114 Chapter 2 zo8. Beaussant 1992:128. 209. Cf. the next section, 2-7. 210. See Haynes 2001:56-59. 211. Tr. based on Crookes 1986. 212. Vienna and Prague were connected both politically and culturally as parts of the Habsburg sphere. Antonicek (1980:19:716) wrote "Ferdinand II made Vienna his capital and place of residence, although neither he nor later mon-archs liked to reside there permanently; other towns such as Prague, Regens-burg . . . and Graz shared Vienna's reputation as one of the places where the imperial Kapelle gave outstanding performances." 213. To distinguish this pitch from the northern Chorion at A + i, I will write this southern name for the lower pitch as "ChorThon." 214- Senn 1974:39- 215. Mandorfer 1977:29. 216. Ardal Powell (*). 217. Kite-Powell 1997:5. See also Campbell 1995 (who believes the dialect used in the text indicates a south-German or Austrian provenance). 218. Haspels 1987:123. Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 While France was emerging as a strong power and cultural role model, Germany and England in 1670 were just recovering from the devastations of long wars. All over I.....|>e, musical institutions were being reorganized and were ready I ■! 1 lianges, and French music was in vogue. There were also urgent reasons for a number of French musicians In move out of France. One was the virtual expulsion of all Protes-••"i-. in 1685 by the French government (through the revocation of the 1 1 of Nantes); many Protestants, especially in Poitou, were woodwind players and makers. The other reason was Lully's monopoly of (inwrr within the musical sphere, which by the 1670s was so oppres-• ><. 1 h.it it forced a number of musicians to leave for other courts. I In- new French strings and woodwinds, playing at lower pitches, .....kly spread all over Europe. They were adopted in London, Turin, • 11 itrrdam, and Madrid by the 1670s, at various German courts and ...... by the 80s, and at Venice and Vienna by the 90s.' By the 1680s, h#i"h woodwinds were being made in Holland and England, and by ■ In i'ioos, in Germany. Phi lirst French instruments to arrive in foreign lands were natu-ill J .11 the usual French pitches: Ton d'Opera at A-2, Ton de la chambre In Hoy at A-1V2, and Ton d'Ecurie at A + i. When organs at their tradi-il pilches were combined with the new instruments, transposition »*• lometimes necessary. In some cases, accommodation was easy; I 11 M .mieat An was known in Germany as Cornet-ton, and in Italy 79 ii6 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 117 in this period, as Corista di Lombardia. In London, French Ton de la chambre du Roy at A-1V2 coincided with English Consort-pitch at Q;3. 3-1 France 3-ia Ton d'Opera (A-2) Indications in this period of the connection between the name Ton d'Opera and the frequency A-2 are sparse. Loulie wrote of recorders pitched at Ton d'Opera in 1696 (77). Recorders survive at A-2 by Du-puis, Rippert, and L. Hotteterre; they were probably made in this period.' There is also a pitchpipe made by "Dupuy" (Dupuis?) at 391.' Many other French woodwinds were made in the course of the i8'h century with an average pitch of ±390. Ton d'Opera, as we will see below, was regularly considered the lowest pitch in France until late in the i8Ih century. Since it is also the lowest observable woodwind pitch, a connection between the two is implicit. At the end of the 17th century, A-2 or Ton d'Opera was also called Ton de Chapelle. The acoustician Joseph Sauveur wrote of the two in the singular, as one (approximate) level: "Musicians consider the reference note to be C, which is Ton de Chapelle or Ton d'Opera . . . this frequency is not precisely determined . . ."* And Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle did the same: "If there is no fixed frequency, one has to rely on Ton de Chapelle or Ton d'Opera, which is defined only approximately."5 That the two pitches could have been at the same frequency but distinguished by name probably had to do with their separate functions. Instruments and churches were long kept separate in France by the Caeremoniale Parisiense of 1662,6 a strict ecclesiastical code that discouraged the use of orchestral instruments in church through much of the 17th century. Le Cerf de la Vieville reported that Campra was the first to introduce violins in church in about 1680 at Notre-Dame.7 Charpentier used instruments extensively in his sacred works written in the 1670s through 1690s, but the circumstances may have been ai «ption.il, as most of his patrons w.-n- iiidrprndriii "I the normal government of the Church. From 1688 to 1698, Charpentier worked at 1 lie Jesuit church of St. Louis in Paris, and it is conceivable that he rtgularly used instrumentalists from the Opera; we know singers liom the Opera sang there, and that the instrumentalists were "parmi lr» meilleurs de Paris" ("among the best in Paris").8 Many of the pieces Charpentier wrote in this period include instruments,9 and would thus probably have been performed at A-2. 1 1I1 Ton de la Chambre du Roy (A-1V2) In 1701 Sauveur wrote of "the differences between Ton de Chapelle, Ton I 1 >l>cra, and the pitch of private concerts."'" Sauveur makes a distinc-||on hetween Ton de Chapelle/Ton d'Opera and the pitch for "des Con-Wti particuliers," which sounds like a chamber pitch. In 1703 llmssard also seems to have distinguished a Ton de la chambre du Roy n«rd in the "Chambre du Roy," a Ton de Chapelle, and a Ton de I 1 »/n:ia." Loulie in 1696 also used the term Ton de la Chambre." And as w» iaw in o-ic, Muffat spoke of two common French instrumental 1 ii< Ik's: "The pitch to which the French usually tune their instru- ......in is a whole-tone lower than our German one (called Cornet-ton) I ml in operas, even one and a half tones lower." The first mention of a "chamber pitch" different from Ton de I Uifullc is a remark published in 1683 by one of the royal chapel organ-(iuillaume-Gabriel Nivers, in his Dissertation sur le chant gregorien. M c ■ 1 1 •. wrote: My organs, I mean those at the pitch of the Royal Chapel, which is also 1l1.1t of all the best-known organs of Paris and elsewhere: this is why 1I111 pitch is called "Ton de Chapelle," to distinguish it from the "Ton de l.i 1 'hambre du Roy," which is a semitone higher. . . . The latter pitch is .....mal (or should be so) for convent organs, since the range of the 11 male voices is usually somewhat higher than an octave above the " 'Mage male voice.1' Nivers' wording makes a categorical distinction between Ton de I Im/nliV and Ton de la Chambre du Roy. Since he placed Ton de la Cham-li. .In l\ a semitone higher than organs, which were at A-2, it seems 93 91 ii8 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 119 Nivers was giving a name to the pitch Muffat had identified as the one "to which the French usually tune their instruments." Describing pitches in semitones is of course somewhat approximate, and if we look at other evidence from the period, it looks as if the semitone between Ton de Chapelle and Ton de la Chambre du Roy was pretty narrow, so that the pitch to which the French "usually tuned their instruments" was rather lower than generic "415." First, there is the evidence of the surviving French instruments of this time, which are at A-2 but rarely at A-i. Looking at Graph 13, if we except the four higher pitches in the period after 1730,14 the extremes of pitch in French woodwinds are virtually identical between 1670 and 1770. The range is 382 to 417 Hz, which is bigger than a semitone; at least two pitch centers must therefore have been involved. If we divide the frequencies down the middle, 382-400 and 401-417, the averages of each are 393 and 409.15 These could be regarded as the centers of the two separate pitch standards. The difference between them is only 69 cents, which to the ear still sounds like a semitone. It may seem like quibbling to distinguish between 409 and 415 (A-1), but 409 is an average, and another look at Graph 13 shows how relatively few of the surviving instruments built before 1730 are above 410. If 415 had been an important pitch standard, there would be more sui viving woodwinds at that general frequency, and some examples above it. As for organs, other than the most common level, A-2, organs built in France in the period 1670-1700 are pitched as follows: 406 Lorris-en-Gatinais, probably between 1607 and 1681 410 Le Petit Andely, St. Sauveur (Ingout/Quesnel, 1674) 408 Tarbes, Gathedral (Delaunay, 1682) 408 Roquemaure-du-Gard (Freres Jullien, 1690) 407 Lille, St. Maurice (M. Le Roy, 1711)'6 This works out to an average of 408. Next is the evidence of a pitchpipe preserved at the Musee des In struments at Paris. It records two pitches: written on the pipe's piston are "Ton de Popera" (at A-394) and "Plus haut de la chapelle a ver-saille" (at A-407).'7 Here, too, is the distinction between opera and court pitch. Since the organ in the chapel at Versailles was finished in 1711, this pitchpipe was presumably made after that date. It is not cer-'"ii that these pitches are exact, but the relation between them is (iinbably accurate (i.e., an interval of 57 cents). If "Ton de Popera" was ii m.illy 393 (as attested by surviving woodwinds), then the pitch of die Versailles chapel would have been 406, very close to the level I.nind on the higher group of contemporary woodwinds and organs. We will see below that the King had his church organs tuned up to his • mi pitch, so Versailles chapel pitch was probably the same as Ton de l.i ( 'liambre du Roy. A-1V2 was also described as a pitch standard by the physicist Jo-■ |>li Sauveur (1700:131), and probably for chamber music, since it was I.. pitch of a harpsichord. The frequency, accurate to within a few !■• 11 ent, was 404 Hz.'8 Sauveur's later measurements of a harpsichord hlli Ii in 1713 produced the same frequency.1' In 1713 he reported that he I. il measured organ pipes "chez le sieur Deslandes tres-habile Facteur .1 'I >igue"J0 at the equivalent of about A-406.1' I bus the frequency of Ton de la Chambre du Roy was probably about 1 ' 1 ,109 Hz, only about 60 cents higher than Ton d'Opera, enough to be ..-.■tiered a semitone but not a full 100 cents above it. There was of .....ie no reason for the two pitches to have been in a transposing re- l H Kinship of an exact semitone (in fact, even had they been a semi-Iniie apart, transposition would have been impractical in the general ......ng schemes of the period based on meantone). Phe king to whom Ton de la Chambre du Roy referred was Louis IV, as it was the primary French instrumental pitch of his reign, I .11 court and for the royal organs. It is observable in France from llimii 1680 and extended as far as 1800, but probably was predominant lily until the 1720s (Louis died in 1715). After 1780, A-1V2 seems to Imvi become the favored pitch at the Opera (see 8-2b). The same fre- 111 y was dominant in England from at least the 1670s (and perhaps I .4 before) until about 1730, and was probably the level known as .......hi pilch (see Graph 15b, c, and d). In Germany, it existed as a spe- 11»» of lief-Cammerton (see 5-6b). It was apparently still being used at • I lung in Mozart's day." As can be seen in Graphs 14, 16, and 17, it wm it significant pitch in Germany, the Dutch Republic, and the Hint hern Netherlands. 120 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 121 3-ibi Organ Pitch and the "Louis XIV Parenthesis" The prevailing court Ton de la Chambre du Roy apparently affected organ pitch in the royal chapels. While there was a general ban on fig-ural instruments in churches, the royal Chapelle employed concerted music from the 1660s." That was possible because music in the Chapelle was governed separately from churches in the rest of France. At court, the various musical groups were often combined, and royal wind players, carrying the pitches of their instruments, played in the chamber, the chapel, in ceremonial music, and in the theater.24 This constant intermixing implies that pitch at court was at a single level. If Ton de la chambre du Roy was the preferred pitch of the players, organ pitch at Versailles and the other royal residences would have to have been raised to match it." And indeed, there is documentation of this process. Alexandre Thierry, organ maker to the King, requested payment on 10 July 1687 "for having raised the pitch of the chamber [organ] and that of the chapel [at Les Invalides], for [raising] another at Fontainebleau and the chamber organs I am presently making, for [raising the pitch of | the Saint-Cyr organ and others, orders I have carried out for [Mgi L. -1 „26 ouvoisj . . . One of the organs Thierry raised was at the famous convent of Saint-Cyr. Nivers, writing just a few years before this, had pointed out that Ton de la Chambre du Roy was a more appropriate pitch for convent organs. It may well have been Nivers himself who requested that the Saint-Cyr organ be repitched, as he was music master there from 1686 (the year before Thierry's note). Although Louis XIV had his organs raised from their original pitches (Ton de Chapelle at A-2) to Ton de la Chambre du Roy (A-i'/i) in the 1680s," after his death they were all gradually restored to Ton (probably during the restoration of 1762).18 Hence the pitch reported l.y Ellis." Another example of a temporary pitch rise in organs is Francois (.ouperin's organ at St. Gervais. Built in 1601 by Langhedul at A-2, it wai raised a semitone in 1676 by Thierry. In 1768 (long after Cou-1 • ii's death), it was reconstructed by Bessard and Clicquot, at which lime Hardouin thinks it was lowered to its original early I7th-century llli li of A-2. Support for Hardouin's hypothesis is the fact that organs built be-linr 1670 and after 1700 were often pitched between 390 and 400, wlieieas the last three decades of the 17th century saw almost all organs 1 mil At higher pitches (see Graph I9a-c). There is also evidence of or-Mni lowered a semitone to A-2 in the second half of the i8,h century. I I'ierre des Chartreux at Toulouse was lowered to A-2 in 1750-60, mill many newly built organs, such as those of Dom Bedos, were at ilim |iitih. There is in fact already a prevalence of organs at A-2 after M1Kgest>ng that the "Louis XIV parenthesis," like the glory-days ' ■ "irt musical activities, was relatively short-lived. 11 in interesting to note that since the court, including its organs, at Ton de la Chambre du Roy at A-1V2, it seems that all Couperin's 11111.1. with organ, written either for St. Gervais or for the royal or-BRIi *• well as all his chamber music written for the court, was con-i-il .11 A-i'/i. The same is probably true of all the music associated »ltli the court in Louis XIV's lifetime. ' Ihr Coexistence of Ton de la Chambre du Roy and Ton d'Opera "liny, to Muffat, Ton de la chambre du Roy was the level at which 1.....b usually tuned their instruments. In other words, it was the 11 v Trench instrumental pitch from sometime before the 1660s 122 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 123 (when Muffat was in Paris) until at least 1698 (when he published this comment). He also expressed a personal preference for it over Ton d'Opera at A-2 (see o-ic). Ton de la chambre du Roy would not have appeared out of thin air; to be accorded its primary role, it must have had an important history. Nothing is yet known of that history; precedents for A-1V2 include most surviving Renaissance tenor flutes and the organ at Lorris-en-Gatinais, whose pitch may date from 1501 (but is probably 17th-century'0). While Ton de la chambre du Roy at A-1V2 prevailed at court, A-2 was maintained at the Opera because it was important for voice ranges, particularly the haute-contre, which was a high tenor chest-voice like a contralto that extended upwards often as far as gi or even ai at A-440, about a third higher than the regular tenor; this was not the falsetto (or head-register) voice that came to be called "countertenor" in the 20th century. The principal male role in eight of Lully's 14 operas was for haute-contre. Raising the pitch would probably have made these roles unsingable. In any case, after Lully's death the Opera had become an institution dedicated to preserving a French national tradition, thus inherently conservative. As late as the 1770s, Burney wrote, The style of composition is totally changed throughout the rest of Europe; yet the French, commonly accused of more levity and caprice than their neighbors, have stood still in music for thirty or forty years: nay, one may go still further, and assert boldly, that it has undergone few changes at the great opera since Lulli's time, that is to say, in one hundred years." Where two pitch standards functioned side by side like this, were they used by different players, and was one associated with Paris and the other with Versailles? In both cases, the answer is apparently no. Location was not an issue. The court musical establishment did not officially move from Paris to Versailles until 1683, the same year Ni-vers described Ton de la Chambre du Roy as a semitone higher than Ton de Chapelle. The distinction between the pitches was thus already valid when both were used at Paris. (And indeed, Niveri made clear thai Inn dl Chtptllt was then the |>ii< li <>l (he "( lliuprllc du Koy" .is well 111 "the best-known organs of Paris and elsewhere.") The bill Alexandre Thierry presented to the king for raising the pitch of royal organs was diited four years later, in 1687. The pitch distinction was thus one of lunction, not place. It is also clear that there was no systematic demarcation of personnel between the court music and the Opera. It is true that as part of ■ In order establishing the Opera (the Academie Royale de Musique), tlir King had explicitly forbidden Lully from using royal musicians at • In- Opera in Paris. His Permission of 27 June 1672 contained the phrase "Nor in the performance of these pieces may he make use of musi- iins in our employ . . ."" Despite this, royal musicians sometimes mil leading parts in the productions Lully performed at court." At Imst 18 wind players, many of them prominent in the service of the .....t, took part in Lully's productions at Saint-Germain-en-Laye in ■I" 1670s and &os.'* By the turn of the century, a number of wind play- • ■ (lulien Bernier, Jean Rousseletlls the Chedeville brothers, and later |i in Francois Despreaux, Francois Bureau, and Nicolas-Benigne Monnot) combined careers at the Opera with active court appointments.'6 Playing at both the court and the Opera, these players would been obliged to use different instruments or setups, rather like lit* British woodwind player at the beginning of the 20th century de- "1'i-d by Baines (1957:50), who "had to possess two instruments, one ilirti |> pitch, the other flat-pitch, and when engaged for a concert was 11.1 n-il which to bring." 1 It I on d'Ecurie (A+i) I In ntliiT pitch standard that survives on French flutes is A + i. We 1 itl.iifd in the last chapter that this level was called Ton d'Ecurie. I Inn- are a dozen recorders made between about 1670 and 1730 by the Htitlrlrrres and Rippert," and a traverse by Lissieu with an average plii h nl 461-62. It is possible that all these instruments were made be- ' iii /no. I Inn- are two ways to look at instruments at A+i: we can take in .11 (.ice value. Or, by switching their nominal pitch upward a iii|' iii-, turning F-flutrs into G-flutes, C-hautboys into D-hautboys, liny 1 .111 In- 1 if.11 11 ,is piti li.tl .11 A-i. U4 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 125 But there is no sign that musicians of the time thought in this way. It is our generation that assumes a single pitch standard and looks at instruments that do not fit it as "transposing" (B b -clarinets, F-horns, etc.)- Among the sources of the time that indicate the name of the lowest note, it is consistently ci for the hautboy (Talbot 00.1692-95, Freillon-Poncein 1700, Hotteterre 1707), and fi for the recorder (Loulie ca.1685, Freillon-Ponqein, Hotteterre).'8 There is also documentation of hautboys (and indeed violins) in Cornet-ton (A+i)." Since the concept of multiple pitch standards was common, we may assume that the instruments in question were indeed thought of as pitched at a higher standard. (This surely did not prevent players from using them as "transposing" instruments, however, when the need arose.) 3-2 England 3-2a French Influences on Instrumental Pitch at the Restoration At the Restoration in 1660, when Charles II returned to London, surviving musicians who had been in royal service before the war broke out in 1642 were reappointed."0 The 17 to 20 positions in the royal "Wind musick" were on traditional instruments (cornett, dulcian, flageolet, flute, recorder, shawm, and sackbut).4' The Broken Consort, also a continuation of a group from before the war, "may initially have played prewar fantasia suites until new music became available, just as the revived Chapel Royal relied at first on old anthems."42 A» discussed in 2-5bi, the principle instrumental pitch at court had probably been Qm (448), and this level was presumably revived at first. But there are indications of a shift in musical styles and instruments during Charles' reign. Gradually, the traditional ensemble* (and their pitch) seem to have faded away. By 1679, the traditional "Wind musick" was down to five members4' (probably through attrition), and the group apparently ceased to exist when Charles died in 1685.44 The cause of this change was the arrival of newfangled instruments from France. Roger North (17*8) gives the impression thai ihr French influence ("Babtist's [Lully's] vein") was quite marked in England: But during the first years of Charles 2d all musick affected by the beau-mond run into the French way . . . and all the compositions of the towne were strained to imitate Babtist's vein.4^ After the manner of France, [Charles II] set up a band of 24 violins to play at his dinners, which disbanded all the old English musick at once. The new French instruments were at first novelties, but they soon be-jun to take root. Talbot in the 1690s gave a clue as to when this hap-I" nod: "Chief use of Sackbutt here in England is in consort with our Waits or English Hautbois. It was left off towards the latter end of K (Ih. 2d & gave place to the Fr. Basson."47 The second half of 1 K.irles' reign would have begun in 1673, precisely the year the first I'rrnch woodwind players, together with a number of French dancers, arrived in England in the company of the composer Robert Cambert, «11 erstwhile rival of Lully's. < Lambert had probably used the new French hautboy (at the time 111» more than seven years old, and possibly brand new) in the operas li# had performed in Paris in 1671. It is now thought that Louis XIV hlinm-lf may have been behind Cambert's move to England, and that 1 mnlx-rt was meant to observe the English monarch at close quarters ilimugh his role as the Maitre de musique to Charles' mistress, a Breton "••Mi-woman named Louise de Keroualle. Cambert was in charge of a jump of French musicians, including three of Louis' singers (who m*y have had secondary jobs as spies) and "five or six men who play V»iy well on flutes."48 I ully's music did not circulate in England until the 1680s,49 and the I ii <> names. Roger North used the name Consort-pitch in connection with tuning a harpsichord in his Theory of sounds (ca.1710-26; 1959:208): "The first thing is to tune that F to its consort pitch."" In his Treatise of Mustek (1721), Alexander Malcolm described Consort Pitch as "neither too high nor too low, for the Accompaniment of other Instruments, and especially for the human Voice."5* Prelleur, in his instructions for tuning the harpsichord (1730:48), recommended "First set your Instrument to Consort Pitch by a Pitch-Pipe or Consort-flute." "Consort-flutes" were thus at Consort-pitch. "Flute" was the normal name for a recorder, an effective instrument to use as a pitch reference. The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 117 The London recorder maker Peter Bressan, who on the death of |.imes Paisible executed an inventory of his possessions (19 August 1721), listed "two voice flutes, one consort flute and two small ones, an old hautboy and an old cane flute."''* In this context, "consort flute" is n size of recorder between the voice flute (in di) and the "small ones." A similar distinction is made in the phrase "Voice Flutes and Consort I lutes" in a record of new instruments bought by the court of George II in 1732.60 The well-known recorder maker Thomas Stanesby Jr. (17)2:1) described the "Concert Flute" as "the F.Flute,"6' meaning what ik now called the treble or alto recorder, and Tans'ur in 1746 wrote that "Of flutes there are many Sizes, as a Concert Flute; a Third Flute; a Tilth, and a Sixth, and an Octave Flute."'2 The pitch of these latter Utiles were intervals upward, reckoned from the standard "Concert" ur "Consort" Flute. Organs were sometimes made to Consort-pitch and at least two iliiruments specifically associate the recorder with the pitch: (1) Renatus Harris' contract in 1722 for his last organ for St. Dionis Backchurch specified "Consort flute pitch."6' (2) The contract for St. George, Hanover Square, London, (1725) originally specified "Concert Flute pitch."*4 (3) The organ at St. Mary Redcliffe, Bristol (Harris & Byfield, 1726) described by its makers as at "Consort Pitch."6'' (4) The organ at Vicar's Hall, Wells was lowered by Swar- brick in 1719 "a lesser third to bring it nearer to Con-cert pitch. (5) The restoration by Parker in 1766 of the organ at Univer- sity Church, Cambridge, involved lowering it to "concert pitch." This was done by shifting the pipes down one semitone (one rank survives with note-names marked). 7 1 n^lish recorders should thus give us the frequency of Consort-pitch. I lir pitches of 48 English recorders from this period are known. I luny-three range from 395 to 405 at an average of 402, and fifteen are Hlli lied from 408 to 418, averaging 411. The majority of these recorders ... ilun at Q;3, which would logically have been Consort-pitch, and the Mllirti .11 A-i. It is not possible to dale these instruments exactly; the >il nif dales of the major makers (Bressan, Bradbury, and Stanesby 128 Chapter 3 Sr.) all span a period from about 1690 to 1730. Graph 15 shows only one woodwind (a traverso by Urquhart) above 410 until the period 1700-1730.68 But there is no way to be certain of the chronology here. Stanesby Jr., who did not begin work until after 1713, is represented by instruments at A-i, whereas his father, who worked until 1733/34, «s not (see Graph 31). Thus, although it is probable that higher-pitched instruments appeared later, it cannot be absolutely determined. Q^3 was apparently still standard in 1712 (see Rousselet's letter quoted in 4-582), and Stanesby Jr. is survived by two traversos at Q:3 (these would have been made after 1713).69 Evidently Q:3 continued to be used well into the i8'h century.7" And between 1670 and 1700, it was apparently the predominant instrumental standard. That English woodwinds should have been made in some kind of pitch relation to English organs and the Quire-pitch grid is not surprising. But (apparently fortuitously) Q;3 happened to have been equivalent to French Ton de la chambre ciu Roy (see 3-ib). This coincidence must have been of great practical benefit. Bressan had probably begun making instruments when he was still in France;7' when he arrived in England in 1688, he may simply have continued to use his models of recorders at Ton de la chambre du Roy. Since many of the influential players of woodwinds in England at this time were French, Consort-pitch at A-lVi/Q^ was probably reinforced by their presence. Consort pitch was probably used in places where instrumental pitch was decisive, such as in operas and semi-operas, incidental music to plays, and chamber music. A single organ survives from this period that retains almost all of its original pipework and mechanism. Built in ca. 1693, it is at Adlington Hall in Cheshire. "This instrument became unplayable before 1800, and survived without alteration until its restoration in 1959."71 As would be expected of an organ used in a private house, probably with other instruments, it is pitched at A-1V2 (406)." Using a pitch lower than A-i affects vocal parts. As Bruce Wood observes, reviewing a recording of Purcell made (interestingly) at A-2: [The parts now done by countertenors] were actually conceived for two distinct types of voice, which in some early sources are distinguished by the use of different clefs: the alto, for pans requiring a light The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 129 but full-voiced tenor, and the mezzo-soprano, for parts demanding falsetto production (a technique which seems not to have been common in England before the late 1680s). Acceptance of this dichotomy causes the lower type of countertenor line, when performed at an appropriate pitch [i.e., lower than 41s], to spring into focus: its bottom notes, involving falsettists as they do in awkward changes of gear, lie perfectly for tenors, while in those duet passages in which both types of voice interweave lines often a third apart, the problems of balance, intractable if both singers are falsettists, simply melt away.74 Wood suggests that A-2 is "arguably a shade too low" for Purcell. Whether A-2 was ever adopted in England is indeed questionable. I.nglish recorders are very specific in pitch, and only one original from 1 his period is below 400. t A> Church Organs and the Quire-pitch Grid In this period, the known organ pitches fit consistently into the grid 11I Quire-pitch, Qm, 0:2, an81 organs had to be positioned no higher than Quire-pitch itself to be within reach by transposition of a 1T13. An example of this is the organ at Whitehall, built in about 1662. In Purcell's day, this was the only permanent organ used by the Chapel Royal. It took part in the "symphony anthems" of the 1670s and 80s, which were performed when the king was present at the Chapel. Symphony anthems, at first, used the older instruments: cor-netts, sackbuts, and violins.'' Our deductions in 2-sbi suggest their pitch was probably Oji. 4 All this apparently changed in 1678 with the appointment of three French woodwind players to the Chapel."5 This event suggests a modernization of the instrumental forces, and a revision in pitch relationships, as the Frenchmen were no doubt using instruments at Q;3. Peter Holman describes two anthems by John Blow from the early 1680s that call for winds, one with recorders and the other for both recorder* and tenor hautboys.86 If they played in these, of course, the French woodwinds probably played other pieces, doubling the string parts in "symphonies."87 Already at some time before 1676, Smith lowered the Whitehall organ "half a note."88 It is difficult to imagine any other reason for a pitch change on an organ that was only 14 years old than an adjustment to the new pitch orientation of the instruments.8* The actual pitches of this organ are unknown because it was burned in 1698, but it is likely Smith lowered it from (J 11 to Quite /wlili, 111 order to put it The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 131 within transposing reach of the instruments at Q:3. (Had it already been at Quire-pitch or anything lower, Smith would have had no need to lower it.)'° Purcell's music of the 1690s appears to have been written for a lower pitch than previously. Burrows noticed that Purcell took the vocal bass parts to his secular music of the 1680s regularly down to D, whereas in the Odes of the 1690s he never required notes below F." Andrew Parrott cites a confirmation of this drop: to be found in Purcell's writing for William Turner, practically the only solo singer named in works from both before and after the introduction of oboes; the later writing lies exactly a tone higher. The shift also offers an explanation for [the singer John] Gostling's apparent loss of low notes around this time.92 The rise in voice ranges suggests the use of a lower pitch level for |n*se works, which included trumpets and hautboys, and were per-lormed elsewhere than Whitehall. The largest interval involved in these range changes in the voices, a 1T13, happens to correspond to the dintance that would have separated hautboys at Q;3 from organs in Q|34 Chapter j The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 135 These were in the section called "teutsche Schalmeyen." "Coor mes" probably meant "Chormdssig" (i.e., suitable for playing with singers'8), since "bas dulsians" or curtals were often used to accompany choirs. "Klarin trompettentoon" is clearly A+i and appropriate for instruments called "teutsche" (see 3-3C). If Haka called A+i "klarin trompettentoon," "Coor mes" was evidently another level. The next section was "franse Haubois," and included: 4 boxwood discant Haubois "alle Coortoon." Since French hautboys were almost always pitched at A-i or lower, and Haka probably wished to distinguish their pitch from that of the "teutsche Schalmeyen" at A+i, "Coortoon" probably meant they were at A-i, as it usually did for Praetorius. As late as the 1720s, Chorton was still sometimes used exceptionally in Germany to mean the lower pitch (see 5-3). In the Habsburg Lands, of course, Chorton was the normal term for A-i until well into the i8'h century (see 3-6). But we know that (for unclear reasons), the word Chorton was migrating upward from A-i to A+i, and indeed while Praetorius was writing in the years before 1619 its meaning was becoming ambiguous. We also know of two organs built in the 1680s at Afi that were described at the time as in Chorton." 3-3a The Arrival of French Instruments in Germany On the tide of the orchestral innovations from France first inspired by Lully, a new pitch orientation arrived in Germany. Along with the new stage works came an orchestra incorporating the latest designs of French woodwinds that had been developed to play with strings. According to Quantz (using i8,h-century pitch terminology), The unpleasant Chorton prevailed for several centuries in Germany, as the old organs indicate. Other instruments, such as violins, bass viols, trombones, recorders, shawms, bombards, trumpets, clarinets, etc. were adjusted to it as well. But after the French, with their lower and more agreeable pitch, had changed the German crosi-pipe into the traverio, the shawm into the hautboy, and thr bombard to the bas- soon, the high Chorton began to be replaced by Cammerton in Germany, as some of the newest and most famous organs of the present time testify.100 At the time of the arrival of French instruments during the 1660s-1690s, Germany was just recovering from the devastation of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648), while France was emerging as a strong power with immense cultural influence. There was a keen interest in I rtnch style, both in Catholic courts like Dresden and in the many Ttotestant principalities where Huguenots could find refuge after the ■ • vocation of the Edict of Nantes. These new instruments were no more flexible in pitch than the ex-miiig organs, and being French, they were tuned more than a tone be-the usual pitch of German organs. In the south, some woodwinds brgan to be made by German craftsmen at organ pitch, but they were • >.ploying French musicians and dancers in the 1660s. In 1664 the • ruing Duke at Schwerin, Christian Louis I, married a French duch-ind hired string players who had worked under Lully. At Celle, I'id..- Georg Wilhelm also married a French duchess and hired a 1 •niliman, Philippe La Vigne, as his Capellmeister in 1666. By the ifiltiM, several other courts and cities (including Stuttgart, Hannover, Kt 11 in, Munich, Hamburg, and Darmstadt) had adopted Lully's music intl 1 lie new instruments to play it. There were performances of I iillyS operas at Regensburg in 1683, Wolfenbuttel in the mid-l68os, Aiialuich before 1686, and Hamburg and Stuttgart in the 1690s.'0' Alter 1685, Berlin was especially receptive to Huguenots; "by the ltd "I the 17''' century every fifth person in Berlin was of French ex- • 1.»11.' Two players of the new French hautboy were already en- I it the royal Prussian court in 1681.'°' Dresden's Hofcapelle evi-switched Ironi renaissance to baroque winds in the uiid-i6ous, i?6 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 '37 according to court records (cornetts are listed in 1694 but are replaced by hautboys in 1697).104 It was presumably during the last two decades of the 17th century that instrumental pitch in German courts shifted from A+i to some form of French pitch. There were pockets that remained at the old high level, however; strings at Weimar, for instance, were still at A+i in the 1710s (see 6-2). German makers were soon copying and adapting French wind instruments. Christoph Denner and Johann Schell in Nuremberg were possibly the first. Denner began his career about 1678,'°' just as the new instruments began to appear. It was not until 1696, however, that he and Schell applied for permission from their guild to make and sell the "French musical instruments, that is, Hautbois and Flutes douces . . . that were invented about 12 years ago in France." ,oé Twelve years before 1696 is 1684; why this date was cited is a mystery, as the hautboy was developed in France in the 1660s (the chronology of the baroque recorder has yet to be established), and French hautboys were being played in Germany before then. It could be that Denner or Schell were in communication with the players at the court in Munich who had been sent to Paris in that same year, 1684, to study woodwind-playing with Hotteterre. In any case, by the year of this official request, 1696, orders were already being made to Nuremberg for "französische Schalmeyen,"'"7 and Denner had been commissioned by the town Council to make two "frantzesische Fletten" in 1694. 3"3b The Shift in Terminology In Praetorius' day, in Germany as in Italy, organs were usually built to play in the same pitch as most other instruments, A+i. Praetorius called this pitch CammerThon. But he reported that some organs at A-i had been raised to A+i and were still being described as in ChorThon (see 2-3a). Like "Chormaft," "Chorton" has always been an ambiguous category of pitch, having a meaning associated less with a particular frequency than with a level suitable for playing with singers. "CammerThon" was always a more specific frequency, since it was the pitch associated with instruments that played "chamber music," Cammer-Musique. Until recently, the term "chamber music" covered (Ik- idea of secular music in general. Caminrt / /ion would therefore have been the usual pitch for any instrumental ensemble, large or •mall, that was not playing in a church or a theater. The arrival in Germany in the 1680s of the new instruments from '■Vance and their low pitch began to affect German pitch terminology. Since CammerThon was a name associated with the orchestral instruments first played at courts (that is, "chamber" instruments), when the new instruments started to be adopted their lower pitch took on the name Cammerton. There were makers like Denner and Schell who worked in both periods and had made instruments at both pitches, "(.ammerThon" (A+i) and "Cammerton" (A-i). But as we have seen, A-i had also been a standard in Praetorius' tliiy; it was the pitch Praetorius himself often called Chorthon. Thus, the names of pitch standards (Chorthon, CammerThon) and their frequencies (A-i, A + i) both existed in Germany in Praetorius' time as in llai'h's. The difference was that their names were interchanged. Musi-mi practice had reversed itself, so the terminology became inverted. Ilriween the time Praetorius' book appeared and the careers of composers like Telemann and Bach, instrument design and liturgical mu-111 at practice had both undergone a fundamental revolution. As is of-lan the case when relationships change, jargon or "buzzwords" within the field were retained, but applied to other concepts. CammerThon whs still the pitch of instruments, ChorThon still that of church music. Htil the pitch of instruments and choirs had traded positions, so the lavrl of CammerThon in the «7th century became that of Chorion in the IK'1', and vice-versa.'"8 Thus, the musical revolution caused by the arrival of French "chamber" instruments did not actually introduce A-1.'09 Ii merely brought it into the chamber. A good century after the appearance of Praetorius* book, Adlung (l/lb:i:4)-)) wrote, "Organs are tuned to Chorton, as it is now called, hii Ii is 1 or 1V2 tones higher than Cammerton. Formerly it was the re-• e, and Cammerton was higher than Chorton; organs were tuned to 1.11 was then called Cammerton." Adlung then referred to Praetorius ...ill 14."° « ornett pitch was the exception to this switch. Praetorius had used lhi terms "CammerThon" and "Cornettenthon" as synonyms. So while J.. Hum's ('.ammerThon and Chorthon had traded places by the end of ii.. 17" century, Corneltenthon and Cornct-lon remained the same level, llin 1 1111- rornrlt st.iyril .it the same pitch. When Georg Falck (1688) U8 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 recommended using a pitchpipe tuned to "Cornetthohe" as a reference for determining the appropriate pitch for a choir to sing, he was implying that composers notated their music assuming the general use of A+i. A document written before 1681 at Corvey (Detmold) prescribed that "The organ should be at Cornet-ton, so that its pitch will agree with every [other] musical instrument." The situation can be summarized as follows: A+i A-i Early 17th century Cammer Thon Cornettenthon (Chorthon) (Chorthon) Late 17th and 18th centuries Chorton Cornet-ton Cammerton 3-3C "Deutsche" as an Indication of Pitch As might be expected, the older instruments in the German renaissance tradition did not vanish overnight. The Chorist-Fagott or dulcian long continued its traditional role as a discrete accompaniment to choirs,"2 and the cross-flute, in the form of a military fife, even survived into the 19th century."3 The kind of shawm described by Praeto-rius was probably still in use as late as 1726 (though it had disappeared by 1738)."' Since the new instruments were French and the old ones were German, the word "German" was sometimes used to identify what we would now call "renaissance" instruments. These "German" instruments were normally at the old high CammerThon-Cornettenthon at A+i. But the hereditary words for A+i were no longer appropriate; Cammerton had become associated with a low pitch, and cornetts had become rare enough to convey little about pitch. Another term was therefore needed to identify the older instrument types at A+i, so "deutsche" gradually developed a secondary connotation as an indication of instruments at high pitch. Not that the word referred only M pitch, but the implication wni that a "German" instrument was m An, as renaissance instruments normally were. This usage can be «een, for instance, in Majer (1732:32, par.6), who described chalumeaux Ml "theils mit dem Französischen, theils mit Teutschem Ton" ("some in French, some in German pitch"). Eisel (1738:104) described the old "Teutschen Basson" (apparently the dulcian) for "Liebhaber des Alter-ihums" ("lovers of antiquity") as "nicht mehr im Gebrauch" ("no lunger in use"). Fuhrmann wrote in 1706, "Fagotto, or Dulciano, an 8-liiot dulcian at Chorton. Bassone, a French bassoon but at Cammerton." M> Bach consistently distinguished the "Fagotto" from the "Bassono" l>y key/pitch (cf. Prinz 1981; also 6-2b), the former being at Cornet-ton «ml the latter a m.3 lower. Heinichen actually used both instruments at • distance of a m3 in the cantata Herr, nun lassest du deiner Diener (see \ on). Among the instruments owned by the Stuttgart court in 1718 ■•i.- "2 französischer [sic] Fagots" as well as "1 Teutscher Fagot,""6 1 In- instruments presumably distinguished by pitch. The "Dul- ■ Mi|en]" listed in the 1658 inventory of the St. Wenzel Stadt-kirche In Naumburg are termed "teutsche Fagott" in a later inventory of M.1720; the "Flöten" of the list made in 1658 are called "teutsche Ploden" in the inventories of ca. 1720 and 1728. What had previously lieen normal had no need of special designations; when it became ex- • 1'iional in the 1720s, it needed the qualifying label implied by the mI "teutsche." I.mowka (1701:42) wrote under "Fagottum": "We can find two kind. : one is German, the other French, determined by their relation Willi the organ. The first is called Zinck-thon [Cornett-pitch]; the sec- .....I i'hor-thon." Janowka used "Chor-thon" in the older way as a pitch a hole-tone below Zinck-thon (see 3-6). He also wrote (1701:43): "lli-tna" (in French, "Flute"). There are moreover four different sizes • ■I (lute: some, smaller in size, are called Quarl-F/etten and sound (as ilirir name implies) a fourth above the Treble flute, and are thus an Bh uve above the size commonly termed Tenor; in present-day music iliii instrument is seldom usable. The others, however (Trebles, Ten-111«, and Basses), are commonly used."7 All are twice as loud."8 As a • " 1' 11'r of fact, they match the German or Bohemian organs, tuned to I.. /inch or cornett at this pitch. Because they are in the same tonality I At these organs], they are called German, or C-flutes. Flutes with I i.-iich or Italian fingering, since they are tuned a tone lower, will lie 140 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 in unison with our fingered Bb when they play fingered C, and in unison with French and Italian organs. And these French flutes, or "Fletuse" [= "Flutes douces" or recorders], are said to be in Bk By 1718 an inventory of instruments at the court at Württemberg listed renaissance-type instruments like flutes, curved and mute cor-netts, and a dulcian ("alter teütscher Fagot") among those that were "ohnbrauchbahr und nicht zutractiren" ("useless and not playable")."* This list was probably typical in early i8'h-century German courts, and is evidence of the change that had taken place. 3-3d Pitches of Surviving Instruments 3"3cii Organ Pitch Despite the success of the French instruments at a lower pitch, German church organs, new and old, remained at their traditional high pitch; only a few organs were made lower, beginning in the second decade of the 18th century (see Graph 20c). As in all other periods, the main cluster of organ pitches was at A+i, with a spread of higher pitches (the latter to be discussed next). Of the organs made in thii period whose pitch is known, none are lower than the mid-450s. Thus most church music was presumably conceived at A+i. That would have included pieces like Krieger's sacred concertos and cantatas written at Weillenfels in the 1680s and 90s, as well as the works of Erie-bach. Why did organ pitch remain high? For one thing, the Thirty Yean War destroyed many German organs and organ-making schools, and left Germany at the beginning of the l8* century with early 17"-century organs.'1" For another, the organ, as the symbolic religious instrument and the one on which the music director normally played, had a privileged position. Besides that, the organ builder's art was, ai Mendel put it, "of ancient lineage, and their traditions tenaciously clung to.'"" Some people preferred the sound of an organ at high pitch; as late as 1756, Mittag wrote: I Chorion] is the most natural [on an organ]. It makes the organ sound •o much fresher and pleasanter than when it is tuned in Kammerton. It [ Chorton] stands a second higher than Kammerton and is especially pleasant in chorale singing and preluding. One does not need to transpose all those chorales whose ranges lie a bit low. With concerted mu- lic, especially with oboes and flutes, one can easily transpose down a in lone. I'mhably the most important reason older organs were not lowered, though, was the expense involved. To bring the pitch of an organ ilnwn meant adding pipes at the bottom end of each register, and these Illp<-s were the largest. Not only were large pipes more expensive, they would not fit into existing (and often highly prized) old organ cases. Ii was cheaper and simpler to hire an organist who, when necessary, 1 mild transpose at sight.'2' Schnitger built a transposing 8' Gedackt stop at a lower pitch into In* Hamburg Jacobi organ, which was generally at 489 "4 (called by Aillnng "Chormallig"). The stop was a minor third lower (thus at 1 hi 407) and was called "Cammerton" by both Mattheson and Ad-lnng."s Adlung explained its purpose as follows: "in cases where en-mbles involving other instruments [i.e., Musi'cfc] is performed, real 111 ing or transposition can be avoided whenever Cammerton is iwmI."" The most interesting thing about this stop is its date: it was .... luded when the instrument was built in 1693. This indicates that I mnmcrton was already being used occasionally at the Jacobi in Ham-Ptrg (md thus perhaps other German churches) in the 1690s.'17 * Mini Exceptionally High Organs (A+2) A number of surviving organs were pitched higher than A+i (see t)M|ili 20b), most of them from this period made by Arp Schnitger 1111^-1719).1,8 It is questionable whether they represented any pitch llihdnrd. Schnitger made nine surviving organs at approximately with a range from 489 to 501; among them are a number of well-|ftnwn nnd loved examples."' But in fact, he made twice that many h»k*iu (19) at an average pitch of 467 (with a range from 460 to 476)."° Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 '43 Although Schnitger was well known for his use of older pipes in rebuilding, there must have been other reasons for his use of A+2, since at least half the organs he made from scratch are at that pitch. Harald Vogel (1986:38) offers a plausible explanation: "These organs [made by Schnitger] served mainly to accompany congregational singing, a function based largely on improvisation." Some church consistories actually frowned on Mustek (works that included other instruments) for liturgical reasons. So where an organ was not used to perform Musicfc, it did not need to be built or maintained at a pitch related to outside standards (and there was a distinct monetary advantage to a higher organ pitch). A case in point is the Jacobi organ's Cammerton stop; by providing a special device to allow playing with instruments, the implication is that the rest of the organ was not expected to perform Musicfe. Most organs in a city like Hamburg were at A+i, but a few were at A+2.1'1 One solution to the problem of matching an A+2 organ to other instruments was a transposing stop, as at the Jacobi church. Another was for the church to have its own set of instruments tuned to its organ. Buxtehude's organs at St. Mary's in Lübeck were at A+2 (a later organist at this church called this "hoch-Chorton""2). Document, from St. Mary's in the 17th century comment that the pitch of its organs was different from the normal performing pitch of the time,'" and the church purchased a number of instruments for use with the organs (three shawms in 1679 and two flutes in 1685 "adjusted to thi» organ"). Buxtehude several times made a point of noting that their pitch agreed with the organs. The purchase of a "Bombard" in 1685 included an extra expense for a special "Messings Es oder Rohr" (bras« crook) "umb selben Orgelmässig zu bringen" ("to make same mate Ii the organs")."4 Buxtehude's soprano and alto parts do not go particularly high, as would be expected with organs at A+2, and are well within the reach of adult male falsettists; his bass parts, by contrast, often extend down to E or D, and, in one case, to C. German organs at A+2 (i.e., at 480 or above) are not frequent among organs where the original pitch is known; they account for }l instruments out of 240. They are fairly evenly spread over all historical periods, including Praetorius'. Sixteen are in the extreme north ■>! Germany (Ostfriesland, Schleswig-Holstein, and Mecklenburg), and 13 arc somewhat further south (e.g., Thuringia). Already in 1618, Praetorius (15) had reported with disapproval a pitch level at A+2: "Some people, then, took it upon themselves to raise our current pitch [CammerThon] even more, by a semitone.""6 The obvious reason for this would have been to save money on tin. I Iiis (1880:49) quotes the organist at Lübeck Cathedral in 1878, Herr limmerthal, as expressing the opinion that "the old organs in Lower or Northern Germany are tuned thus high out of economy to save large fflttal pipes." The additional lower notes of Cammerton organs cost as much in tin as some other entire registers.1" Another reason organs could have been at A+2 was due to careless fining. Repeated tuning, if done carefully, does not affect pitch sig-nilii antly,"8 but it is possible to gradually shorten the pipes. For an in>;an used with other instruments, this would have been disastrous. The situation at the Sophienkirche at Dresden must have been excep- .....'il; a new Silbermann organ was ordered for the church because id. old one, while still a "very good and fine sounding organ, was gtiidually raised in pitch during earlier renovations and tunings, so ili.n for use in figural music it can scarcely be tuned with the instru-111.ms . . .""' Organ tuning in churches that regularly used other in-I ruments was thus probably done with much care to avoid raising the hi fill's pitch. 1 ih Woodwind Pitches i M < ierman recorders that were made—or could have been made—in |hl period, the pitch range is from A-2 to A+2 (see Graph 14b). A number of French-type recorders made in Germany in these Mily days (until about 1730) were at A + i, like certain surviving re-nlrrs by Hotteterre and Rippert (presumably at Ton d'Ecurie). These .....Id have been useful when playing with church organs. The Ger- ...... makers of these instruments were Christoph Denner, Herbst, 1 'I. .lender Sr., Schuechbauer, and Plaikner, all working in southern • many (Nuremberg, Munich, and Berchtesgaden). There is also 1 •1.mutation of hautboys in Cornet-ton, and several remarkably I. i hautboys survive; this evidence, too, is associated with southern ■ ■ • < 1 • ■ 1 v and Austria.'4° In outward turning details, these instruments II.....» I'e products of the Inn- 17'1' or beginning of the i8'1' centuries. 144 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 '45 Denner is also survived by two "short" bassoons (as are I.F. Roth and J.W. Kenigsperger—one each) that may have been at A+1.14' The bassoons would probably have been seen as baroque versions of the Chorist-Fagot. And an explanation for the many surviving Denner "G-bass recorders" at A-i is that in reality they were F-basses pitched a tone higher—at A+i—and made for use in churches to accompany choirs, serving the same function as the Chorist-Fagot. In that case, it would have been convenient to have them at "Chorion" like the organ; the smaller size would have allowed the tone holes to be placed closer together, making them easier to finger (they could have been played by one of the choir members). Their sound would also have carried better. These might then have been called "Chorist-Flöten." Steffani's Alarico was performed in Munich in 1687, and contains the earliest known solo for hautboys, "Care soglie a voi mi porto." It was probably written for the court woodwind players who had been sent to Paris in 1684 to study with Hotteterre. There is reason to think this performance was at A+i. A number of Rippert's recorders at A+i have ended up in Munich museums and were probably made for the court, and all the surviving recorders of the court woodwind-maker Franz Schuechbauer, who began producing instruments at the end of the 17th century, are at that pitch. About as many woodwinds at 392-430 survive as those in the high bracket (450-489). This period is thus probably showing the influence of the new low-pitched imports together with new instruments at the traditional CammerThon level of earlier generations. An interesting feature of woodwind pitches in this period is that although A-i appears to have existed, it is less well-represented than A-1V2 (cf. Graph 26b, c, d, and e). Woodwinds at A-i would of course have been useful in Germany and Holland for playing with organs at A+i. But A-1V2 was, after all, probably the most important French instrumental pitch in this period, when French instruments were serving everywhere as models. I A-2 in Germany I'r.ietorius had documented the use of a pitch a m.3 below CammerThon that was "used [he said] a great deal in different Catholic chapels in < lermany."'42 This would have been A-2, and may have been derived Ii "in the Vatican "Corista di S Pietro." It shows that the A-2 level that • 1 mi- in at the end of the 171 century as French Ton d'Opera was not a I omplete innovation in Germany. Before 1700, Friedrich Zachow at Halle (a Protestant city) was ap-(utrently working with the new French instruments, including the Ii .miboy; hautboy parts were written a minor 3d higher than the others (■•« 5"9h), indicating that they were pitched at A-2, while the organ and other instruments were at A+1.'4' In France, Ton d'Opera kept steadily to A-2 until the second half of 1 l.i- i8,h century. Ton de Chapelle had also been at A-2, but since it was Ims consistent in frequency (cf. Louis' retuning of his organs), the I. nest way of expressing the level at A-2 was to associate it with the < >|iera. German musicians, having imported the French system, would |nr\umably have made the same distinction. Christoph Denner in referred to two recorders he had made as both "frantzesische Flet-len" and "Opera-Flöten."'44 A-2 is represented in this period by at least two German recorders P| I lenner and Walch. 3-4 The Dutch Republic Hm aiise of Holland's unique position as an international crossroads Hjien to musical influences from other parts of Europe, and because it waa most likely a supplier of woodwind instruments to other places,'45 ■ In |iitches of its woodwinds probably acted as a kind weather vane liu pitch tendencies in Europe in general. Graph 16 is therefore of par-1 iiUr interest. • »11 Graph 16b, A-i!/2 is well-represented, but what is surprising is 'In . le.ir presence of Dutch woodwinds at A-l at the end of the 17''' . rutin y (see also Appendix 5). A recorder by J.J. van Heerde at 416, fm instance, it datable to about 1675. The two recorders at A-i by 146 Chapter } The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 ■47 Haka could have been made later by his son.'47 But there are five other instruments at 410, apparently made in this period. All of these can be considered too high to fit into the prevailing A-1V2 category. We noted above in 3-3 Haka's use in 1685 of a pitch terminology that may have been standard vocabulary in Holland at the time. If we understand it correctly it was: Coor mes (Chormassig ?) A+oorA+i klarin trompettentoon A+i Coortoon A-i Dutch organs in this period were mostly at A+i (see Graph 24b). The Martinikerk organ at Groningen was described in 1692 as "choorma-tisch," and in 1728 as "netto Chor Thon;" its pitch was 467.148 Productions of several of Lully's operas took place in Amsterdam and the Hague in the late 1680s, probably performed by an itinerant "bande franchise de musiciens et d'operistes,'"4' and playing, one imagines, at Ton d'Opera. The term "Opera-Toon" was used in a Dutch newspaper announcement of an English harpsichord for sale in 1690,'5° but there is no way of knowing whether this was Ton d'Opera at A-2 or the level called "opra offluyte toon" in 1701, which was A-i (see 4'3a). 3-5 The Spanish Netherlands As we saw in 2-4, "con'sta" (or, as Couchet called it, "den reghten toon") was the lowest normal pitch level used by the Antwerp clavecimbel makers in the mid-i7th century, and it was probably either A-1V2 or A-2. No woodwind pitches are known from before 1700. The only known organ pitch from this period (in Leuven, the Be-gijnhofkerk, 1692) is A-403.1,1 Brussels was very active as a center of productions of Lully's works from 1682 until the 1740s; as Schmidt wrote "Clearly one of the strongest bastions of Lully performance outside France existed in Brussels."'5' Most of his operas were performed there, as well as • number in Ghent in the 1690s. These were supported by Maximilian II Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, who was governor of the Spanish Netherlands from 1691 and lived in Brussels from 1692. A number of I rench musicians were probably involved in these productions, no doubt performing at Ton d'Opera. 3-6 The Habsburg Lands The concept of ChorThon as a lower pitch continued to be used by Ja-n.iwka (Prague, 1701), who distinguished Zinck-thon and Chor-thon. As .....id in 3-3C, the term Chor-thon was associated with French and Italian wind instruments. Janowka confirmed the M2 relation in another Manage: Organs can be found that are tuned higher and lower; organs everywhere in Germany and Bohemia are tuned to the pitch commonly rilled Zinck- or cornett pitch; the other, a whole-tone lower, is used in Italy and France and is called choral pitch or Chor-thon, and is the pitch of French flutes or recorders, mute cornetts,'" and all instruments that are in unison with the Bb of our organ when they play C.'M I lr lurther cited an important organ that used a transposing keyboard (mi K.immerfcoppeJ), thus implying that the interval relation was an ex-l whole-tone: "There is a remarkable organ at the Cathedral of Pra-ihat can play equally well in either Chor- or Zinck-thon. This is 1 itir by sliding the keyboard a certain amount to the left, and is pos-illilr on both the manual and the pedal. This lowers the instrument llir iimount needed to produce Chor-thon.'"''5 The pitch concepts explained by Janowka were apparently generally understood in the Habsburg Lands. A Vesper-psalm, a Dixit I liiMiiniii, and a Canticum Magnificat by the Passau court Kapellmeister W A A uffschnaidter (successor to Georg Muffat), now preserved at I linden, include "2. Hautb: in Tono Gallico'"56 (two hautboys in I'm. h pitch). Another inventory at Kroměříž, compiled during the i»i((ii of Prince-Bishop Liechtenstein in about 1695, included two I I ititbois ex B" and two "Flautae ex B" (i.e., French "Br<" hautboys •• I I liiir-.).'5' The grolie Orgel at the Stiftskirrhe in Schliigl was built 148 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 149 in 1634 at ±404 (A-lVi). It was rebuilt by J.C. Egedacher in 1708 "sowohl Chor als Cornett Ton'"5' ([to play] in both Chor Thon and Cornet-ton). Georg Muffat, writing in Passau in 1698 for the Habsburg Emperors, had also put French instruments a M2 below Cornet-ton: The pitch to which the French usually tune their instruments is a whole-tone lower than our German one (called Cornet-ton), and in operas, even one and a half tones lower. They find the German pitch too high, too screechy, and too forced. If it were up to me to choose a pitch, and there were no other considerations, I would choose the former [of the French pitches], called in Germany old Chorton,'b° using somewhat thicker strings. This pitch lacks nothing in liveliness along with its sweetness.'6' Another anonymous source from this region written in 1718, describing the ist Psalm tone, instructs: "If the organ is in Cornet-ton, the prelude should be in d-minor. But if it is in ChorThon, it can be transposed a tone higher to e-minor."'6j "Chor-Ton" here was a whole-step below "Cornet-Thon," as it was for Janowka and Muffat. There are signs of the adoption of French woodwinds toward the end of the 17th century in other regions of the Empire. Kremsmünster Abbey ordered "ein ganzes Spill Hubua" ("a complete set of French hautboys") from Jacob Fux, and three "französische Schalmeyen" from Stephan Melßhamber of Nuremberg in 1696.,6j A number of documents from Kremsmünster noting deliveries in the period 1697-1710 make the same pitch distinction as had Janowka: ■ One Fagott in French pitch. • 12 Hautbois reeds from Vienna, 6 in Cornet-ton and 6 in French pitch, St/I. ■ Two new recorders from common wood [box ?] in French pitch were also purchased at 3 fl. ■ Received from Vienna, 24 hautboy reeds and 12 "Fagot" reeds, in Comet-ton and French pitch, 6 fl.'64 On t6 July 1708, the Abbey took delivery of "2 buxbaumene Hoboa, Cornetton 6 fl" ("two boxwood Hautbois in Cornel-Ion, 6 fl"). I'nul I lailperin* believes an hautboy by the Viennese maker Deper (early iH'1' century?) that survives at Melk Abbey is pitched no lower than A- |()0. Janowka leaves little doubt about absolute frequency with his phrase "organs everywhere in Germany and Bohemia are tuned to the pitch commonly called Zinck- or cornett pitch." Two well-playing • ornetts survive from Schloß Ambras that were made some time be-lore 1596 at Venice;'65 their pitch is 464 (A+l). The same level is found Uli a number of surviving Austrian organs from before 1670: Baumgartenberg (1662): 460 Innsbruck, Hofkirche (Franziskanerkirche; 1561): 460 Wilten bei Innsbruck, Stiftskirche (ca. 1650): 464 Klosterneuburg (1642): 471 I he level of woodwinds "ex B" is also a straightforward whole-tone lower, A-i. But if this is associated with Italy and France, things seem . bit too straightforward. Italian woodwinds might well have been at A 1 in 1701 when Janowka published his book, but (as we saw in 3-ib) mi ibis period woodwinds made in France were very rarely at A-i, be-|f)| more commonly at A-1V2 (see Graph 13b). A whole-step higher oh! have put the organs at A + '/2, about A-453. Interestingly, there icports of organs in the Habsburg Lands at about this pitch (see ' liuph 25). Of course, "French" woodwinds did not necessarily come lo.mi France; in at least some cases, the new design of woodwinds 1 1 • . eil in the Habsburg Lands were obtained from makers in the south 1 1 o-rmany, where, from early on, French-style instruments ("Fran-1 .< he Musikalischen Instrumenta") were indeed being made at A-i I »a). In Salzburg, Heinrich von Biber's Missa Salisburgensis (performed If! 1682?) included "Hautbois," the French name indicating they were 1 iiiilioys rather than shawms. The parts were in G2 clef in C major, il.. on.- key as everyone else, including the trumpets; this indicates 1.....hoys in Ati. Egedacher's organ for Salzburg Cathedral (1705, a ■ o after Biber's death) was at An, a pitch similar to other Salzburg Higniit (Kajetanerkirche, Peterskirche).'66 Biber's connections with Munich suggest the possible use ol instruments by Schuechbauer or I.. I loii'inlx'rg makers ol the time (Christoph Denner, Schell, and i5o Chapter 3 Gahn). AU these makers are known for their high-pitched instruments at A+1.'67 Johann Joseph Fux, already engaged by the court in Vienna, published a "Nürnberger Partita" in 1701 for hautboy, "Flauto" (recorder), and continuo; the trio's title may refer to Christoph Denner or one of his fellow Nurembergers as the maker of the woodwind instruments for which it was written. Reine Dahlqvist* points out that the Salzburg Cathedral archives contain many chamber pieces with woodwind parts notated a tone higher than the other parts. An example is a Sonata a 5 by Carl Heinrich Biber for 2 Obue bahse ex C. 2 Violini. Organa con Violoncello. Violone e Fagotto discussed by Hubmann (1994:378). All the parts to this piece are in G except the "Obue bahse," (which, as the title says, are in C). As Hubmann explains, these are probably hautbois d'amour at A-i, sounding in A-major; had the other parts been for instruments at A-i, they too would have been notated in A. The fact that they are in G indicates that they were for instruments at A+i, a whole-step higher, while the hautbois d'amour were at A-i. This piece is dated 1736, and suggests that strings normally played at A 11 at this time at Salzburg even in chamber works (the "Fagotto" would presumably have been a dulcian at A 11). Notes 1. Cf. Haynes 2001, Chapter 3. 2. Rippert had been working "a long time" by 1696. About the end of his career we only know that it was between 1716 and 1723. If he worked for 40 or 4^ years, he could not have started before about 1675. An educated guess would put his career between about 1680-1720. Byrne (1983:5) estimates he was bum fu.1665. The only date we have for Dupuis is 1692. 3. Paris E.980.2.99. This is the (corrected) average of the eight notes that function. 4. Sauveur 1701:303. Underlining mine. 5. Fontenelle 1700:129. Underlining mine. 6. By Martin Sonnet. See Schneider 1995:713. 7. According to Le Cerf (1705/06:111:178), 20 years before his book was writ" ten. The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 151 H. Mercure Galant, 1695. This idea is suggested by Thomas van Essen*, v Van Essen lists H.536 with H.432 (H.537). in. Sauveur 1701:347. The same three pitches are named in the Memoire of 1713:345. 11. Brossard 1703:202 s.v. "Tuono." || I.oulie 1696:77. 11 Nivers 1683:108. A large and important body of music was written for nunneries by composers like Charpentier, Nivers, Danielis, Brossard, Lully, • nuperin, and Campra. See Schneider 1995:713. Niver's comment is poten-lully important, as it suggests that music written primarily for female voices ■ puld tend to be performed at a higher pitch than music for male voices. The lrin.ile voice became important in the second half of the |6* century (Jander |*;|o;34!) and may have influenced pitch choices. 14. And of course the instruments at A+i. IV For each separate period, the averages are almost identical to this, in, There are reports of organs at A-i in this period (Auch, Cathedral; Tou-■ .1-, St. Pierre des Chartreux; Rouen, St. Vivien; Gap, Cathedral), but none "I I Hem are reliable. I .mo. The pitch measurements were made by the author on two different mraiions in 1984 and 1993. 1" I lostrovsky 1975:201; Barbieri 1980:1906. • ' See Rasch 26. Ellis 1880:36 gave 408. See 1-7 for more background on Sau- vviii . ... IVrre-Francois Deslandes (1667-1710). «1 < 11. Mendel 1955/1968:211. 11 The pitch that was general for traditional wind instruments up until the i.im War, generally known as "le la ancien," was about 404 Hz, = A-O/2 (t Imide Girard*). Cf. the recording France: cornemuses du centre. Unesco Col- 1 .....1 (Audvis), 1989, D 8202 (played by Jean Blanchard and Eric Montbel). M.....bel's chabretle attributed to Louis Maury (1842^0.1910) is described as "an la 41^" but is pitched on the recording at 406. 1 1 I. niDi 1984:102. Cf. also Benoit 1971:46-47, 61. 14 hrnoit 1971:221-22. il.udouin 1963: "Faut-il y voir une influence de Delalande cumulant les liaiges de la chambre et de la chapelle, ou des organistes du roi? En tous cas I, • ■ ylises suivirent." I 'ulourcq 1971:1:532. Francois-Michel Le Tellier, marquis de Louvois, was I ...u«' most influential minister in the period 1677-1691. 1 i .irdouin 1963. iN llardouin thought either 1762 or 1787, but Cugnier in 1780 already talks |l ..... the pitch as very low (see 8-2a), so we may assume the earlier date is Main ■ . i lir hiatory of the pitch of this organ is actually even more complicated, plained in Dufourcq 1914 and summarized in Haynes 1995, Section 4-5. 1S2 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 15? This organ was totally remade recently, but the surviving original materials gave no pitch clues (Gustav Leonhardt*). 30. Chausson and Koenig 2001. 31. Burney 1771:30. 32. This is reproduced in Beaussant 1992:461 (I am grateful to Geoffrey Burgess for pointing this out to me). 33. Benoit 1971:73. Benoit notes that "certains [artistes] appartiennent aux deux troupes." 34. Including Francois Buchot, René Pignon Descoteaux, Michel Herbinot dit Destouches, six members of the Hotteterre family (Jean I, Martin, Colin, Nicolas, Jean II, and Louis), "de La Croix," Philippe Philbert, André and Jacques Philidor, three Piěches (Joseph, Pierre, and Pierre-Alexandre), Francois Arthus dit Plumet, and Jean Rousselet. Cf. LaGorce 1989:104ft. 35. See LaGorce 1989:103. 36. Bouissou (1992:43) describes the mixture of musicians living at Versailles and Paris for the rehearsals in 1763 of Rameau's Les Boréades. 37. Although several of Rippert's A+i recorders were made for Munich and might have been special orders, others also exist at the same pitch (Paris E.2136, Paris C.1387/E.1515, Basel HM 1956.633). 38. Cf. Semmens 1980:131. All the English recorder tutors starting with Hudgebut (1679) treat exclusively the recorder in fi. As Eppelsheim (1961:71) reasons, since these books were dealing with a "French" instrument, the custom was probably also common in France. 39. See Haynes 2001:95. 40. Holman 1993:275. 41. For a detailed survey of the personnel of the royal Wind Musick and their instruments, see David Lasocki's forthcoming Woodioind instruments in Britain, 1660-1740. 42. Holman 1993:275. 43. Lasocki 1983:115. 44. Halfpenny t95i:io9ff draws attention to the depictions of three members of the King's Music playing cornett and flat trumpets for the coronation of James II in 1687. 45. From The Musicall Gramarian, 1728. 46. North 1959:300. North's statements exaggerate. There had in fact been a strong French presence at court before the war, and the posts of a number of French musicians were taken over at the Restoration by Englishmen (Holman 1993:283, 289); indeed, every member of the famous "24 violins" wai English. Further, although Charles had stayed in France during the Interrcg num (he was actually present at the French court for a total of less than two years), at the time he returned to England in 1660, Lully had only just begun to influence developments in French music (see below). 47. Baines 1948:19. 48. "Cinq ou six hommei qui jouent fort bien de la fluite." Buttrey 1995:205. 49. I luluimi 1993:1' 1 neu 8rit- hpn < no. Schmidt 1989:208. .1 lUittrey 1995:209. For background, cf. Ashley 1971 (especially page 234) and Chapter XVII of I < >ock i 1983. ,1 Cf. Lasocki i983:33off. 14. Hopkins & Rimbault 1855:190, Owen 1986. ft. Lanvellec (1647) is at 388 and Ergue-Gaberic (1680) at 389. »,h. The first reference to "Concert pitch" is 1719. »j, Cf. a more complete quote in t-3g. I 'uoted in Strahle 1995:88. 1Y l.asocki 1992:61. (in. Daub 1985:274 citing the Lord Chamberlain's papers (Public Record Of- lli r), 5/18-5/21, passim. At, Quoted in Higbee 1962:57. II. 1 .'noted in Griscom and Lasocki 1994:216-7. A|. Srgerman 1992^54. 1 < lerard Smith, the maker, later crossed this out and replaced it with 1 luirch pitch of f [as in] the Organ of St. Paul London." See Piatt 1993:36. This organ was replaced in 1866. See Carrington 1992:117, 121. Aft, I iwynn 1985:69,76. I liistlethwaite 1978. AM A traverso by Urquhart (Edinburgh 1908.252) is at 418; this maker's dates tiv uncertain (late iy'h century or early 18'''). Aw Modena: Museo Civico and Horniman 241. 1» A traverso by Cahusac, London, ca.1780 (Frankfurt: Spohr 149) has a long-Mt 1 hi ps at 402 (the other two are 428 and 433). ft W.nerhouse (1993:44) suggests that certain features of his instruments in- ii r a Parisian background. Having come from Bourg-en-Bresse, he probably had some connection with the woodwind maker Perrin, mentioned by 1 ■ i'ii in 1671. In knell 1996:144. 1 |ulin Pike Mander*. Mander notes that the date is only an assumption. Vood 1990:496. in 1713 the English physicist Brook Taylor measured the pitch of his harp-lli I11111I .11 (Kj and 390 or slightly higher (see 1-7). Rut it is not known if Tay-1 . • I1.11 psichord was tuned to a reference pitch. *A Tline is one organ a semitone above Quire-pitch (Q+i; B. Smith, 1673): .....ily Walton on Thames, earlier in the private chapel, Windsor. Hi. knell 1996:119. " I 1.. man & Rowntree 1977:33. < 1 also Bicknell 1996:117. • I < iwynn 1985, Table 2. 1 1 ioet zr 1994:61. 11 1» possible that the front C pipe of the organ at St. Botolph Aldgate in Inn (II. Smith, ca. 1674) that hat "tux ton de Franti" written on it has 154 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 something to do with an organ adjustment to the new French wind instruments. The date is right. John Pike Mander* writes that "there is now no means of telling what the exact original pitch was." 83. Holman 1993:394. 84. Peter Holman noticed in i993:J97 the purchase in 1664 of some special string instruments for use in the chapel, and also noted that "The members of the Twenty-four Violins who played in the chapel seem to have used special instruments there." ("Purcell and pitch;" Correpondence, Early Music, May 1996:366). He suspected a connection to the organ's pitch, and I suggest the organ was at Q+i and the violins at Qm, for reasons that will be clear further on. 85. Lafontaine 1909:322, Ashbee 1986:1:179. 86. Holman 1993:408. 87. Cf. Haynes 2001:168-70. 88. Freeman and Rowntree i977:I3- 89. It is true the French woodwind players were not officially appointed until 1678, but they may already have been playing earlier, as they had arrived in England in 1673. 90. Burrows suggested that the pitch of this organ (of which Purcell was the organist) could have been the reason that wind instruments are almost never specifically required in his anthems. But there was no technical reason wind instruments (and strings as well, for that matter) could not have played the Chapel Royal repertoire with this organ at an interval of a m3 between Quirt-pitch and Q:3 (Bach used this interval at Weimar—see 6-ib). 91. Burrows i98i:i35ff. 92. Parrott 1995:416. 93. Holman 1993:411. This became official in 1689 when the new King William III ordered "That there shall be no musick in the Chappell, but the Organ." 94. Piatt I993:}6. 95. Mendel 1978:64. 96. Made by Schreider and Jordan. 97. See Bouterse 2000:243-50. 98. See 2-1. 99. Corvey (Höxter), 1681, at 462 (Chorton) and Norden (Ostfriesland), St, Ludgeri, 1688, at 474 (Chor-thon). See Appendix 1. 100. Quantz l752:Ch XVIl/vii/§6. 101. Schmidt 1989:208. 102. Encyclopedia Britannica, I5 I 'wens 1995:399. ■ ■•' I lade 1953. in Mrndel 1978:91. 111 Mittag 1756:7, cited in Jackisch 1966. . \ practice generally expected of a competent organist (see 5-2C). See also I I* mi Kammerregister and Kammerhoppel. IM I Iiis 1880:49. Mattheson 1721:176. Adlung 1758:386; 1726:1:100, 193. It was replaced by an 1 •! Gamba at 489 in 1761. M Aillung i726:I:ioo. On this stop, see also 7-5C 1 .'I I <>r a list of the pitches of Schnitger's extant organs, see Haynes 1995:198-»» ■ 1 I Vogel 1986:38. 1 Ihr group at A + i dates from 1680-1710; that at A+2 from 1687-1721 (with i — 1 rpt ion of Stade, 1673). II I lie well-known organ at Cappel bei Bremerhaven (Schnitger extensive . '■•"Iii, 1(180) is at 461. It was originally built for the Johanneskirche in Ham- nid is one of his best-preserved organs. The Schnitger now at Grasberg I '' Bremen (1694) was originally built for Hamburg's Waisenhaus. It is at 1'" 1 Ihr Pankratiuskirrhe organ at Neuenfelde (near Hamburg) by Schnit-iMIH, I', .it 400. .56 Chapter 3 The Instrument Revolution and Pitch Fragmentation, 1670-1700 "57 132. Snyder 1987:468, citing J. von Königslow, writing some time between 1773 and 1833. The pitch of the large organ in this church was measured by Hopkins and Rimbault (1855:189) at 487. It had been replaced in 1851. Three other organs at Lübeck at St. Jacobi (small organ), St. Jacobi (large organ), and the Cathedral were also at A + 2. 133. Snyder 1987:85. 134. Snyder 1987:476. The St. Annen-Museum in Lübeck possesses three cor-netts, one at A + i and two at A + 2. 135. Snyder 1987:367. 136. Tr. from Crookes 1986. 137. Sumner 1952:289. 138. Dominic Gwynn*. 139. Wolf 1738:63 (orig. p.160); quoted also in Flade 1953:107. 140. See 5"4b. Christoph Denner and Oberlender did not make exclusively short instruments; they are both survived by a number of long hautboys. 141. White I993:i2in93. 142. Praetorius 1618:16. 143. See further 5"9h. 144. Nickel 1971:199. 145. See Haynes 2001:63. 146. Edinburgh University, 257. 147. Haka died in 1705; in an advertisement in 1700, he stated that he would continue making instruments with his son (Bouterse 2001:95). 148. Fock 1974:273,215-26; Vente I958:t87ff; Edskes 1968:37; Jürgen Ahrend*; Dorgelo 1985:67,71. 149. Schmidt I989:i99ff. 150. Gierveld 1977:414. 151 . Organ Yearbook, 1988, 19:43. 152. Schmidt 1989:202. 153. The translation of "clarini humiliati" is not certain, but "humiliati" means soft, and the mute cornett would probably make sense in this context, being normally a tone lower than "Zincfc-thon." (One wonders if the term "clarino" could refer to cornett rather than trumpet in other contexts.) 154. Janowka 1701:93. See also 315. 155. Janowka 1701:94. 156. Koch 1980:55, Horn 1987:130. 157. Otto I977:xv-xvi. 158. This pitch is an estimate, being about a M2 below the "Cornett Ton" in 1708, which was 451. 159. Freiberger (n.d.):j4. 160. In the German, "den sogenannten Chor-Thon." Mendel 1978:^10 confuses Muffat's "ton du Cornet" and his "ancien ton du choeur," mistakenly suggesting that Muffat did as well. 161. Muffat 1698. Also quoted on p. xxxviii. 162. Transcribed in Walter 19711:170. i'm. Kellner 1956:291. i'M These citations are from .697 KRB 350, 17.0 KRB 270, .708 KRB 324, and I709 KRB 256, cited in Kellner 1956:285, 299, 303, and 304. I6j. Now at the KHM in Vienna. See Haynes 1995, Appendix 2-2a. "■'■ A report on the great Cathedral organ in 184., just before it was retuned, .mil it was half a tone higher than "normal pitch," which would then have' lirrn A+o (Reine Dahlqvist*). ''■/ On Denner and Schell, see Haynes 2001:143.