AB-nvalovs transferred by L. P. : follows dSo^eiv in mss. : dm-arovpevTjs Se, 'AB-qvaiovs Stephanus.
7 Se] p.kv Stephanus.
105
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(870) Oíovs d8oi;etv. oľfiai Se (pýr' 'Adrjvaíojv avrov aKovaai KaKi^óvrwv Koptví'ťoiis') pvqre1 K.optvdícov 'AOrjvaíovs, dXXa rovrojv3 dp.(jiorépu)v 6p,ov Kara-ijjevoeadai. QovkvoÍStjs yovv, dvriXéyovra ttolójv tó> K.opLv8Cu> tov 'Adrjvaíov iv Aa/ceSatiiovi Kat 770A-Aá 7rept rá)v MtjSikójv Xapmpvvóp.evov epycov /cat 7rept rŕjs ev EaAa/xľvt vavp,ay_Las, oioep,íav alriav TrpoSoaías t) XiTTora^ías3 éTrevrjvoye K.opt,v6íois-ovoe ydp et/cô? í)v 'Adrjvatov* ravra BXao<fyr)p.eZv irepl rŕ)s Kopivdíatv TróXeais, r]v rpirrjv pÄv écópa6 /xe-rá Aa/ceSat/xovt'ows' Kat jtxer' aúrous8 eyyaparro-E p,évr)v roZs drró rdv fiapfidpuiv dva6ŕjp,aoiv. ev 8e SaAa/xľvt Trapá rŤ)v rróXiv é'SwKav avroZs ddipai re rovs ďrroOavóvras, ws dvSpas dyadovs yevop,évovs, Kat7 emypátfiaí ró8e r6 éXeyeZov
d> £etv',8 evvopóv rror evaíop,ev dcrrv Jiopívdov, vvv 8' dp,' A'íavros3 vdaos eyei SaAa/xtV.
ivddoe Qowioaas vŕjas Kal Hépaas éXóvres Kal M.rjh'ovs, iepdv 'EAAáSa puaá/xeťta..10
1 ot/iai 8é <.jiŕjr 'KB-qvaitov avrov dicovoai Kaia£óvTU>v Kopiv-6iovť> pyre L. P.: ŕjv ot/iai p,r]Sé Wyttenbach : 01 p.ijSe E : rj
Ol flTj Se B.
2 toutcuv] tovtov Turnebus.
3 AtwoTaítas Bernardakis : \enroTa£las.
4 'ABqvaiov L. P.: 'ABr/valovs Reiske : 'ABrjvaíois. 6 ewpa] impuív Xylander.
6 p.er avrovs Turnebus : fi€r' avraiv E : /ter' avrovs (-ous or -<3v?)B.
7 icai Basel edition : omitted in mss.
8 £eiv Wilamowitz : f éW.
8 S' dp.' AldvTos Valckenaer, Bergk: Sé iter Atavros Dio Chrysostom, 37 : ]vtos[ 10 i2. 927 : S' dváparos. 10 pvaíjiíBa Pletho, Jacobs : pvóp.eBa.
106
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870
believe that he ever heard the Athenians making any such complaint against the Corinthians or the Corinthians complaining of the Athenians. I think he is libelling both parties at the same time. Thucydides represents an Athenian speaker at Sparta countering the speech of a Corinthian and making many fine , claims about Athenian prowess in the Persian Wars,
including the battle of Salamis a ; but he never introduces any charge of treachery or desertion against the Corinthians ; nor is it likely that an Athenian would make such abusive remarks about Corinth, when he could see the name of that city inscribed third in order on the barbarian spoils offered to the gods, following the name of the Spartans and the Athenians 6 ; and on Salamis the Corinthians were permitted to bury their dead near the city, as men who had fought bravely, and to inscribe this verse over them :
i Hail stranger!   Once by Corinth's fairest springs we
dwelt;
Now Salamis, isle of Ajax, holds our dust. I Phoenician ships we smote here, Medes and Persians
i felled,
And kept the holy land of Hellas free.0
» i. 73-78, esp. 73. 2-74. 4.
* Notably on the Serpent Column, the offering made to Apollo at Delphi (Herodotus, ix. 81. 1) which is now in Istanbul; for the text see Tod, Ok. Hist. Inscr. i, no. 19.
c Anthologia Lyrica Oraeca, ii, p. 93; a marble slab found on Salamis has a two-line inscription which appears to be the first couplet of this epitaph (Tod, Gk. Hist. Inscr. i, no. 19 ; J. H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Oreece, Fig. 2). But the lettering on the stone is more in keeping with a much earlier date (before 600 b.c), and it may in fact commemorate the death of Corinthians in an earlier expedition to Salamis. Cf. R. Carpenter, Am. Journ. Phil, lxxxiv. (1963), pp. 81-83.
107
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(870) to 8' ev 'ladjjLip Kevord(j>iov imypa<j>r)v e^et ravTtjv
oLKfids earaKvtav em tjvpov 'EAAdSa ndaav F rals avrcov1 0u^at? Kelp,eda pvadp,evoi.
Aio8tbpov Se twos rcov Kopwdltov rpirjpdpxojv ev iepco Atjtovs dvadrjpLaot, Keiptevous /cat tovt erteye-ypamro*'
ravr' drro 8vap,evetov MrjSaw vavrat3 AioSojpou ottA' dvedevi Aarot, p.vdp.ara vau^ta^t'as.5
auro? ye p.r)v 6 'A8eip,avros, cS TrActora AotSopou-p.evos 'HpoSoros SiareAet /cat Xeytov, " p,ovvov do"7ratpetv6 tcw OTparrjycov, cbs <f>ev£6p.evov drr' 'ApTepuolov /cat /lm^ Trepip,evovvra," ff/cdrret TtVa Sd£av et^ev
oStos 'A8etp,dvTov Kelvov rdcpos, ov St'a rracra' 'EAAds8 eXevOepias dp,<pedero9 OTe<f>avov.
871 Oure yap reAeuTTyo-avTi toiclvttjv ei/cds r;v dvSpt SetAai /cat 7Tpo86rr) yeveodai tijlmjv, out' dv eVdA-jLMjcre t<3v Ovyareptov dVo/xa OeoQai rfj p.ev Nauor-vlk7jv TT) 8' 'Axpodiviov rfj 8' 'AAe£ij8tav, 'ApioTe'a Se /caAe'crat rdv utdv, ei /at) •ijv emcf>dveia, /cat Aap.-Trporrjs rrepl avrdv drrd tcov epycov e/cei'vcuv. /cat
1 aurdie Scholiast on Aristophanes : avriav.
2 erreyeypaTiTo E : cmyeypaT/rat B.
3 vavrai Stephanus : aSrai.
4 aviOev Blomfield : aveOemo.
5 vavpLaxtas E : vavp,axli)s B.
6 doiratpeiv Cobet (c/. Herodotus, viii. 5) : airaipav.
7 St'a waaa] ov Sid flovXds Dio Chrysostom, 37.
8 'EAAds E : t) 'EAAdy B.
9 eXevBepias dp.<peBeTO Pletho,  Basel edition: eXevBepias dfupedevro B : eXevBepiap/piBevro E.
108
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 870-871
And this is the inscription on the cenotaph at Isthmus a :
We lie here who, when on a razor's edge
The life of Greece stood trembling, gave our own.b
And here is the inscription on the offerings in the temple of Leto made by one of the Corinthian cap-I tains, Diodorus :
The crew of Diodorus took These arms from Persian foes ; To Leto here they offered them In memory of that fight.c
Or take Adeimantus himself, the man on whom Herodotus constantly loads insults, saying that " he alone held out, saying he would flee and not stay at Artemisium " d—consider the reputation he held :
Here buried Adeimantus lies, and thanks to him All Greece put Freedom's crown upon her head. •
It is not likely that a man would be given such i honour as this after death if he had been a coward and
traitor, nor would he have dared to call one of his daughters Nausinice and another Acrothinion and another Alexibia/ and to call his son Aristeus/ unless his behaviour on that occasion had invested him with some fame and distinction.  Furthermore, the Corin-
" The precinct of Poseidon where the Isthmian Games were held.
b Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 95, Palatine Anth. vii. 250 ; an expanded version in three couplets also exists.
c Palatine Anth. vi. 215, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, p. 103. * viii. 5. 1.  Of. above, 867 b—868 a.
■ Palatine Anth. vii. 347, Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, ! ■        p. 95.
f " She who wins the day with ships," " First offerings of thanksgiving," " She who repels force." * " He who excels."
109
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871
(871) p/i)v on fióvcu rcov 'EAAijvi'Stov at Kopiv0tat yvval-Kes ev^avro ri)v KaXrjv eKelvrjv /cat Satpioviov zvyr\v, 'ipcora rols dvhpáai rfjs rrpos rovs fSapfiápovs p-áxqs B ép.fSaXeiv rrjv1 deáv, ovx ottlos rovs2 rrepl rov 'Hpó-Sorov dyvorjoai mdavov rp>, dAA' oi3Se rov ěa^arov Kapán'- SieporjBr] yap ro TrpdypLa /cat St/xajvi'Sij? krtoítyjev eTrlypap,p.a, j^aA/cáV elKÓvwv dvaoradei-ltlov ev rto vato3 rfjs 'AtppoSlrtjs, ov Ihpvoaadai. M^Setav Xéyovoiv, ol p,ev avrrjv TravoapLévrjv1 rdv-Spas, ol 8' em rip rov 'Iáaova rfjs ©ériSos5 epcovra iravoai rqv* deóv.   ró 8' inlypapipLa rovr earív
alo' vrrep 'EXXávwv re Kal tůu/xá^a/v7 rroXirjrdv3 ěaradev9 ei>£áp,evai KirárpiSt Sat/tóvtat.10
ov yáp ro^ocpópoiatv ep,fj8ero 8t' 'A^poStra11 MrjSois 'EAAávcov á/cpóVoAtv Trpo8óp,ev.
C ravr* é'8et ypáípeiv Kal rovruxv p,ep,vfjadai p,dXXov i)
1 ri)i> Pletho, Stephanus : rov.
8 rovs added by Turnebus, not in mss.
3 vaíp B : vu> E.
4 iravaa/iévriv] Wyttenbach would add iptaoav.
5 ©ériSos] KpeovríSos Meziriacus.
6 tt)v Stephanus : rov.
7 ldvpáw>v B : eWvpÁvaiv E : ev9vp.áxíov Athenaeus : ňy^e-p.áx<ov Scholiast on Pindar.
8 noXíijTav Pletho, Stephanus : 7roAiTÓV.
9 ioraSev B : éoradev E : loracrav Scholiast on Pindar.
10 haifióviai] oaifióvta Bernardakis.
11 St' 'A^poSíra Pletho, Stephanus : Si 'AippoSírav.
" The typical " ignorant rustic " (c/. above, 860 e).
* On the summit of Acrocorinth, with a statue of Aphrodite in armour. Of. Pausanias, ii. 5. 1. The prayer of these women—the hetaerae, who are her sacred devotees—should be understood as a plea for her help in her warrior aspect;
110
thian women were the only women in Greece who offered that splendid inspired prayer that the goddess should fire their husbands with a passionate love for battle with the barbarian ; it is incredible that a man like Herodotus should be unaware of this ; even the remotest Carian 0 must have heard of it, because the story was in everyone's mouth and Simonides wrote an epigram for the bronze statues that were set up in the temple of Aphrodite 6 (the temple which Medea is supposed to have established, according to one version when she found herself no longer in love with her husband, according to another to thank the goddess for curing Jason of his love for Thetis °). This is the epigram :
Here stand those ladies who to Cypris prayed For Greece and for our stalwart fighting men. The gods were with them ; Aphrodite vowed Our stronghold should not fall to Persian bows.1*
Here is something that he should have recorded— here is something worth remembering—instead of
she is the armed protectress of Corinth. Cf. E. Will, Korin-thiaka, pp. 225-7.
" It is usual to suppose that the name Thetis is a mistake (either of Plutarch himself or of a scribe) and that the reference is to Creon's daughter, GlaucS, the bride of Jason whom Medea murdered with the poisoned robe, as in Euripides' Medea. But it may not be a mistake. According to Atheno-dorus of Eretria (Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iv, p. 345) Medea engaged in a beauty contest in Thessaly with Thetis and was judged the loser by Idomeneus; this might mean that Jason fell in love with Thetis and Medea fell out of love with him, but that both were " cured " by Aphrodite before they came to Corinth.
d Anthologia Lyrica Graeea, ii, p. 101. The story of the Corinthian women and the epigram was recorded by Theo-pompus and Timaeus (Frag. Gr. Hist, ii b, no. 115, F. 285 ; iii b, no. 566, F. 10).
Ill
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(871) tt)v ' Ap,etvoKXeovs ep,^aXelv ovp,cj>opdv /cat1 TratSo-c^ovt'av.
40. TcSv toLvvv alncov2 rcov /caret QepLioroicXeovs dveSrjv3 epuf>oprj8eis, ev ots KXerrrovTa /cat TrAeove-Krovvra Xddpa tcov dXXcov aTparr/ycdv oil <f>t]ai TTavaaaOat, trepl rds vrjoovs, reXos avrcov 'AOr}-vaicov tov orecfiavov d<f>eX6p,evos AlyivrjTcus emTi-Btjcfl, ypdcpcov ravra- " TrepjjjavTes aKpodivia ol "EAATjve? etV AeXcfiovs ertripioTCov tov dedv koivt}, el XeXdfirjKe rrXr/pea /cat dpeard rd4 aKpodivia' 6 Se Trap' 'EXXrjvtov p,ev tcov dAAcov ecjyqaev e%eiv, Trap' D Alyivrjreiov Se) oil, dXX' drrairee avroiis* rd dpipreia rr)s ev SaAa/xtvt vau/ia^ta?." oiiKen ILikvuclis ovhe Uepoais ovS' AlyvTTTioLS tovs eavrov Xoyovs dva-TidrjaL TtXdrrcov, oiairep Aiocottos /cdpa^t /cat ttl6t]-kois, dXXd rep tov UvOiov Trpoodmtp xptbp,evos dtTiodet tcov ev8 JjaXapZvi TTpiorelcov rds* 'Adrjvas. QepLioroKXet Se tcov SevTepeicov ev 'Io8p.ip yevo-pievcov Std to tcov OTpaTTjycov e/caarov aurcu p,ev to itpoireiov ineivcp Se to Set/Tepetov aTroSoi/vat, /cat
1 av/jufiopdv koI L. P. : rjj loropia Bernardakis : lacuna of 12 letters in mss.
2 airubv Wyttenbach : amW.
3 aviar/v Wyttenbach : mnu&qv.
* to added by Bernardakis (as in Herodotus): omitted in mss.
6 a-nabee auTous Stephanus (as in Herodotus) : a.Tnj\dev iavrovs.
8 ev added by Wyttenbach : omitted in mss.
■ See above, 864 c. 1 viii. 112.
c viii. 122. The Greek is ambiguous (perhaps deliberately). It could mean either that the god wants them to thank him because they have won the prize or that he wants them to award Mm the prize. Plutarch takes it the first way
112
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871
dragging in the sorry tale of Ameinocles killing his son.a
40. After he has made the most of the accusations levelled against Themistocles, telling how he continually went the round of the islands dishonestly enriching himself unknown to the other generals,6 he
j finishes by turning against the Athenians themselves, takes the victor's crown from them and bestows it on the Aeginetans. This is what he writes : " After the Greeks had sent the first fruits of victory in thanksgiving to Delphi, they combined to ask the god if the
I first fruits he had received were full and satisfactory ; and the god replied that he was satisfied with the offerings of all the Greeks except the Aeginetans ; from them he demanded their prize for supreme valour in the battle of Salamis." 0 Thus he no longer picks Scythians or Persians or Egyptians to utter the sayings which he invents himself—as Aesop picks
; crows and apes d—but he uses the Pythian god as his mouthpiece to prevent the Athenians from receiving the first prize for valour at Salamis.6 According to Herodotus the second prize was given to Themistocles at Isthmus, when each of the commanders awarded
(        himself the first prize and Themistocles the second
and Herodotus does say that the Aeginetans won the greatest renown of all Greeks in the battle, with the Athenians coming next (viii. 93. 1); but since they answer the god's demand by offering three golden stars on a bronze mast, they may be recognizing the part played by the god when he sent them a sign of victory (see How and Wells on viii. 122).
d For Plutarch's interest in Aesop see Septem Sapientium • Convivium.
' Later tradition may have insisted that the first prize was in fact awarded to Athens (cf. Isocrates, Panegyric, 72). If so, Plutarch's anger is the more readily understood.
113
1
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 871-872
(871) reXos rrfs Kptaecos přq Xapovorjs, 8éov alrtáaaadat E ttjv <f>tXoTip,íav rcov arparrjycov, TraWas dTroTrXevaaí tfrrjin tovs "EXXrjvas vrro cf>66vov p,r) ^ovXrjOévras avayopevcrat tov dvBpa rrpcorov.
41. 'Ev Sě t-rj evárrj Kal reXevraía rcov pMfSXtov, ocrov rjv vrroKoimov ěrt rrjs1 rrpós AaKeSatptovtovs avrcp 8vcrp,eveíass e/c^éai orrevŠcov, to Trap' avrov3 á<f>eíXero ttjv áoí8tp,ov vIktjv Kal to rrepi^órjrov IIAaTaiacrt KarópOcopta rrjs rroAeais. yéypacf>e yap cos Trpórepov ptév cbppcó8ovv tovs* 'Adrjvatovs, p,r) rretodévres vrró MapSovíov tovs "EXXr/vas eyKara-Xírrcoat,5 tov S' 'loOptov ret^todévros ev dacjjaXel déptevot ttjv HeÁoTrávvrjcrov r)p,éXovv t)8tj tcov dXXcov Kat, Treptecópcov; éoprd^ovres olkoi Kal tovs Trpéofieis tcov 'AOrjvaícov KaTetpcovevóptevot Kal Starpífiovres. F ttcos odv e£fjX0ov eis HXaratds3 rrevraKtoxiXtot HiTTapTiárat, rrepl avrov1 ě^cov ávrjp eKacrros irrrd eiXcoras; r) ttcos kivSvvov dpáptevot roaovrov eKpd-TTjoav Kat Karé^aXov ptvptdSas roaavras; olkovctov wráf' TTidavrjs- " éru^e," tfrrjoív, " ev lirráprT) TrapeTTi8rjp,cove Ík Teyéas ávř)p ovopta XetXecos, co <f>tXot Ttvés Kal £évot rcov i(f>ópcov rjaav ovros ofiv erretaev avrovs eKTréptipat ro orpdrevpta, Xéycov ort rov Staret^tarpiaTos ovoév ocj>eXós éart YleXoTTovvr]-otots, av 'Adrjvatot M.ap8ovta> rrpoayévcovrat." tovto Tlavoavíav e^rjyayev eis ŤlXaratás p.era rrjs 872 SwápLecos' el Se rt Karéa^ev otKetov ev Teyéa
1 éri ríjs Emperius : evríj.    2  8vop.eveías E : Sua/iexeia B.
ov
3 avrov B : auróV E. 4 wppátSovv tovs Reiske : oppwoovvras. 5 éyKaraXbnwoi B : ey/caraAewrajca E. 6 eis nAaraiás Leonicus : ík IIAaToiás.
114
prize; and so no final decision was reached; but instead of censuring their selfish ambition Herodotus merely says that all the Greeks sailed away after envy had made them refuse him the first place."
41. In his ninth and last book he was anxious to vent all that was left of his venom against the Spartans and he did his best to deprive their city of its glorious victory and famous achievement at Plataea.
' This appears from his saying that previously they
were afraid the Athenians might be persuaded by Mardonius and might abandon the Greek cause, but once the isthmus was fortified and they considered that the Peloponnese was safe, they no longer paid any attention to the rest but simply ignored them, keeping festival at home while they put off the Athenian envoys with empty words and wasted then-time.6 How did it happen, then, that five thousand Spartan citizens marched out to Plataea, each man with seven helots to attend him ? or that they accepted the great hazard, won the day, and slew so
I many thousands ?  Listen to his convincing explana-
tion : " It happened," he says, " that a man called Cheileos was in Sparta on a visit from Tegea, who was bound by ties of friendship and hospitality to some of the ephors ; and it was he who persuaded them to send out their army, telling them that the wall across the isthmus would be useless to the Peloponnesians if the Athenians went over to Mardonius." c This, it appears, is what brought Pausanias and his men out to Plataea ; and if some private business or other had
" viii. 123. 1-124. 1. * ix. 6-8.
I 0 ix. 9 (a paraphrase, not a quotation).
7 avnv B : avTov E. 8 curia? Stephanus : a'ria.
9 rrapemorj^aiv Turnebus : napemSpapiuiv.
115
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(872) Trpdypua rov X.elXeiov e/cetvov, ovk dv t) 'EAAd? Trepieyevero.
4i2. ITdAiv 8e rots 'Adrjvalois ovk e^cov o rt XP7!' oat.ro, rrore piev aipei1 rrore 8e /cara/fdAAet ri)v rroXiv dvto /cat k&tlo p.era(f>epcov, ovs Teyedrais p-ev ecs dyiova Ae'yet rrepl rtdv Sevrepeltov Karaardvras 'Hpa/cAetSah' re pLep.vfjcrdat /cat rd rrpos 'Ap,a£6vas TrpaxOevra rrpocpepeiv ratpds re YieXorrovvqalcov rcov vtto rfj KaSjixeta. rreaovrcov /cat reXos els rov Mapa-9d>va KarafSalvew rat Aoyco <f>iXort.pLovp,evovs /cat dyaTTWVTas i)yep,ovlas rvxeiv rov dpiarepov Keptos-
B dXiyov2 8' varepov avroXs Havoavlav /cat Hrrap-ridras rfjs r)yep.ovlas vcpleadai, /cat TrapaKaXetv ottios Kara Hepoas dvriraxdtocri ro 8e£i6v Kepas 7TapaXaf56vres, avrols 8e rrapaSovres to evojvvpLov, cos drfiela rr)v rrpos rovs fiapfidpovs p.dxr]v d-Tro->Xeyop,evovs .3 /catVot yeXolov, el p.r) avvqQeis elev ol noXepiioi, p,dxeadau p,r) OeXeiv.
'AAAa rovs y dXXovs "EXXrjvas els erepov vtto rcov orparrjycov dyopbevovs orparorreSov, " ibs e/a-
C vrjdrjaav," (prjol, " tpevyeiv dopLevcos tt)v Ittttov rrpos rrjv rcov IIAaTaieaji/ ttoXlv, (pevyovras 8' dcbiKeoOai
1 Tfoxe p.lv mpei added by Reiske: no lacuna marked in mss.
OV
2 oXiyov E : oXiytp B.
e
3 airoXeyofievovs Wyttenbach : d-noXoyov/ievovs E : anoXoyov-fievovs B.
4 tcov HXaraUinv B :  iv HXa.Ta.Uiov E :  HXaratecov mss. of ' Herodotus.
116
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872
kept this man Cheileos in Tegea, Greece would not have survived.
42. On the other hand he cannot decide how to treat the Athenians, but shifts them up and down, raising their city to the skies one moment and casting it down the next. He says that they disputed with the Tegeans the right to command on the left wing, a post which would put them next in honour to the Spartans and which would satisfy their ambition ; and after beginning with a reference to the Hera-clidae and Athenian exploits in the battle against the Amazons and pointing out how they gave burial to the Peloponnesians who fell at the foot of the Cad-meia, they finally came down to recent times with an appeal to Marathon.2 Then a little later, according to Herodotus, Pausanias and the Spartans relinquished their command to the Athenians, inviting them to take over the right wing, so that they would be opposite the Persians, and hand over the left wing to the Spartans.6 Thus the Spartans are supposed to disqualify themselves for fighting the barbarians because of their lack of experience. But it is absurd that they should be unwilling to face an enemy unless they had had previous experience with him.
As for the rest of the Greeks, however, he describes how their generals started to lead them to another camping ground, " and," he says, " when the move began they gladly seized the chance to run away from the enemy's cavalry into the city of Plataea, and their flight brought them to the temple of Hera." 0
« ix. 26-27.
* ix. 46. Plutarch has omitted to say that, according to Herodotus (ix. 28-29) the Spartans gave the Athenians preference over the Tegeans and put them on the left wing.
• ix. 52.
117
I
II
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(872) irpos to 'Hpalov "• ev to Kal dneldeiav Kal XmoTa-(jiav1 Kal TrpoSoolav opLov ri2 itovtcuv KaTijyopijae. reXos Se p.6vovs (prjal rots fiev /SapjSdpot? Aa/ceSat-piovlovs Kal Teyeara? tols Se QrjjSatots' 'Adrjvalovs avpLTteaovTas SiaycuvLcraadai, ray S' dAAas rroXeLS opLaXws drrdaas tov KaTop9ojp.aros dneoTeprjKev " ov8evas crvve<f)dt/jaoddL tov dydjvos, dXXa KaO-q-pievovs TravTas em tojv ottXojv eyyvs /caTaAnretv /cat TrpoSovvai tovs virep avTciv p.aj(op,evovs' difie Se OAiacrt'ou? /cat Meyape'as Trv8op.evovs viKtovTa Havaavlav, Trpoo-qjepop,evovs Kal epyneaovTas els to ©rjfiaiwv Ittttlkov, ouSevt Xoycp Sta^^apf/vat- Ko-pLvdlovs Se t-fj p,ev p.dxij p,r) irapayeveodaL, iterd D Se tt)v vlk7]v eTTeiyop,evovs Std tojv X6<f>ojv, p,r) TrepLTTeaeZv1 tols ImrevcrL tojv ©ry/Jataiv "• ot ydp Qrjpaloi, rijs TpoTTijs yevop,evqs, npo'LTrnevovTes tojv fiappapajv TrpodvpLOJs napefiorjQovv (f>evyovoiv ai-tols, StjXovotl tojv ev Qepp.omjXaLs OTiypidTOJV Xdptv d77oStSc5vTes'.
'AAAd K.opLvdlovs ye5 Kal rd^tv rjv* ep,dxpvTO tols fiapfidpoLs, Kal TeXos7 tjXlkov VTrfjpgev avTols and tov HXaraiamv dyoovos e£eoTi ~£ip,ajvi8ov nvdeadaL 'ypd<j)ovTOS ev tovtols-
"E^upo
oAvm'S
a/ca ratera-
p:eaaoL   b   ot t ovres,
TravTOLTjS apeTijs t'Sptes ev noXepLOp,
1 Xirrorafclav Bernardakis : Xevrrora^lav. 2 Tt E : TOl B.
3 Reiske would add Xeywv, Wyttenbach yap. 4 rrepirreaetv Turnebus : Traparreaetv.
ye
Reiske:
118
rjv] # or Kab" rjv Wyttenbach, rjv exovres Reiske.
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872
With these words he has contrived to accuse practically everyone of disobedience, desertion of their posts, and treachery. And in the end he says it was only the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans who grappled and fought with the barbarians, and the Athenians with the Thebans ; all the other cities alike he deprives of their share in the victory. " None of them took any part in the battle, but all sat by their arms, deserting and betraying their comrades who were fighting for them near by, until at last the Phliasians and Megarians, hearing that Pausanias was winning the day, advanced and fell in with the Theban cavalry and were ignominiously cut to pieces ; and the Corinthians were not in the battle at all, but after the victory they hastened forward through the foothills and avoided the Theban troopers." a It appears that the Thebans, once the rout started, formed a cavalry screen for the barbarians and did their best to cover the retreat—in gratitude, no doubt, for the brands that they received at Thermopylae.6
Now so far as the Corinthians are concerned, the post they occupied in fighting the barbarians and the honour that resulted for them from the battle of Pla-taea may be seen from the following lines of Simoni-des :
And in the centre men from Ephyra's springs, Brave warriors skilled in every branch of war,
a ix. 69. 6 Cf. above, 866 f—867 b.
' t4Xos] kX4os Wyttenbach.
3 p-eaaoi Stephanus, Turnebus: p.eoooioi. (i.e. ev tovtois lieoooioi).
9 ot t "E(j>vpav Reiske (following Xylander), Schneidewin: ot ye<j)vpav E : ot y etpvpav B.
119
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(872)    ot re rroXw FXavKoio, Koplvdiov darv, vep,ovres, B       01 /cat1 KaXXiarov pbdprvv edevro rtovcov Xpvaov ripvqevros hi aldepi- /cat acpiv de'£et avrcov t evpelav KXrjSova /cat rrarepcov.
ravra ydp ov xopcV ev KoplvOcp StSda/ccov oi3S' aap;a rrotcSv els rrjv rroXw, dXXcos3 Se ras rrpd^eis eKelvas ev eXeyeia,1 ypdcpcov laropr/Kev.
0 Se ■npokap.fidvcov rov eXeyxov rov tfievop,aros P rcov eprjcrop,evcov, " rrodev oSv -noXvavopia /cat dfJKai rooavrai /cat pLvrjpiara veKpcov, ev ols evayltpvaiv a-Xpi vvv IIAaTatets row 'EXXr/vcov avpvnapdvrcov," rrpaypia6 at'cr^iov, cos olp.cu, rrjs rrpoSooLas rcov yevecov KarrjyoprjKev ev rovrois' " rcov Se ctAAaiv oooi /cat fyaivovrai ev TLXaraifjmv eovres rdtpoi, rovrovs Se, cos iyco rrvvdavopLai, aloxvvopLevovs* rfj dTrecrrot' rrjs /J-dxr/s eKaarovs ^co/xara ^cucrat /cetvd rcov ernyivopievcov etve/c' dvBpcortcov." ravrr/v rr)v aTTeorco* rrjs p.dxrjs rrpoSoalav ovaav 'HpdSoTO? dvOpcdrrcov p.6vos drravrcov rJKovoe, Tlavaaviav Se 873 'Apio-relSrjv /cat AaKeSaip,oviovs Kal 'AOrj-valovs eXadov ol "EXXr/ves eyKaraXmovres rov kLv-Svvov Kal ovr Alyivrjras 'Adrjvaioi Siacpopovs ovras etpgav rrjs emypaiprjs, ovre Kopivdlovs rjXey-
1 ol Kal Ursinus : owrep Hiller : otot Dieh] : ol.
2 ov xopov Herwerden : ov% otov.
3 aXXtas] Bernardakis suggests awAois. 1 ev iXeycia Wilamowitz : eAeyeia.
6 irpayfia L. P. :   dveihos Reiske :   cyKXrjp.a or KaTTjy6(rqp.a Bernardakis : lacuna of 5-9 letters in mss.
6 alaxvvop.4vovs\ mss. of Herodotus have £irat.oxvvop.4vovs or airaioxwopLevovs.
7 aneorot Stephanus (as in Herodotus): d-rro . . . (lacuna of 4-5 letters).
120
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 872-873
The countrymen of Glaucus, hailed the sun, Shining like precious gold in the sky above, To bear true witness to the way they fought. So will their fame and fathers' fame increase."
And these lines are not meant to be sung by a chorus in Corinth nor are they from an ode in honour of the city ; they come from an elegiac poem which simply tells the story of those events.
But Herodotus anticipated that people might expose his lies by asking : " How, then, do you explain these communal graves and all these tombs and monuments of the dead, at which the Plataeans make offerings to this day with the Greeks looking on ? " His answer is to make a charge far more shocking than that of betraying their kinsmen. " As for the supposed graves of other men which are to be seen at Plataea," he says, " my information is that these were piled up by the men from the various cities who were ashamed of their absence from the battle ; and they are empty mounds, intended to impress future generations." b Now this treacherous absence from the battle is something that no one else ever heard of except Herodotus. Pausanias and Aristeides, Spartans and Athenians alike, were quite unaware that their fellow Greeks shirked the danger ; and the Athenians did not bar the Aeginetans from being included in the inscription," despite their enmity, nor challenge the claim of the Corinthians, whom they
" Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ii, pp. 84-85. » ix. 85. 3.
" For the inscription on the serpent column see note on 870 d above.
8 Tavnjv ttjv diremui Reiske : Tav-njv drreoTtu Stephanus : ravrqv dm . . . (lacuna of 4-7 letters).
121
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(873) £av, ovs nporepov viKcovres1 <f>evyeiv ovno EaAa-pZvos, avripiapTvpovarjs aureus rfjs 'EAAdSo?. Kalroi KAedSas rjv 6 UXaraievs, varepov ereai Se'/ca2 roov MtjSikojv Alyivrjrais xapi£,6p,evos, cos rjuqaw 'UpdSoros, oss irrcovvpLOV exojaev avrdov tto-XvdvSptov.
'Adrjvaiot, Se Kal Aa/ceSai/xoVioi rC TraOovres evdvs rare irpos p,ev dXXyjXovs oXiyov ederjaav els g Xelpas eXdeiv rrepl rov rpoiralov rrjs dvaardaeoos, rods S' "EAAiivas aTToo'eiXiaoavTas Kal drroSpavras1 ovk aTTT/Aawov roov dpiareloov, ciAA' iveypa<f>ov rots rpiTToai6 Kal rols KoXoaaois Kal p,ere8lSoaav roov Xa(f>vpoov; reXos Se ra> fioopw rov7rlypap,p,a rovro ypd<f>ovres ive^dpa^av
rovSe TTo8'a "JZXXrjves Ntftrrj?7 Kpdrei, epyop "Aprjos* Tlepoas etjeXdoavres, eXevdepq 'EAAdSi kolvov ISpvaavro Aids jSwitov 'EXevdeplov.
p/r) Kal rovro KAedSas 17 ns dAAos, co 'HpdSore, KoXaKevoov rds rrdXeis e-neypa^se;   ri ovv eSe'ovro rr)v yrjv opvaaovres SiaKevrjs ^Xel,v Ttpdyp^ara? Kal C pqoiovpyetv ^ojttaTa Kal p,vrjp,ara roov ernyiyvo-
1 ovs rrporepov viKcovres] ovs rrporepov elrrov or avroiis rrporepov elrrovres Turnebus : ws rrporepov chromes Wyttenbach.
2 r)v 6 UXaraievs, varepov ereoi SeKa L. P.: r)v 6 YiXaraievs, as ereoi SeKa varepov Duebner: d IIAoTaieus ereoi Sena varepov Stephanus : Jjv 6 IIAaTaieus ereoi SeKa.
3 os added by L. P.
4 drroSpavras Herwerden : drroSpdaavras.
5 rpirroai Manton : arp. 'rr. oi E : rporraiois B.
6 Trod' Stephanus : p.ed'.        7 NiKr/s Stephanus : vIktjv.
8 In Palatine Anthology, vi. 50 a pentameter is inserted : eurdA/ittt ^v\r\s Xrqp.an rrei66p.evoi.
9 rrpdypLara Duebner : rd rrpdyp.ara.
122
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873
charged with running away from the previous victorious battle at Salamis (though Greece testified differently). And yet, so Herodotus tells us, it was Cleadas the Plataean, ten years after the Persian Wars, who, as a favour to the Aeginetans, piled up the communal burial mound which goes by their name.0
How does it happen, then, that the Athenians and Spartans almost came to blows immediately over the matter of setting up a trophy,6 but instead of preventing the cowardly runaway Greeks from sharing in the honours they inscribed their names on the tripods and statues and gave them their share of the spoils ? And, finally, these were the verses which they wrote and inscribed on the altar c :
When Greeks by Victory's power and work of Ares' hand Drove forth the Medes, this common altar here they raised Of Zeus, the god of Freedom, for Free Greece.d
Is it possible, Herodotus, that this inscription too was put up by Cleadas or someone else in flattery of the cities ? What need, then, had they to undertake the useless labour of digging up the earth and piling up deceitful mounds and monuments for the sake of
" ix. 85. 3.
6 Cf. Life of Aristeides, chap, xx, where Aristeides plays the part of peacemaker. The quarrel is not mentioned by Herodotus, and its historicity is very doubtful (cf. Hauvette, Herodote, p. 482).
0 The altar of Zeus Eleutherios, centre of the Festival of Freedom which was celebrated at Plataea every four years.
* Anthologia Lyrica Oraeca, ii, p. 103, cf. Life of Aristeides, chap. xix. Palatine Anth. vi. 50 gives a slightly different version and normalizes the form by inserting a pentameter after verse 1 :
" In their own hearts' high courage trust reposing."
123
If 1:
i:
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(873) p-eviov even? dvdpcoTrcov Karao-Kevd^ovres, ev toZs eTTi(f>aveoTdTOis kcu. peyloTois dvadrjpaai ttjv 86£av avTiov Kadiepovpevrjv opdtvres;
Kcu pr)v tlavaavias, lbs Xeyovoiv, yjSrj rvpavviKa (j>povcov ineypai/jev ev AeXcjjoZs'
'EXX-qviov dpxrjyos, errel arparov coXeoe M-qScov, Havoavlas Ooi/So)1 pvr)p' dvedrjKe ToSe,
Koivovpievos* dp,iooyerrcos3 toZs "EXXrjai rr)v Soijav iT>v eavTov dvrjyopevaev r)yep6va- tiov 8' 'EXXijvcov ovk dvaaxopevcov dAA' iyKaXovvrcov, TrepApavTes els AeXqiovs AaKeSaipovioL tovto pev etjeKoXaifiav (diro tov TplrroSos to eXeyeZov, Traocdv 8' dvTerre-
D ypcu/iav)4 Ta dvo/xara6 tcov rroXeiov, loarrep rjv St'/catov.6 KaiTOi Trios elKos eoTiv r] tovs "EXXrjvas dyavaKTeZv ttjs emypaqyfjs pur) /ieraa^ovTa?, el ovvrjSeoav' eavToZs ttjv drreoTib3 Trjs p-dxqs, t] AaKeScupovlovs tov r/yepova teal OTpaTr/yov en-Xapd£avTas° eTriypdipcu tovs eyKaraXiTrovTas kclI rrepu86vTas tov klv8vvov; lbs SecvoraTov eoTiv, el Hco<f>dvrjs pev kcu ' AelpvrjOTos10 kcu rrdvTes ol Sta-rrpeTTios  dyioviodpevoi tt/v pdxrjv  eKetvrjV ovSe
E Kvdvliov emypaatopeviov toZs Tporralois ovSe Mtj-Xlcov  rjxOeodrjoav,11   'HpoSoTOS  Se   Tpiol povais
1 Halfim B : a>6pV E.
2 KOLvovfievos E : lacuna of 9 letters in B.
3 au-cooydiruts Reiske : dAAws re ttws.
4 6\tt6 tov tdlttooos to eXeyelov, Traocov Se avreTTeypaifiav added by L. P., following Powell and Manton and tov TpmoSos to eAeyelov, touto Se endypaifiav: no lacuna marked in mss.
5 to. 6v6p.ara E : rd Se 6v6p.ara B.
6 evexapagav added in B.
7 awrjoeaav B : ovvrjaaoav E.
124
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873
future generations, if they saw their own good name consecrated on the most conspicuous and greatest monuments of all ?
Furthermore, Pausanias, who already had thoughts of tyranny in his mind, so they say, put up this inscription at Delphi :
Commander of Greeks, who slew the Persian host, Pausanias to Phoebus raised this monument,"
thus sharing, after a fashion, his glory with the Greeks by declaring himself their commander. And when the Greeks refused to accept this wording and raised complaints, the Spartans sent to Delphi and erased this dedication, inscribing instead the names of all the cities, as was proper.6 But can we believe that the Greeks would resent not being included in the inscription if their absence from the battle was on their conscience, or that the Spartans would strike out the name of their ruler and commander and substitute the names of men who shirked and ignored the contest ? It is very strange that Sophanes and Aeimnestus c and all the men who fought with distinction in that battle never objected when the Cythnians and Melians had their names engraved on the trophies,12 while Hero-
■ Cf. Thucydides, i. 132. Palatine Anth. vi. 197 gives the dedication in the first person and in the original Doric dialect. 6 Thucydides, i. 132. 3.
0 Herodotus, ix. 64, 73-75. Cf. Life of Aristeides, chap, xix, where the form Arimnestus is preferred.
d Cythnians and Melians are mentioned on the serpent column (see note on 870 d above).
8 aVeo™ (cf. 872 p) :  dwo . . . E :  dnoXeujiiv B.
9 eKxapa£avTas E : €yxapd£aVTas B.
10 T,uKJ>avTjs p.ev koX 'Aei/ieijo-ros Wesseling (cf. Herodotus, x. 64 and 73): Haixdprjs fiev /cat AetWtcrro?.
11 rjxdeaOrjaav E : TjBeadrjoav B.
125
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(873) iToXeaiv dvadels rov aywva ras dXXas rrdaas eK-Xapdrrei rcov rporraicov Kal rcov lepcov.
43. 'Yeoodpcov S' dycovcov rare irpos rovs )3ap-fidpovs yevop,evcov, e/c p.ev ' Aprepuolov rovs "EAAr/-vas aTToSpaval (prjocv, iv Se ©eppiorrvXais, rov arpart]yov Kal fiaoiXecos irpoKivSvvevovros,1 oIkov-pelv Kal apueXeiv 'OXvpvma Kal Kdpveia2 itavr\yvpi-tfivras' rd 8' ev SaAajUivt Sirjyovpievos roaovrovs Ttepl ' Aprepnaiasa Xoyovs yeypacpev, oaois oAryv ri)v F vavp,axlav ovk drnjyyeA/ce* reXos Se, Kadrjp.e'vovs ev IIAaTaiats dyvoijcrai /xe'^pt reXovs rov dycova rovs "EAAr^vas, coarrep parpaxop-axias1 yivop.ivt]s, t)v6 UlyprjS 6 'Aprepualas6 ev eirem7 •nat%a)v Kal tpXvapcov eypatpe, cncorrfj Siaycoviaaa9ai avv9ep.i--vcov, Iva Xddwoi rovs dXXovs' avrovs Se Aa/ceSat-pMviovs dvSpei'a8 p,ev ouSev Kpeirrovas yevicrOai rcov flapfldpcov, dvoTrXois' Se Kal yvpvols p.axop,£vovs Kparfjcrai. Zeptjov ftev yap axirov rrapovros, viro pmariycov p,6Xis omadev cb9ovp,evot irpooecpepovro 874 rots "EAAt/ow, ev Se TlXaraials, cbs eot/cev, irepas
1 ■npoKivSwevovros B : irpooKivSwevovros E.
2 Kdpveia B : aicdpvia E.
3 'Aprev-ioias Basel edition: 'AprepuaCov B: ' Aprep-eiaiov E.
4 pWpax°faX'as] flo.Tpa.xop.vop,axta.s Stephanus and subsequent editions.
6 tjv added by Wyttenbach. Immisch would delete IK-ypTjS . . . eypatpe as gloss.
6 'Aprep-ialas] Perhaps roAmys should be added (suggested by Wyttenbach).
' ev emm Basel edition : iveneae B : evettawe E.
8 dvhpeCa. Bernardakis : dvBpta.
9 dvoirXois] But cf. ddVAow in 874 a.
126
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 873-874
dotus credits only three cities with taking part and strikes out the names of all the others from the trophies and the temples.
43. Thus, in the four battles that were fought with the barbarians at that time, he says that at Arte-misium the Greeks ran away a and that at Thermopylae, while their king and commander faced death in the front line, they paid no attention but stayed at home celebrating the Olympic and Carneian festivals 6 ; in his treatment of Salamis he has devoted more space to stories about Artemisia than to his entire account of the battle c ; and finally at Plataea he says that the Greeks sat idle knowing nothing of the battle till the end, as though it was like the battle of frogs and mice which Artemisia's fellow citizen, Pigres, described in his silly mock epic," and they had made an agreement to fight in silence so that the others would not know about it. As for the Spartans themselves, he says they were in no way superior to the barbarians in courage, but won because the enemy had no shields or body armour. It seems that when Xerxes himself was present the barbarians were pushed forward from behind with blows of the whip and could scarcely be made to face the Greeks,6 but at Plataea they acquired a different spirit, " and in
a See above, 867 b—868 a.
6 Not a fair account of vii. 206 (cf. viii. 72). Plutarch would hardly claim that a large Greek force fought at Thermopylae alongside the Spartans.
0 For these stories see viii. 68-69, 87-88, 93, 101-103.
* For this poem see L.C.L. Hesiod, The Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, with comment in Introduction, p. xli. Alexander the Great is said to have called Antipater's battle with the Spartans a " battle of mice "—i.e. a trifling incident in comparison with his conquests in Asia (Life of Agesilaiis, chap. xv). 6 i.e. at Thermopylae (vii. 223. 2).
127
PLUTARCH'S MORALIA
(874) iftvyds fieraXafiovres1 " Xrjp.art, p.ev Kal pcofij] ovk rjoooves rjoav, r) Se eaOrjs, eprjp.os eovaa2 orrXajv, 7rAet(7TOV eSryAryo-aTO areas' rrpos ydp OTrXiras eovres yvp.vfJT<u3 dyatva erroieovTO.
Ti ovv nepleanv evoo^ov f) ite'ya rots "EAAr/ow a.77' e/cet'vtov ru)v dyojvcjv, el AaKeoaipaviai p.ev doTrXoLS eiidy/wro, rovs S' dXXovs r) p-dxr) Trapovras eXade, /cevd Se rroXvavSpia Titttutieva rot? e/cdorou,4 ipevoruiv5 Se ypappdratv p.earol rpliToBes ioraoi /cat Baip,ol Trapa tols deots, p.6vos Se rdXrjdes 'HpoSoros eyvat, rovs S' dXXovs diravTas dvdpto-B ttovs, oool Xoyov 'EAAtJvojv exovoiv, e^r)7rdrr]Kev i) c/jTy/xry rcov Tore KaTopdojp.dra>v, cbs vrrepcpvcov ye-vop-evcuv;
TI Sfjra; ypafiiKOS dvrjp," Kal i)ovs 6 Xoyos, Kal Xdpis eireari Kal Set,v6rt]s Kal a>pa rot? oi7]yfjp.aoi,
[ivdov S' co? or dotSos, emorapLevcos
p,ev ov, Xiyvp&s Se Kal yXa(pvpa>s r)yopevKev. diteAet rama Kal /oyAet /cat Trpoadyerai. irdvras, dAA' u>a-■nep ev p'dSot? Set Kavdaploa <pvXdrTea8ai rr)v j3Xao-<f>rjp.lav avrov /cat /ca/coAoyt'av,' Aetois /cat dnaXots G a^Tyttao-tv i57ro8eSuKutav, tva pr) Xddoypxv aTOTrovs Kal i/ieuSets rrept raiv dptWaiv /cat p,eylaro)v ttjs 'EAAdSo? TToAecuv /cat dvSpaiv Sd£a? XaBovres.
1 ficTaAaSovres B : p.eTafZaX6i>Tes E.
2 iovaa Bernardakis : oStra.
3 yv/ivijrai.] yu/xWj-n-s Bernardakis (as in ^Herodotus).
4 n/iwueva to& eVaorou] Tip.wp.eva tois eKaaraxov Reiske: TifKo/xcv cKaorou hovs Emperius: np.utp.ev hovs eKoorov Bernardakis. 6 i/teuaraV] tjievoiav Basel edition.
6 dv^p Bernardakis : dvjjp.
7 KaKoAoyiW E : pxKpoXoyiav B : mKpoXoyiav Salmasius. 128
ON THE MALICE OF HERODOTUS, 874
courage and strength were equal," " but the lack of protective armour in their equipment did them great harm ; they were light-armed troops righting with hoplites." 0
Well, then, is there anything glorious or great left to the Greeks from these battles, if the Spartans fought with an unarmed enemy, and if the others were unaware that a battle was going on near by and the descendants of each man who was there pay honour to empty graves, and the tripods and altars that stand in the temples of the gods are filled with lying names, and only Herodotus knows the truth, while everybody else, everyone who has ever heard of the Greeks, has been deceived by the tradition which represents these events as magnificent achievements ?
We must admit that Herodotus is an artist, that his history makes good reading, that there is charm and skill and grace in his narrative, and that he has told his story " as a bard tells a tale," 6 I mean not " with knowledge and wisdom," but " with musical clear-flowing words." c To be sure, these writings charm and attract everyone, but we must be on our guard against his slanders and his ugly lies which, like the rose-beetle, lurk beneath a smooth and soft exterior ; we must not be tricked into accepting unworthy and false notions about the greatest and best cities and men of Greece.
" ix. 62. 3, 63. 2.
» Homer, Odyssey, xi. 368. Alcinoiis is telling Odysseus that he has both grace of speech and regard for truth—unlike most travellers.
0 Thus Plutarch grants to Herodotus the virtues of a lying poet, but not those of an historian.
vol. xi f 129