Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
Author(s): Alina Payne
Source: Oxford Art Journal, Vol. 32, No. 3, Mal'Occhio: Looking Awry at the Renaissance
Special Issue (2009), pp. 365, 367-386
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25650875
Accessed: 03-05-2020 18:58 UTC
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in
Renaissance Architecture
Alina Payne
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in
Renaissance Architecture1
Alina Payne
On the whole twentieth-century Renaissance architectural scholarship has paid
little attention to architecture's dialogue with the other arts, in particular with
sculpture and the so-called minor arts.2 The fact that architects were also
painters, sculptors, decorators, and designers of festivals and entries, as well
as makers of a multitude of objects from luxury items to machines, clocks,
measuring and lifting instruments, in many different materials has also
dropped out of attention. Indeed, broadly involved in the world of objects ?
large and small, painted or drawn, carved or poured ? architects were
highly conversant with a variety of artistic media that raise the question as to
what these experiences contributed to the making of buildings. For example,
in the fifteenth century in Tuscany, we find architects ? Brunelleschi,
Francesco di Giorgio, Michelozzo, Ghiberti, and others ? not only starting
out as sculptors, but also working in wood, painted wood, and bronze and
sometimes designing for other crafts, such as stone intarsia or enamel
ornaments for luxury cloth.3 Yet most often scholarship has looked away
from hybrid careers and even the full careers of most of these architects have
not been evaluated comprehensively or understood as such. In his Lives of the
Artists Giorgio Vasari constructed the myth of Michelangelo as the titanic
personality and unique performer in painting, sculpture, and architecture, all
of which he transformed, and although Vasari delighted in acknowledging
others active in multiple arenas he reserved the most emphatic accolades for
Michelangelo alone. This pattern has been hard to escape and set against
Michelangelo's mythic leadership role in all the arts, other artists remained
in the shadows.4 For example, Francesco di Giorgio's sculpture and minor
arts activity is still perceived as relatively disconnected from his architectural
career or at least separate and not in dialogue with it. The two volumes on
his oeuvre as architect and artist, respectively, illustrate this malaise.5 The
same is true about scholarship on the careers of others, like Raphael, Jacopo
Sansovino, Ammannati, Buontalenti, and so on.
This tendency towards a form of isolationism in architecture is nothing if not
ironical given that the primary sources available make much of the exchanges
between the arts. In his most potent and cherished origin-of-architecture
story, Vitruvius himself assigned the invention of the Corinthian order to
Callimachus, a well-known sculptor and bronze caster rather than architect.
On his way to Corinth (famous for its clay pottery) Callimachus encountered
the tomb-marker of a young girl in the shape of an acanthus plant growing
around a wicker basket and enchanted by the combination of natural and
man-made elements that chance had brought about he conceived a new
capital; the order itself crystallised around it subsequently. This 'pictorial'
moment of a crafted object imitating nature thus lay at the root of one of the
canonical orders and signalled how tightly intertwined the three arts were
1. This article draws from a series of lectures
given at the IN HA and EPHE, Paris in June 2008
and will form a part of my upcoming book on the
Materiality of Architecture in the Renaissance. I am
grateful to Sabine Frommel who first gave me the
opportunity to address this material by inviting
me to Paris, and to Maria Loh and Patricia Rubin
for inviting me to develop this argument further.
I am also grateful to David Kim, Maria Loh, and
the anonymous reviewers who offered very useful
comments to an earlier draft.
2. Among the last publications to take a holistic
view of Renaissance architecture was Julius Baum,
Baukunst und dekorative Plastik der Jriiheren
Renaissance in Italien (J. Hoffman: Stuttgart,
1926).
3. For example, Michelozzo's accomplishments
across many materials are listed in Giorgio Vasari,
Le vite de' piu eccellenti architetti, pittori, et scultori
italiani da Cimabue insino a' nostri tempi
(G. Einaudi: Turin, 1986), p. 329: 'Per Cosimo
fece ancora di marmo la capella di San Miniato,
dove e il Crucifisso; e per Italia fece infinite cose
di marmo, di bronzo e di legno'. According to
Antonio Manetti, The Life of Brunelleschi
(Pennsylvania State University: University Park,
1970), pp. 50?2, in addition to his work as
goldsmith Brunelleschi had also made 'clocks,
alarm bells with various and sundry types of
springs by many diverse contrivances'. Finally,
Francesco di Giorgio was active as painter,
sculptor in bronze, wood and stone, designed
marble pavements as well as medals and
plaquettes.
4. August Schmarsow, Barock und Rokoko, eine
Auseinandersetzung iiber das Malerische in der
Architektur (S. Hirzel: Leipzig, 1897), for instance,
emphasises Michelangelo's watershed role as
almost single-handed agent of style change
precisely because of his revolutionary work in the
three principal artistic media. In his argument, it
is the translation of features from one medium to
the other that causes style change.
5. Francesco di Giorgio architetto, F.P. Fiore and
M. Tafuri (eds) (Electa: Milan, 1993) and
Francesco di Giorgio e il Rinascimento a Siena
1450-1500, Luciano Bellosi (ed.) (Electa: Milan,
1993). For a different approach characteristic of
late-nineteenth-century interest in all aspects of
the arts from the high to the low see Antonio
Pantanelli, Francesco di Giorgio Martini pittore,
scultore e architetto senese del secolo XV e dell'arte
? The Author 2010. Published by Oxford University Press; all rights reserved. OXFORD ART JOURNAL 32.3 2009 365-386
doi:10.1093/oxartj/kcp035
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Alina Payne
from the very beginnings of architecture.6 Nearly 1500 years later, in the first
modern treatise on architecture, Leon Battista Alberti reduced the story to its
essence and argued that a 'high vase' lay at the origin of the capital.7 Francesco
di Giorgio likewise made much of the story and illustrated it, giving it the
flavour of an artist's (self) portrait, perhaps fascinated by the plurality of
artistic languages he shared with the fictive inventor. Either way, in all these
versions, a carved object preceded architecture.
To be sure, scholars have not always isolated artistic media in this way. In the
nineteenth century the interaction between artistic fields was a major concern
for architects, historians, museum curators, and artists. As the advent of the
machine and of new materials precipitated a crisis of fabrication, and a global
marketplace was heralded by the Great Exhibitions starting in 1851, objects
and their production also came under the microscope of scholarship. The
engine driving the interest in consumable objects drove a new interest
in their scientific study as well. The archaeologist's excavation, the
anthropologist's fieldwork, the ethnographer's collections just as much as
the new factories all produced masses of objects and contributed to the
development of a Sachkultur, a culture of objects.8 As Theodor Mommsen,
the doyen of German Romanists tartly observed in 1890 when commenting
on the massive archaeological excavations then underway, 'Grossindustrie'
(big industry), 'Grossstadt' (the big city) and 'Grosswissenschaft' (big
scholarship) went hand in hand.9 The arts and the museums were on the
receiving end of this exuberant phenomenon centred on objects, their
materials and their cultural meanings, and it also left a significant imprint on
art history.
This is of course a much larger topic, but it is worth mentioning in this
context because it is also tightly connected with the direction Renaissance
scholarship, and architectural scholarship in particular, took at the end of the
nineteenth century. In his treatise Der Stil (1860?1863), Gottfried Semper
had famously proposed an object-based theory of architecture. He argued
that architecture (what he called the monumental arts) had found their origin
in the technische Kiinste (technical arts) ? i.e. in the crafts, first of all in textiles,
and from there in pottery, wood, and metal work (in a hierarchy that went from
the most 'primitive' to the more 'complex' crafts), each one leaving a trace in
the ornament of the next and ultimately in the ornament of architecture as if in
a compact, layered fossil ? an analogy Semper actually makes when he draws on
the new science of palaeontology.10 Art historians like Alois Riegl, Wilhelm von
Bode, Julius von Schlosser, Aby Warburg, and a host of others whose names are
no longer on our fingertips, also followed this turn to the object and studied not
only major artists and monuments, but also carpets, wax figures, wooden
calendars, tapestries, chapbooks, furniture, and lace-work.11 In their tacit
acknowledgement that these areas of artistic creativity were relevant to each
other and to the monumental arts is a hint of questions that have largely been
neglected since then and that are important to attend to now.12
What will concern me in this essay then, is how architecture fares in an
expanded and hybrid field if we look at artistic process, at technique and the
way the arts and the crafts bleed at the edges and allow discourses specific to
one to migrate into another.13 How does the Renaissance and the
subcategory architecture look if we approach them from a materials and
craft-based perspective? For instance, does such a vantage point alter how we
define the transition/relationship between the Middle Ages and the
Renaissance (the status of the Trecento is still one of the vexed issues
dogging periodisation efforts)?14 If instead of looking at antiquity and the
de'suoi tempi in Siena (Gati: Siena, 1870) and
Francesco di Giorgio Martini: pittore, scultore e
architetto senese; vita e documenti, Gaetano Milanesi
(ed.) (Pucci: Siena, 1880/1881; lstpubl. 1858).
6. Vitruvius, De architectura. On Architecture
(Harvard University Press: Cambridge, MA,
1983), IV, 1, 8-10.
7. Leon Battista Alberti, in J. Rykwert,
N. Leach, and R. Tavernor (trans.), On the Art of
Building in Ten Books (MIT Press: Cambridge, MA,
1988), p. 201.
8. On this topic see Alina Payne, Modern
Architecture and the Rise of a Theory of Objects (Yale
University Press, forthcoming.).
9. Suzanne Marchand, Down from Olympus.
Archaeology and Philhellenism in Germany,
1750-1970. (Princeton University Press:
Princeton, NJ, 1996), p. 75.
10. Semper quotes Adolphe Theodore
Brongniart's Tableau des genres de vegetaux fossiles
(L. Martinet: Paris, 1849) to make his point.
Gottfried Semper, Der Stil in den technischen und
tektonischen Kiinsten oder Praktische Aesthetik (Fr.
Bruckmann Verlag: Munich, 1878; 1st edn,
1860-1863), Vol. 2, p. 3.
11. For example, see Alois Riegl, Volkskunst,
Haussfleiss und Hausindustrie (Maander:
Mittenwald, 1978; 1st edn, Berlin, 1894) and
Alois Riegl, 'Spatantike Stickereien',
Kunstgewerbeblatt, NF II, 1891, pp. 127-31;
Wilhelm von Bode, Die italienischen Hausmbbel der
Renaissance (Hermann Seemann: Leipzig, 1902);
Julius von Schlosser Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern
der Spdtrenaissance: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des
Sammelwesens in Monographien des Kunstgewerbes
(Klinkhardt & Biermann: Leipzig 1908); Julius
von Schlosser, 'Geschichte der Portratbildnerei in
Wachs: ein Versuch', Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen
Sammlungen des Allerhbchsten Kaiserhauses, vol. 29,
1910-1911, pp. 171-258; Aby Warburg,
'Peasants at Work in Burgundian Tapestries
(1907)', in K. Forster (intro.), The Renewal of
Pagan Antiquity (Getty Research Institute: Santa
Monica, 1999); Alfredo Melani, L'ornamento
policromo nelle arti e nelle industrie artistiche (U.
Hoepli: Milan, 1886); G.M. Urbani de Gheltof,
Les arts industriels a Venise au moyen age et a la
renaissance (Usiglio & Diena: Venice, 1885) and
Idem, Degli arazzi in Venezia con note sui tessuti
artistici veneziani (F. Ongania: Venice, 1878).
12. In the wake of significant publications in the
history of economics such as Richard
Goldthwaite's The Building of Renaissance Florence
(1980) and Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy
(1995) material culture has emerged recently as a
topic of concern for early modern historians,
literary historians, and art historians as well. See
for example, Lisa Jardine, Worldly Goods
(Doubleday: New York, 1996); Ann Rosalind
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
orders as diagnostic sites for Renaissance artistic behaviour, we look for different
vectors along which change happened, how does this affect our divisions into
Early, High, and Late Renaissance? And, if we looked at architecture in
dialogue with a larger class of objects, might we also find a 'contaminated
architecture' that is the outcome of a proliferation of materials and forms,
many small and mobile, in a world of trade and travel, of globalisation and
what Serge Gruzinski calls 'metissage?'15 Might this modify the 'strong'
modernist discourse on the definition of architecture that still lingers and
echoes in historical scholarship, a discourse that privileged industrial
materials and mass-production and in so doing turned the spotlight away
from making and crafting, and away from small scale and ornament as topics
of relevance for architecture?16 What follow are preliminary observations that
lay out themes from and anticipate a book in progress and that propose a way
to step outside the traditional path and 'look awry' at Renaissance architecture.
Architecture and Objects
Both Jacob Burckhardt and Heinrich von Geymuller, Burckhardt's life-long
friend and tireless correspondent, looked at architecture from a more
inclusive point of view in their respective publications: Geschichte der
Renaissance in Italien (1867) and the equally important Architektur der
Renaissance in der Toscana (which von Geymuller took over from Carl
Stegmann and completed between 1885 and 1908).17 Perhaps under the
influence of Gottfried Semper, his colleague at the Eidgendssische Technische
Hochschule in Zurich, Burckhardt drew a broad picture of architecture:
he divided it into 'Architecture' and 'Decoration' and under the latter he
included decorative sculpture in stone, iron, and wood; he looked at
pavimenti which he associated with calligraphy; he covered painted facades
(and sgraffito), stucco work, wall tombs, temporary decorative ensembles (for
feasts and triumphal entries), goldsmithry, and pottery.18
But beyond his expansive view of the materials pertaining to architecture,
Burckhardt also suggested a vehicle for the exchanges he envisaged and
implied, though he did not go much beyond drafting a list of sources and
proposing a category that has remained unique in the literature. After listing
all those who started as goldsmiths (Brunelleschi, Ghiberti, maybe Lucca
della Robbia, Masolino, Pollaiuolo, Verrocchio, Finiguerra, Domenico
Ghirlandaio, Botticelli, and Andrea del Sarto) he observed that the field of
activity was large and completely open to these masters since the taste for
luxury in the fifteenth century had risen dramatically.19 Moreover, as there
were almost no ancient examples of goldsmiths' work to be followed, he
continued, these artists had had to shape their forms out of the 'allgemeiner
neuer Styl' (the general or universal new style).20 As he described it this
allgemeiner Styl that embraced all the arts from monumental to minor also
presupposed a fluidity that permitted forms to traverse media with some
ease, and not just surface patterns like those illustrated in nineteenth-century
manuals of ornament, but also three-dimensional compositions of more
complex objects.
Like Burckhardt, von Geymuller also held a comprehensive view of the visual
field for he was both a historian and an architect and was, therefore, even more
in tune with the contemporary artistic sensibility. Thus he and Stegmann (who
wrote the early sections of their magnum opus Die Architektur der Toscana)
included well-known sculptors such as Donatello, Lucca della Robbia,
Benedetto and Giuliano da Maiano, Mino da Fiesole, Jacopo della Quercia,
Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing
and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge University
Press: Cambridge, 2000); and Evelyn Welch,
Shopping in the Renaissance (Yale University Press:
London, 2005).
13. For documentation on the use of materials
that has began to be assembled see the series
Materiali della cultura artistica published by De
Luca, Rome. For example, see Gabriele Borghini
(ed.), Marmi antichi (De Luca: Rome, 2004).
14. The literature on materiality, craft, and
making has been located traditionally as well as
recently primarily in the medieval field. See for
example Wolf-Dietrich Lohr and Stefan
Weppelmann (eds), Fantasie und Handwerk. Cennino
Cennini und die Tradition der toskanischen Malerei von
Giotto his Lorenzo Monaco (Hirmer: Berlin, 2008).
Another location for the discourse has been
medieval Islamic art. See for instance Avinoam
Shalem, 'Objects as Carriers of Real or Contrived
Memories in a Cross-Cultural Context',
Mitteilungen zur Spatantiken Archaologie und
Byzantinische Kunstgeschichte, Vol. 4, 2005,
pp. 101 ? 19. For a brilliant iconographical reading
of the use of marble in architecture see Fabio
Barry, 'Walking on Water: Cosmic Floors in
Antiquity and the Middle Ages', Art Bulletin, Vol.
89, 2007, pp. 627-56.
15. Serge Gruzinski, Les quatres parties du monde
(La Matriniere: Paris, 2004). The term metissage is
useful because it signals the hybridity that
characterised early modern production of culture
in the wake of the great discoveries, and extended
the phenomenon already at work in the
Mediterranean.
16. On the reciprocal relationship between
modern architectural theory and architectural
history writing see Alina Payne, 'Rudolf
Wittkower and Architectural Principles in the Age
of Modernism', Journal of the Society of Architectural
Historians, Vol. 53, 1994, pp. 322-42.
17. Heinrich von Geymuller, Die Architektur der
Renaissance in der Toscana (F. Bruckmann: Munich,
1885-1908) and Jacob Burckhardt, Die Baukunst
der Renaissance in Italien (C.H. Beck: Munich,
2000; 1st edn, Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien,
1867).
18. On Semper and Burckhardt see Werner
Kaegi, Jacob Burckhardt. Fine Biographie (Benno
Schwabe: Basel/Stuttgart, 1956), Vol. 3,
pp. 572-98 and 607. For pavimenti as calligraphy
see Burckhardt, Geschichte der Renaissance, p. 257.
19. Burckhardt, Geschichte der Renaissance, p. 287:
'Im XV Jahrhundert war sowohl der edlere
Prachtsinn als die Lust am hochsten Putz und
Prunk gewaltig gestiegen. . . und eine fluchtige
Uebersicht der wichtigeren Nachrichten . . . wird
zeigen welch ein Feld dieser Kunst offen war'.
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Alina Payne
Fig. 1. Donatello, Cantoria, Museo dell'Opera del Duomo, Florence, from Heinrich von Geymuller and Carl von Stegmann, Die Architektur der Renaissance in
Toscana (1885 -1908).
Verrocchio, Andrea Sansovino, and Andrea Bregno in their volumes on
architecture and argued that the tight bond between the two arts in the
fifteenth century justified expanding the list of 'pure' architects21 (Fig. 1).
Indeed, Geymuller pointed in particular to the frames Donatello created for
his sculptural scenes as well as to his collaboration with Michelozzo. This was
an important contribution since he was among the first modern historians to
note Donatello's precedence in devising architectural motifs that Michelozzo
would later use in his buildings. This reciprocal relationship between
architecture and sculpture was reinforced subsequently by Wilhelm von Bode
who developed these ideas further in his essay 'Donatello als Architekt und
Dekorator' (1901).22 Both probably drew on Vasari, but more immediately
on art historians like Hans Semper, Gottfried Semper's son who saw Der Stil
through the presses for its second edition in 1878, and who, perhaps not
coincidentally given his father's known position on this subject, paid
significant attention to artists like Donatello whose work lies at the
intersection between the arts.23 In another passage from Die Architektur der
Toscana, Geymuller turned to Benedetto da Maiano's ciborium in the Duomo
in Siena and described it as a tempietto and as a jewel of the decorative art
that provided the model for a dome and showed the consummate architect.24
Moving smoothly across scales and materials, he also described the torcheres
on the Palazzo Strozzi (designed by his brother Giuliano da Maiano and
executed by Caparra) as eight-sided tempietti with small columns at the
corners like those in the chancel of Sta. Croce that were 'ganz
20. Burckhardt, Geschichte der Renaissance, p. 287:
'Antike Goldsachen waren so gut wie gar nicht
vorhanden, so dass die Meister der
Fruhrenaissance aus ihrem allgemeinen neuen Styl
auch den der Goldarbeit entwickeln mussten'.
21. On Donatello, Geymuller, Architektur der
Toscana, Vol. 2, p. 1 notes: 'Die
Architekturbehandlung, wie sie sich auf den
Reliefs des ehemaligen Hochaltars des Santo zu
Padua verfindet, verrat, in welch'freier Weise,
man mochte sagen seiner Zeit weit vorauseilend,
er architektonische Formen und Probleme
behandelt, wie er hier schon ganzlich losgelost
von mittelalterlicher Tradition, geradezu in den
altklassischen Formen schwelgte. . . ' and uses this
observation to explain why he includes him with a
separate volume in his work on architecture.
22. Wilhelm von Bode, 'Donatello als Architekt
und Dekorator', Jahrbuch der preussischen
Kunstsammlungen, Vol. 22, 1901, pp. 3-28.
23. Hans Semper, Hervorragende
Bildhauer-Architekten der Renaissance. Mino da
Fiesole, Andrea Sansovino, Benedetto da Rovezano
(George Gilbers: Dresden, 1880). The book
focuses mostly on wall tombs, sarcophagi, and
baptismal fonts. Hans Semper, Donatello. Seine Zeit
und Schule (W. Braumiiller: Vienna, 1875). On
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
Fig. 3. Benedetto da Maiano, pergamo, Sta Croce, Florence, from Heinrich von Geymuller and Carl von
Stegmann, Die Architektur der Renaissance in Toscana (1885 -1908).
architektonisch gedacht' (conceived entirely architectonically)25 (Fig. 2). It is
therefore not surprising that Geymuller's image of Benedetto's pergamo
(pulpit) in Sta Croce should monumentalise it to such a degree that its true
scale ? whether of 'architectural' proportions or more object-like ? was
virtually erased from view (Fig. 3). In keeping with the
late-nineteenth-century focus on Kunstindustrie and its relation to architecture
(after all Riegl had published his Spatromische Kunstindustrie in 1901)
Geymuller turned to the craft aspect of architecture in the final volume of
his opus in which he focused on materials.26 And it is here that echoes of
Burckhardt's 'allgemeiner neuer Styl' resonated most clearly. He noted the
collaborative work and contribution to architecture of workers in marble,
wood, metal, leather, stucco, of the gilders, painters, as well as that of
carpet and fabric weavers suggesting a form of artistic virtuosity and a
bravura performance of manual dexterity that traversed materials and trades.27
Geymuller's insights suggest ways in which architecture entered into a
dialogue with smaller objects and raise the question of how relevant
techniques, craftsmanship, and materials may have been to architectural
design at this stage. The term 'making' is critical here because therein lies
one of the predicaments that architects have faced and often noted, whether
aware explicitly or more intuitively. Architecture's relationship with its
production is vexed: the architect conceives something that is far too large to
be executed by himself. As Alberti carefully notes in De re aedificatoria (II,
1), the building is conceived in the mind and then gradually materialises step
by step by way of drawings, then models, and finally the building materials
themselves.28 The final stage, the building process, is one from which the
architect is essentially excluded: nothing of the actual building is crafted by
his own hand (however large his models, or the profiles for the stone details
Fig. 2. Benedetto da Maiano and Caparra,
torcheres, Palazzo Strozzi, Florence, from
Heinrich von Geymuller and Carl von
Stegmann, Die Architektur der Renaissance in
Toscana (1885-1908).
Donatello Vasari, Le Vite, pp. 311 and 325 states:
'E dando opera all'arte del disegno, fu non pure
scultore rarissimo e statuario maraviglioso, ma
pratico negli stucchi, valente nella prospettiva, e
neH'architettura molto stimato'. It is also
significant that he notes that at Donatello's death
the practitioners of all the three major arts, in
addition to those of goldsmithery, attended (and
hence mourned): 'Dolse infinitamente la morte
sua a' cittadini, agli artefici et a chi lo conobbe
vivo; laonde per onorarlo piu nella morte che e'
non avevano fatto nella vita, gli fecero essequie
onoratissime nella predetta chiesa,
accompagnandolo tutti i pittori, gli architetti, gli
scultori, gli orefici e quasi tutto il popolo di quella
citta.' In addition, the intersections between
Brunelleschi and Donatello that Vasari insists
upon in his narratives of their lives signals the
contamination between these two disciplines, i.e.
sculpture and architecture.
24. Geymiiller, Architektur der Toscana, vol. 4,
p. 2: 'Juwel der dekorativen Kunst. . . Der
Tempietto ist das Modell fur einen Kuppelbau und
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Alina Payne
Fig. 4. Bartolomeo Ammannati and Giorgio Vasari with Bernardino Poccetti, detail of sgraffito fagade,
Palazzo Montalvo, Florence, (photo: Alina Payne.)
he cuts at full scale).29 Nearly a century later Vasari makes this distancing
between 'object' and 'maker' unequivocally clear:
[Architecture's] designs are composed only of lines, which so far as the architect is
concerned, are nothing else than the beginning and the end of his art, for all the rest,
which is carried out with the aid of models of wood formed from the said lines, is
merely the work of carvers and masons.30
Yet this was not an uncontested condition. At the limits of this statement in
which Vasari makes drawing the architect's only real work, there is a tradition in
Florence that sees the sgraffito technique for finishing facades as a way to signal
both making and drawing (Fig. 4). The incised surface of the sgraffito proposes an
alternative to the more traditional sculpted facade ? the apparently carved,
solid core, stone block with orders, sculptures, and niches or heavily
rusticated surfaces ? and in so doing both displays drawing and re-inserts it
back into the materiality of the building. Executed with a sharp instrument
that carved out one layer of stucco following intricate designs and revealed
the black ground beneath, the technique recalls that of a pencil's scratching
on paper. Yet, the process is one of taking away, of carving and creating
relief, albeit very slight, such that the sgraffito is worked into the surface
rather than applied to it like a fresco. Although Vasari attributes this craft to
the painter, as he does all such incising techniques like damaschina, niello,
intarsia, and mosaic, Sebastiano Serlio places sgraffito work squarely in the
tool box of the architect in his Book IV on the orders (1537).31 As an
alternative statement about building displayed prominently on its facade,
sgraffito is a piece of eloquence that makes the drawing (that alone belongs to
the architect's 'manual' work) a concrete, physical entity and presence,
literally embedded in the hard outer surface of the building.
But, aside from this rather unique practice, there is a domain where the
overwhelming scale of the architectural project does not alienate the
architect's hand and that lies half-way between objects and architecture: that
zeigt den feinen Architekten'. Vasari ascribes to
him the facade of the Palazzo Strozzi in Florence;
the engineering feat of erecting the pulpit in Sta.
Croce by hollowing out the pier; the brothers Da
Maiano were also involved in an early plan for the
church of Sta. Maria in Carceri in Prato (which
commission subsequently went to Giuliano da
Sangallo). For an evaluation of the general neglect
of Benedetto's work (though strictly focused on
his sculpture) see Doris Carl, Benedetto da Maiano.
A Florentine Sculptor at the Threshold of the High
Renaissance (Brepols: Turnhout, 2006).
25. Geymuller, Architektur der Toscana, vol. 4,
p. 9: 'Erstere sind als achteckige Tempietti mit
vorgestellten Saulchen an den Ecken, wie in der
Kanzel von S. Croce, ganz architektonisch
gedacht und von Caparra nach dem Modelle B. da
Majanos ausgefuhrt. Dekorativen wirken der
Konsolenfuss und die strahlenartige Bekronung
verzuglich'.
26. Alois Riegl, Spatrdmische Kunstindustrie
(Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: Darmstadt,
1964; 1st edn, Vienna, 1901).
27. Geymuller, Architektur der Toscana, vol. 10,
p. 7: 'Die Geschicklichkeit der Steinmetzen und
Marmorarbeiter, der Holz-, Metall-, und
Lederarbeiter, der Stuckateure, Vergolder und
Maler, der Teppich, und StofFweber u.a.
unterstutzte nicht nur den Architekten in
ungewohnlicher Weise, sondern macht sie oft zu
hochgeschatzten Mitarbeitern selben'.
28. Alberti, On the Art of Building, pp. 11-12.
29. On the practice of full scale models of details
in the work of Brunelleschi for example, as well as
models more generally see Henry A. Millon,
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
is the domain of what in German is called Kleinarchitektur (small architecture).
To this belong ciboria, chancels, altars, tombs, tabernacles, free-standing
chapels, cantorias, pulpits, baptismal fonts, sarcophagi, fountains, and so on.
Indeed, Alois Riegl collected fountains under this heading in his Die
Entstehung der Barockkunst in Rom (1907) and noted their 'kunstgewerbliche'
(applied arts) factum (Fig. 5).33 There are also other scales that belong to
smaller architecture-related objects, though they remain primarily in the
domain of representation: these are micro-architectures ? representations of
architecture on Papal and Episcopal crosiers, or in the form of reliquaries,
caskets, cassoni, torcheres, and candelabra, collector's cabinets (furniture), as
well as representations of architecture on medals and other material worked
in relief (cameos, gems, pottery, etc.) that both take architectural form and
pertain to architecture.34 The fact that Maso di Bartolomeo's reliquary for
the Holy Girdle in Prato Cathedral shared the same fundamental composition
and ornamental forms (the string of dancing putti) with the cathedral's stone
pulpit by Donatello and Michelozzo and that the conceit worked for both (as
it does for Donatello's cantoria in the Duomo) makes the point about
transfers between scales and materials, from sculpture into architecture and
back again most eloquently (Fig. 6). Finally, like Kleinarchitektur and
micro-architecture, the architectural model also alerts to a relationship with
other scales and materials, a relationship that is essential and that brings
architecture into the domain of small objects ? that domain where
experimentation occurs with greater ease because they were executed faster
and at (a relatively) negligible cost. This is the domain of mobile objects, and
that of architectural compositions in furniture, metal work, and other luxury
goods to which many of the multi-skilled artists/architects turned for work.
Many of these Kleinarchitekturen and micro-architectures were executed by
sculptors/architects: doorframes that recall tabernacles by Desiderio da
Settignano; altars and miniature chapels too small to enter other than
kneeling, by Michelozzo or Alberti; architectural cantorie and reliquaries by
Donatello or Maso di Bartolomeo; bronze tondi embedded in marble or
contrafatto in terracotta embedded in stucco by Desiderio or Maso in buildings
by Michelozzo (such as the courtyard facades of the Palazzo Medici); the
pergamo by Benedetto da Maiano and so on (Fig. 7). The reciprocal
relationship between the ornamental factura of all these objects, large and
small, and the architecture to which they are related is such that, when
looking at a complex like the Sala Regia in the (Vatican) rather than focusing
on its many individual components ? like Antonio da Sangallo's finestrone or
the later stuccoes and paintings that decorate the walls ? it might be
legitimate to think of it also as a precious casket turned outside in. Geymuller
intuited some of these transfers across the arts when he analysed the details on
Giuliano da Sangallo's Palazzo Gondi and his Madonna delle Carceri in Prato
and saw them arising from his dexterity as a goldsmith.35 The same may be
said of Francesco di Giorgio's church of Sta. Maria del Calcinaio in Cortona,
with its contrast between the monumental conception of the single space
leading into the dome and the delicate yet crisp and finely chiselled mouldings
and wall articulations in the interior.
And yet, Kleinarchitektur, micro-architecture, and models are not of the same
family, and are quite different sites for a dialogue between architecture and the
other arts. They do not function in the same way, though on the face of it they
are all a miniaturisation of architecture. The model is a replica of the building, a
smaller, reduced copy of the real thing in a material that bears no resemblance
to that of the finished work (most often wood, though Michelangelo used clay
'Models in Renaissance Architecture', in Henry
A. Millon and Vittorio Lampugnani (eds), The
Renaissance from Brunelleschi to Michelangelo
(Bompiani: Milan, 1994), p. 19. Much later
Scamozzi's images of sacome or quartabuoni in his
treatise also suggest such a need to explore
moulding assemblages at full scale. Vincenzo
Scamozzi, L'Idea della Architettura Universale (By the
author: Venice, 1615), pp. 152 and 155.
30. Vasari on Technique, Baldwin Brown (ed.)
(J.M. Dent and Co.: London, 1907), pp. 206-7.
31. Sebastiano Serlio, Tutte l'opere d'architettura
(Giacomo de' Franceschi: Venice, 1619), Book IV,
f. 191v.: 'dico che l'Architetto non solamente dee
prender cura degli ornamenti zirca le pietre, &
circa I marmi, ma dell'opera del pennello ancora,
per ornare I muri: e convien che egli ne sia
l'ordinatore, come padrone di tutti coloro, che
nella fabrica si adoperano'. For Vasari's
description of sgraffito in the introduction to
painting: Vasari, Le Vite, p. 72: 'un'altra sorte di
pittura che e disegno e pittura insieme [. . .] per
ornamenti di facciate di case e palazzi, che piu
brevemente si conducano con questa spezie e
reggono all'acque sicuramente, perche tutti i
lineamenti, invece di essere disegnati con
carbone. . . sono trateggiati con un ferro dalla man
del pittore'.
32. 'Florentine sgrafitto facades in the
Renaissance', lecture delivered in June 2008 and
November 2008 at INHA, Paris and UCL,
London respectively.
33. Alois Riegl, Die Entstehung der Barockkunst in
Rom (Maander: Munich, 1977; 1st ed Vienna,
1907).
34. Most of the work on such objects has been
done in the medieval field. For example see
Achim Timmermann, 'Architectural Vision in
Albrecht Scharfenberg's Jiingerer Titurel ? A Vision
of Architecture?', in Georgia Clarke and Paul
Crossley (eds), Architecture and Language
(Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, UK,
2000), pp. 58-71.
35. Geymiiller, Architektur der Toscana, vol. 5,
p. 3: 'Bereits 1884 in Burckhardts Cicerone, hatte
ich gelengentlich des Pal. Gondi und seiner
Kirche in Prato hervorgehoben, dass die
Detailbildung Giulianos eher eines Goldschmieds
als eines Architekten wiirdig sei'.
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Alina Payne
BBHHHHHHBBHHHHHHHH
Fig. 5. Donatello and Michelozzo, Pulpit, Prato Cathedral, Prato, from Heinrich von Geymuller and Carl von Stegmann, Die Architektur der Renaissance in
Toscana (1885 -1908).
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
Fig. 6. Maso di Bartolomeo, Reliquary box for the Holy Girdle, Duomo, Prato, Scala/Art Resource, NY.
and Brunelleschi apparently wax and even turnips ? i.e. soft materials that
could be moulded and carved).36 In contrast, the Kleinarchitektur is usable as
is; it is not a representation of another. It is at true scale even if that scale is
smaller than true architecture. To be sure models could be at full scale too
? mock-ups of details that were supplied to the stone cutters ? and
sculptors too used occasionally full-scale models, but the one-to-one
relationship stopped at the materials.37 Unlike models, the materials of
Kleinarchitektur are not make-believe (wood or clay standing in for stone),
they are the real materials of architecture ? limestone, marble, granite,
mosaic, etc. As such this genre offers an opportunity to work the material,
to see how and what carving technique works best, to assemble it in real
time and real space, at real scale (albeit an experimental one). Tactility,
surface effects, texture, all can be assessed rather than speculated upon. For
example, Michelangelo's full-scale wooden model of one of the Medici
Chapel wall assemblages would have conveyed much, but not what a room
entirely dressed in marble would look, feel, and sound like.38 However, what
Kleinarchitektur shares with models is the experimentation in three dimensions
that architects always found essential. Alberti certainly presents the model as
the superior medium to drawings (II, 1), and Cellini argues that it is due to
his modelling capacity (particularly in soft, tactile materials like clay) that
Michelangelo achieved supreme status in architecture.39
Models, on the other hand, offered bridges to other materials and making
techniques. The finesse of detail work that they allowed bore resemblance to
that traditionally associated with work in bronze or gilt wood ? bronze
chasing, wood veneering ? and gave objects made of such materials
with which they communicated by way of scale and crafting an opportunity
to 'migrate' into architecture. Architecture and furniture interacted as
36. On Michelangelo's use of full-scale and small
scale models for sculptures and architecture alike
see William Wallace, Michelangelo at San Lorenzo
(Cambridge University Press: New York, 1994),
p. 88. On Brunelleschi's use of turnips see Henry
A. Millon, 'Models in Renaissance Architecture',
p. 21.
37. See note 20 above for Palladio and Scamozzi;
for Benedetto da Maiano's full scale terracotta
models for the pergamo in Santa Croce see Gary
M. Radke, 'Benedetto da Maiano and the Use of
Full Scale Preparatory Models in the
Quattrocento', in S. Bule (ed.), Verrocchio and Late
Quattrocento Italian Sculpture (Le Lettere: Florence,
1992), pp. 217-24.
38. On Michelangelo's wooden model see
William Wallace, Michelangelo at San Lorenzo,
p. 88.
39. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. 34. For
Cellini's views see his letter to Varchi of 28
January, 1546 (part of the latter's paragone
inquiry): Benedetto Varchi - Vincenzo Borghini,
in Paola Barocchi (ed.), Pittura e scultura nel
Cinquecento (Sillabe: Livorno, 1998), pp. 82-3;
and Benvenuto Cellini, in G.G. Ferrero (ed.),
Opere (Unione Tipografico: Turin, 1971),
pp. 980-3. Vasari, Le Vite, p. 111 counters this
view with his own somewhat patronising
description of the sculptor's work: 'E perche
alcuni scultori talvolta non hanno molta pratica
nelle linee e ne'dintorni, onde non possono
disegnare in carta, eglino in quell cambio con
bella proporzione e misura facendo con terra o
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Alina Payne
Viollet-le-Duc very perceptively noted in his Dictionnaire raisonnee du mobilier
francais (1873 ? 1874) both at the level of making and of the dissemination of
forms.40 But what migrated were not only ideas and compositions, but also
the refinement of the extensively elaborated detail such that the windows of
the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino, for example, like the marble frame of a
Desiderio da Settignano Madonna, recall the look of jewellery more than the
look of imperial Roman building details, and the wooden model of the facade
of Florence cathedral by Bernardo Buontalenti ? whose exquisite layering
of thin wooden veneers has much in common with the compressed layers of
his facade of Sta Trinita in Florence ? translates the refinement of the
cabinetmaker's art to monumental scale (Fig. 8). Thus, the model
constituted a vehicle for ideas available in other materials that could
penetrate through trade and basic circulation of objects into a vocabulary of
architecture. Tiles, furniture, or carved boxes that circulated with greater
ease and that carried with them textures and colours (material qualities that
drawings could not) ultimately disseminated forms and ideas, adding a layer
of permeability to architecture that may otherwise not have been there. For
example, like the trade in cloth and its ornament between Florence, Venice,
and the East, the baccini (glazed ceramic plates and bowls) mortared into
church walls at San Piero a Grado (Pisa) or Pomposa (near Ravenna) signal
the ways in which form translated across materials (Fig. 9).41 This area of
study has been more explored in Islamic scholarship, and particularly for the
medieval neriod, but it is a much larger phenomenon that requires further
research. Indeed, nineteenth-century architects sensed this relationship and
it is clearly evident in teaching manuals such as Alfredo Melani's (1886)
where his examples of ornament on faience, painted wood beams, cloth, and
niello show striking similarities and an intuition of possible paths of
transference from one medium to another regardless of scale (Fig. 10).43
Alberti
Such blurring of boundaries is not without referents in the contemporary
Renaissance treatise literature. Alberti certainly suggests continuity between
large and small such that they appear indistinguishable. His famous statement
on the house as a small city effectively extends the analogy and may be seen
to offer one of the earliest definitions of Kleinarchitektur:
If (as the philosophers maintain) the city is like some large house, and the house is in
turn like some small city, cannot the various parts of the house - atria, xysti, dining
rooms, porticoes and so on - be considered miniature buildings? (I, 9)44
The same thought recurs later when he turns to sepulchres:
some consist of chapels, some of pyramids. Some of columns, and others of different
structures, such as cairns and so on. I feel that we must deal with each of them,
individually; to begin with chapels. / would make these chapels as if they were small
temples. (VIII, 3).45
In fact, Alberti offers here a vertical theory of architecture that suggests how the
same principles apply to increasingly small spaces and beyond, crossing the line
to objects. Indeed, he may well be referring to his own Rucellai chapel at San
Pancrazio that inhabits this liminal space between icon, model, object,
architecture, and representation (Fig. II).46
Fig. 7. Maso di Bartolomeo, courtyard
decoration, Palazzo Medici, Florence. (Photo by:
Alina Payne.)
Fig. 8. Bernardo Buontalenti, Wooden model
for the Fagade of Santa Maria del Fiore, Museo
dell'Opera del Duomo, Florence, Scala/Art
Resource, NY.
cera uomini, animali et altre cose di rilievo, fanno
il medesimo che fa colui il quale perfettamente
disegna in carta o in su altri piani'. On the
paragone between the figural arts and architecture
see Alina Payne, 'Alberti and the Origins of the
paragone between Architecture and the Figural
Arts', in A. Calzona, F.R Fiore, A. Tenenti, and
C. Vasoli (eds), Leon Battista Alberti teorico delle arti
(Leo S. Olschki: Florence, 2007), Vol. 1,
pp. 347-68.
40. Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonnee du
mobilier Jrancais (Bibliotheque de 1'image: Paris,
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
Fig. 9. Detail of baccini, San Piero in Grado, Pisa. (Photo by Alina Payne.)
Most important, the smaller scale and crafting of the Kleinarchitektur provide
a moment of direct, physical interaction with materials for the architect/
sculptor, such that the 'building' becomes that actual work of art that it
purports to be ? crafted by hand, from precious materials like marble, by
one or at most a small workshop of artists. And even if not actually crafted
by the architect himself ? at least in Alberti's case ? its uses of the same
materials as the finished building and the same exquisite detailing, provides a
dress-rehearsal, a sense of immediacy, a valuable close-up for how the
materials might behave when installed in large panels on the facade of a
building like Sta Maria Novella for example. Giorgio Dalmata's work at the
Cathedral of Sebenico (in Croatia) is a case in point. Invited to construct the
baptistery first ? a small chapel-like building that he hand crafted from floor
to ceiling creating an innovative vaulting structure as well as ornamental
vocabulary all tied into one ? he was entrusted with the large building once
the first, small-scale bravura piece of Kleinarchitektur convinced the town
notables of his abilities (Fig. 12).47 The fact that the whole building
(the cathedral) was made uniquely of structural stone is not coincidental
seeing that its starting point was a stone sculptural ensemble as
Kleinarchitektur, a feature that Nicola da Firenze, who completed the cathedral
(and who had also sculpted the remarkable chapel of St John of Trogir in
Trogir cathedral), reinforced with his revolutionary design of a barrel vault
executed entirely in stone.48 Its section that follows the trefoil alia veneziana49
has suggested comparisons with an enormous reliquary in stone. L
Sala Regia-as-casket, to which could be added other small buildings-aslike
the Arena Chapel in Padua or Sta Maria dei Miracoli in Venice
sculptor-architect Pietro Lombardi), this comparison may be more ins
than it seems (Fig. 13).50 The translation of a small-scale object
large-scale building (from small box across intermediary scal
monumentalised the reliquary into Kleinarchitektur stone structures for
and ciboria) may be also the result of the artist's move from one med
another.
Wielding tools is not an absolute prerequisite for understandin
materials might shape a design. Despite his distance from both buildin
and workshop Alberti is certainly very sensitive to materials and he m
2005; 1st edn 1873-4), p. 424: 'On etait venu en
France, a cette epoque [xv & xvieme] a faire de
1'architecture en petit lorsqu'on voulait une
armoire, un dressoir'. Viollet-le-Duc understood
furniture and architecture to involve similar
principles.
41. G. Berti and A. Ghidoli, 'Baccini' in
Enciclopedia dell'arte medievale (Istituto della
Enciclopedia Italiana: Rome, 1991), pp. 843-51.
42. In his discussion of the influence of the
Middle East on medieval Western architecture,
Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire du mobilier francais,
p. 420 commented on the role of mobile pieces:
'one does not transport buildings, but one
transports easily a piece of furniture'. See also Eva
R. Hoffman, 'Pathways of Portability: Islamic and
Christian interchange from the tenth to the
twelfth century', Art History, Vol. 24, no. 1, 2001,
pp. 17-50.
43. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. (I, 9);
Melani, L'ornamento policromo.
44. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. 23.
45. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. 249 (VIII,
3) [my emphasis].
46. For this reading see Alina Payne,
'Architecture: Image, Icon or Kunst der
ZerstreuungV', in A. Beyer et al. (eds), Das Auge der
Architektur (C.H. Beck Verlag: Munich, 2010).
47. Goran Niksic, 'Marko Andrijig in Korcula
and Hvar', Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji
37 (Split 1997/8), p. 224.
48. Predrag Markovic, 'L'Architecture
Renaissance en Croatie', in
A. Erlande-Brandenburg and M. Jurkovic (eds),
La Renaissance en Croatie (Reunion des Musees
Nationaux and Galerie Klovicevi: Paris and
Zagreb, 2004), pp. 88-92.
OXFORD ART JOURNAL 32.3 2009 377
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Alina Payne
liOt^S^^^^OtW^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ UUUCO HOEPU EDITORE. MlLANO.
vari tipi di Faentine.
Fig. 10. Various faience ornaments, from Alfredo Melani, L'ornamento policromo (1886).
seen to voice the attitude of his contemporaries. Indeed he assigns to the
materiality of a building a significant share in the pleasure that architecture
arouses in the viewer. Distinguishing the enjoyment that arises from the work
of the hand from that arising from the idea, he argues that:
the pleasure to be found in objects of great beauty and ornament is produced either by
invention and the working of the intellect, or by the hand of the craftsman, or it is
imbued naturally in the objects themselves. [...] the hand is responsible for laying,
joining, cutting, trimming, polishing, and such like, which give the work grace [i.e. craft];
the properties derived from Nature are weight, lightness, density, purity, durability and
the like, which bring the work admiration [i.e. materials]. (VI, 4)51
When it comes to faults he once again separates these domains the better to
draw attention to their specific importance. (IX, 9)52
However, Alberti's most articulate passages on materials are in his sections
on revetments. For him revetments constitute the principal ornament of a
building (though he famously extends this accolade to the column too) and
he classifies them into two categories: applied and attached. To the former
belong nlaster, relief work, and fresco, to the latter panelling, intarsia, and
mosaic. Regardless of the manner of application, what attracts Alberti is
the transformation or metamorphosis a material experiences at the hand of
the craftsman: in his telling, stucco can become mirror or marble, indeed it
can surpass them; the thinnest marble slabs are worked to remarkable polish
and can even take into account optical adjustments; and when in mosaic
work the tessellation is fine enough, 'the more diffuse [is] the splendour of
its sparkle'.54 Indeed, he attends with evident gusto to the effects of finishes,
to the use of oils, gilt, bronze, mother of pearl, to aligning the veining in
marble slabs, to the finesse of joints which, when undulating, tend to
49. For the reference to the reliquary appearance
see Markovic, 'L'Architecture Renaissance en
Croatie', p. 90.
50. Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Die Architektur
der Renaissance in Italien (C.H. Beck: Munich,
2009), p. 121 has noted that the church displays
the decorative skill and bias of Pietro Lombardo
who was primarily a sculptor.
51. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. 159.
52. Alberti, On the Art of Building, pp. 313-4.
53. Alberti, On the Art of Building (VI, 9; IX, 4).
On Alberti s approach to revetments see Christine
Smith, 'Leon Battista Alberti e l'ornamento:
rivestimenti parietali e pavimentationi', in
A. Engel and J. Rykwert (eds), Leon Battista Alberti
(Electa: Milan, 1994), pp. 196-215.
54. Alberti, On the Art of Building, pp. 176, 298
9, and 178.
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
Fig. 11. Leon Battista Alberti, Chapel of the Holy Sepulcher, San Pancrazio, Florence, Scala/Art Resource, NY.
OXFORD ART JOURNAL 32.3 2009 379
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Alina Payne
^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^HnH
Fig. 12. Giorgio Dalmata, Detail of vault, Baptistery, Sibenik Cathedral. (Photo by Alina Payne.)
380 OXFORD ART JOURNAL 32.3 2009
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
disappear.55 He praises the marble clad roof of the Temple of Jerusalem, which
from afar glistens 'like a snow-covered mountain', as he does the gilded bases
and capitals of the Porticus Octaviae or the carved figures in the marble and
alabaster columns of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus (VI, 13). * The
ekphrases of Lucian ('The Hall') or Chrysoloras (on Constantinople)
certainly offered a model for such effusion in the face of buildings that he
had never seen, but the enthusiasm goes beyond the literary or conventional
and rings true.57
Alberti also turns to the transformation of materials at the hands of
craftsmen /architects and more importantly, of objects, into architecture: in
his origin stories wooden columns become stone (as per Vitruvius), clay pots
and tablets, cups, tree bark, foliage and fruit, dishes and vases, baskets and
fruit, beads and flowers become capitals as do bronze vessels. In fact his
compositions are far more heterogeneous than Vitruvius's who merely
imagined a translation from wood into stone and a carving of particular
gendered features (such as for the Ionic, taken from a woman's body)
directly into the stone. A few decades after Alberti, Francesco di Giorgio
also expanded the repertory of objects that translate into ornament and
included gems, earrings, necklaces and other hair ornaments in his visual
description of the Ionic and Corinthian orders. The process seems pictorial at
first blush, but it is more akin to staging: the assemblage is composed in real
space, with real objects just as Callimachus saw them when he passed the
Corinthian maiden's tomb marker. It is only in a second phase that the
heterogeneous objects that make up architectural details and ornaments
morph into a seamless whole; and this happens once they are carved into a
single material, as if drawn on paper. Like paper, marble too unifies the
composition and erases the origins of the parts. The process Alberti outlines
in these stories of origins is paradigmatic for it is precisely that process
through which manifold materials and the forms they are attached to
continued to enter architecture.
Vasari
But for all his interest in materials and crafting in a variety of scales and
assemblages of heterogeneous objects, Alberti does not offer many openings
for a reading of the relationship between Kleinarchitektur, crafts, and
architecture. For this we must turn to Vasari. In his introductions to the
three arts Vasari broaches the subject of materials. It is a portion of his text
which has received less concentrated attention than the proemii, or the
individual lives. But this has not always been so. Quite exceptionally the
introductions to the three arts were singled out and jmblished as a separate
book in 1907 in a volume titled Vasari on Technique. Baldwin Brown, the
author of the introduction acknowledges William Morris as the fountainhead
for the contemporary interest in crafts and materials that led him to produce
this volume, thus once more confirming the connection between
nineteenth-century architectural issues and historical scholarship. Speaking
from this perspective Brown notes that Vasari gives all the crafts to the
painter, and warns that by rights they should belong to the architect's
sphere.59 That was exactly where Burckhardt had located them, under
decoration, as part of architecture ? and it is precisely where the architects,
his own contemporaries, Semper and the nineteenth-century reformers of
the arts alike, sought to place them. For Semper cloth and the art of
vestments, pottery and metal work, furniture making and weaving all
Fig. 13. Pietro Lombardo, Fagade, S. Maria dei
Miracoli, Venice, Cameraphoto Arte/Art
Resource, NY.
55. Alberti, On the Art of Building, p. 177.
56. Alberti, On the Art of Building, pp. 183-4.
57. Lucian, 'The Hall', in A.M. Harmon
(trans.), Lucian, Volume I. Loeb Classical Library
(Harvard University Press: Cambridge, MA,
2006), pp. 176-205. For Chrysoloras's ekphrasis
on Constantinople see Christine Smith,
Architecture in the Culture of Early Humanism
(Oxford University Press: New York and Oxford,
1992), pp. 199-215.
58. Vasari on Technique, see note 30 above.
59. Neither Brown's focus on Vasari's chapters
on materials nor his perspective favouring
architecture should seem surprising. Writing at a
moment of great interest in Sachkultur as well as in
new materials and old, and their manner of
fabrication he responded to the issues that had
most currency in his culture.
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Alina Payne
pertained to the forms of architecture, whether as memories embedded in
ornamental forms or conceptually, as ways of treating surfaces and signal
relationships with the body of the user.60 It should come as no surprise then
that he was also the one who recovered the sgraffito technique for facade
ornamentation (and popularised it in Vienna where it occurs again not
coincidentally on the facade of the Museum fur Kunst und Industrie by
Heinrich von Ferstel), that technique most related to the crafts of scratching,
scoring, and removing materials such as niello, damask fabrics, and engraving.
As we have seen, on the other hand, Vasari places all surface techniques from
sgraffito, niello, damaschina, intarsia (in wood and stone), engraving, and wood
blocks under painting as he does anything, regardless of material, that is
worked with a sharp instrument and produces a line and a flat image on
a flat surface.61 His choices (no doubt conditioned by his desire to establish
disegno as the intersection and fountainhead of the arts) certainly set a
pattern and they contributed to these applied arts being relegated away from
architecture, any bridges between them being thus lost from view.
However, when it comes to architecture and sculpture Vasari's divisions are more
blurred: in his account marbles and stone are used interchangeably by the two arts
and suggest a corresponding possible migration of techniques and ideas. As Vasari
himself points out, various marbles such as the mischio and varieties of pietra serena
'one sees at Rome at the present day both [in] ancient and modern works, such as
columns, vases, fountains, door ornaments, incrustations and various inlays on
buildings, as well as many pieces in the pavements'.62 The same materials are
used elsewhere for nobili statue. Other types, such as 'marbles of a very fine grain
and consistency . .. were continually being made use of by all who carved capitals
and other architectural ornaments'.63 It is this category of carving or intaglio to
which belong 'mouldings, friezes, foliage, eggs, spindles, dentils and shells' that
the orders belong to as well. Indeed, the fact that it is precisely in this context of
materials and carving that he deals with the orders in his Vite has escaped
notice.64 This is a radical departure from the traditional Vitruvian-type of
architectural treatise where the orders are discussed as part of proportions and
temple layouts or evaluations of ancient ruins. Instead, if we look at the chapter of
materials as a whole, in Vasari's description the orders emerge as an in-between
space where the arts meet. It had been like this for Pliny in his Natural History and
although his taxonomy according to materials had certainly been noticed in the
Renaissance, the architects had not followed suit in their treatises. Yet this
in-between space comprises the many sculpted components of architecture (rather
than its masonry) ? that space where craft and material slippages across the arts
could take place. Given that Renaissance architects paid so much attention to the
caryatid story in Vitruvius and thought of columns as living ? or enlivened ?
members of the architectural frame, such exchanges with sculpture are only to be
expected and their absence in the texts all the more surprising.
When it comes to individual lives Vasari reinforces this middle ground of
carving that lies at the intersection of the two arts. Scholars have tended to
focus on the key biographies of major artists when reading the Vite, but the
lesser artists play an important role too in recovering Vasari's conception of the
arts, and, I would argue, they are the ones who, sometimes by their mere
presence in his account, reveal what happened in the every-day practice of art
and how its various branches communicated. As is well known, Vasari is bent
on devising a scheme that buttresses the primacy of design and to this end he
seeks to bring the arts into order: architecture, painting and sculpture become
the three sister arts to which the other art forms are subordinated. And yet he
writes a history and must be true to the lives that he records: as result, and in
60. Although Semper returned to these ideas
often and reworked them in lectures and books,
his treatise remains the most developed location
for his theory of architectural making. For Semper
bibliography see Harry Mallgrave, Gottfried
Semper, Architect of the Nineteenth Century (Yale
University Press: New Haven, 1996) and most
recently N. Winfried and W Oechslin (eds),
Gottfried Semper 1803-1897. Architektur und
Wissenschaft (GTA and Prestel Verlag: Zurich and
Berlin, 2004).
61. Vasari, Le Vite, pp. 72-88.
62. Vasari on Technique, p. 38.
63. Vasari on Technique, pp. 43?44.
64. Vasari, Le Vite, pp. 30 ? 1. The work in which
are carved 'cornice, fogliami, fregi, uovoli,
fusaruoli, dentelli, guscie et altre sorte d'intagli,
in que' membri che sono eletti a intagliarsi da chi
le fa, ella chiama opera di quadro intagliata over
lavoro d'intaglio.' It is to this work 'd'intaglio'
that belong the orders and that is how he comes to
his excursus on the orders.
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
some ways despite his own purpose, Vasari provides a record of art-making that is
sometimes at odds with the scheme he constructs. Thus, in the 1568 edition
Vasari adds a separate life for Sim one Mosca 'unique and rare marble carver'
who 'made divine festoons' ('fece festoni, che sono divinissimi') for the Holy
House at Loreto.65 This seems an unusual addition as he does not credit Mosca
with any independent work except one, his last. But by its mere presence this
biography does, however, indicate the importance of such artists ? neither
sculptor as such nor architect, but one who worked as part of larger teams of
artists gathered around Antonio da Sangallo or Vasari, even Michelangelo himself,
and whose contribution to their larger projects justified the attention Vasari pays
him. In the sensitive description of his work one hears echoes of Desiderio da
Settignano's life (like Mosca a native of the same small town on the outskirts of
Florence), whose 'sweet and graceful' style Vasari associated with a 'love of
contours' ('amor dei contorni') characteristic of the 'rilievi stiacciati'.66
But despite the appearance of Mosca, by the 1560s there are not many such
craftsmen with a sufficiently significant status left whom Vasari can record. By
the close of his modest life, Mosca's one capolavoro remains the chapel in
Orvieto cathedral whose construction he led, and though much praised by
Vasari, one senses that he was the victim of a shift in taste. Invited to Rome
by Pope Julius III as part of Vasari's own team, he is dismissed upon
Michelangelo's disparaging comments on intaglio work which in his view:
although they enrich a work, they confuse the figures, whereas squared work, when it is
well done, is much more beautiful than carving and is a better accompaniment for the
figures, for the reason that figures do not brook other carvings about them ...67.
Among architects Serlio too had been critical of excessive intagli on Roman
triumphal arches whose mouldings were assemblages of carved profiles
without opera di quadro relieving the agglomeration of visual incident.68 The
fine detail work of the stone carver (intagliator) that had made up such a part
of the fifteenth-century Kleinarchitektur as it had of medieval ornament (such
as that on the portals of the Duomo) was apparently no longer relevant and
the amor dei contorni superseded, as were the blurred boundaries between the
minor and monumental arts (Fig. 14). A shift in scale had occurred, what
Burckhardt called conventionelle Verschwollenheit (conventional excessive
swollenness') that accompanied the monumentalisation of architecture that
accelerated in the sixteenth century, and caused the loss of the detail for the
Einzelnen (individual unit) and the loss of the decorative with it.69
A capital by Francesco di Giorgio and a contemporary reliquary share an
aesthetic of detail and craftsmanship, they enter into a dialogue just like the
altar by Michelozzo in San Miniato with Giuliano da Sangallo's later vestibule
in Sto. Spirito, or Alberti's San Pancrazio chapel and the Desiderio da
Settignano's Marsuppini tomb. There seems to be a smooth transition from
one scale to another, and even if there is an enlargement, it does not affect
the quality or amount of the detail. From this perspective, the Medici Chapel
in San Lorenzo (Florence) is perhaps the last time this kind of dialogue
between scales is still at work. As is well known, Michelangelo considered a
carved tomb structure placed in the middle of the space and eventually
moved to one envisaging the whole architectural space as tomb ? it is as if
the original catafalque-like free-standing 'object' had exploded and leaving
the centre void had attached itself in discrete pieces along the walls, floor,
and ceiling. The object has become a space in an inversion of inside and
outside (Fig. 15).
Fig. 14. Detail of marble doorframe, South
transept portal, Duomo, Florence. (Photo by:
Alina Payne.)
65. In the 1550 edition Mosca was included in
Antonio da Sangallo's life. Vasari, Le Vite, p. 821.
66. Vasari, Le Vite, Vol. 5, p. 49 and 418.
67. Giorgio Vasari, in Gaston C. de Vere (trans.),
Lives of the Painters, Sculptors, and Architects (Alfred
A. Knopf: New York, 1996), p. 380. Giorgio
Vasari, in Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi
(eds), Le Vite de' piu eccellenti pittori scultori e
architettori (Sansoni: Florence, 1967; 1st edn,
Giunti: Florence, 1568), Vol. 5, p. 344: 'se bene
aricchiscono l'opere, confondono le figure, la
dove il lavoro di quadro, quando e fatto bene, e
molto piu bello che 1'intaglio e meglio
accompagna le statue'. Despite his later criticism
in the 1520s, Michelangelo had tried to hire
Mosca (or El Moscha) to work on the moldings of
the Medici Chapel. See William Wallace,
Michelangelo at San Lorenzo, p. 126.
68. The criticism occurs in Book III, on
antiquities. Serlio, Tutte l'opere d'architettura, Book
III, f.106 v.
69. Jacob Burckhardt, Der Cicerone (C.H. Beck
and Schwabe & Co. AG: Basel and Munich,
2001), Vol. 2, p. 192.
OXFORD ART JOURNAL 32.3 2009 383
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Alina Payne
^^^^^H PvAiy ^^ Tji fPWn ^^^^HCn^^N I*
Fig. 15. Michelangelo Buonarroti, Medici Chapel, from Heinrich von Geymuller and Carl von Stegmann, D/'e
Architektur der Renaissance in Toscana (1885 -1908).
Like his fifteenth-century predecessors Michelangelo and his closely
supervised team of skilled sculptors carved the stone; the smallest details are
in marble and received the same treatment as the figures ? the same level of
finish. The whole chapel is and comes across as one huge, continuous piece
of sculpture. The high quality of the 'statuario' marble used throughout, on
walls, blind openings, doorframes, architectural elements, and the
freestanding sculptures force this reading.70 The whole ground level presents
itself as a monolithic entity placed within an open portico of grey pietra
serena pilasters that engage in a dialogue with Brunelleschi's Old Sacristy.71 It
is no wonder that the artists, when permitted to view it, were amazed and
dumbfounded.72 Here the scale of the Kleinarchitektur and architecture merge
into each other, and touch, they are one: the viewer is invited into the
centre of the 'object' and forced to close-up view (Fig. 16). The equivalence
between crafted 'object' and monumental architecture cannot be pushed any
further. When subsequently Michelangelo turned to St Peter's the enormous
scale placed him before the impossibility of translating craft from sculpture
into architecture. Even as he changed the stone facing into structural stone
(as Vitale Zanchettin has recently shown), that is, as he sought to make the
building one solid stone organism like his sculptures, the gigantic scale
precluded the attention to the detail that can be lavished on a single piece of
sculpture.73 Over-sized stone members designed for monumental effect and
the distant view preclude any intimacy with the detail and crafting that need
to have the viewer up close. As Gaston Bachelard and Susan Stewart have
70. On Michelangelo's very close supervision of
the quality of his crew's work and his choice of
marble (which he selected himself on site in
Carrara) see William Wallace, Michelangelo at San
Lorenzo, pp. 125 and 85.
71. On the dialectic between white marble as
'modern work' and the pietra serena as a reference
to Brunelleschi see Pietro Ruschi, 'La Sagrestia
Nuova, metamorfosi di uno spazio', in Pietro
Ruschi (ed.), Michelangelo architetto a San Lorenzo
(Mandragora: Florence, 2007), pp. 35-6.
72. Vasari, Le Vite (1568), Vol. 6, pp. 54-5.
73. Vitale Zanchettin, 'Le verita della pietra.
Michelangelo e la costruzione in travertino di San
Pietro', in Georg Satzinger and Sebastian Schiitze
(eds), Sank Peter in Rom 1506-2006 (Hirmer:
Munich, 2008), pp. 159-74.
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Materiality, Crafting, and Scale in Renaissance Architecture
*, - Fig.
16. Mich
Sacristy), San L
argued th
emphasis o
'accelerate
communica
etc. sever
comprehen
unity of t
maker's. P
physical c
architectu
continued
list of way
connection
hearing, smell, and even taste come into play.75 Likewise, Kleinarchitektur
continued to be produced, but the tight relationship of exchange with the
architecture of large buildings would become increasingly tenuous, though
architects ? all the way to Hector Guimard, Gerrit Rietveldt, and Mies van
der Rohe ? would continue to push against this barrier, and would seem
(and be evaluated as) anachronistic when they tried. Even if Michelangelo's
last titanic effort was without a future, the creative dialogue between
architecture and the other arts across the crafts at the level of Jactura had
lasted a good long while.
What do objects, materials, and scale in architecture offer a Renaissance
scholarship that 'looks awry'? In the first instance they raise the issue of
crafting, a feature traditionally discussed with respect to medieval work and
far less with respect to Renaissance architecture for which it is almost
written out of its history.76 As far as architecture goes, the prevailing line of
Renaissance scholarship has looked to an intellectualised world, one in which
perspective and mathematics, proportional harmony and literary pursuits,
humanistic exegesis, and theoretical concerns form the boundaries of its
74. Gaston Bachelard, The Poetics of Space (Beacon
Press: Boston, MA, 1994), pp. 148-82; Susan
Stewart, On Longing (Duke University Press:
Durahm and London, 1993), pp. 37-69.
75. Scamozzi, L'Idea dell'architettura universale,
vol. 2, pp. 194?5 deals with this topic in Book
VII dedicated to materials: 'Non e dubio alcuno,
che per la cognitione delle pietre, e molto meglio
a saper la natura di esse in genere, non che sia
possibile saperlo di specie in specie; perche
sarebbono come individui, de' quale il sito, le
positure, & anco le proprie falde tra esse sono
molto differenti; ne si puofar certo giudicio di esse se
non toccandole col scalpello. Le pietre si possono
conoscere sensatamente, perche quando sono piu
forti, e dure si vede parimente, c'hanno del lustro,
& alcune scintille salinge: alTorecchio un sono
pieno, e sonoro; e specialmente ne'pezzi grandi:
al odore rendono non so che di solfo, o corneo,
massime quando si battono co'marrtelli da'denti,
overo che si raschiano col'taglio de'ferri: al gusto
manca qualita, e sapore delle altre; come quelle
c'hanno piu dell'humido, che del terreo, e
finalmente al tatto elle sono piu gravi, e pesanti
dale altre. Ancora con TAiito si consocono quelle
pietre, che sono piu dure, e dense delle altre' [my
emphasis]. Likewise Federico Zuccaro defines
architecture as similar to sculpture (though
admittedly as part of an effort to reinforce the
connection between the arts under the auspices of
the academy) and the Accademia della Crusca and
Filippo Baldinucci define the architect as one who
works the stone or is a 'fabro o artefice',
respectively. See Detlef Heikamp (ed.), Scritti
d'arte di Federigo Zuccaro, (Olschki: Florence,
1961), p. 264. See entry 'architetto' in Vocaholario
della Crusca (Florence, 1612), s.v.; and the entry
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Alina Payne
discourse, and, in doing so, keep it away from the crafts and the artisan's
workshop. This is not to say that scholarship on the architectural chantier has
not developed apace, both with respect to particular building operations that
lasted centuries (such as the Duomo in Florence) and from the perspective of
a developing architectural profession.77 But what if beyond managing the
building site with all its complexities making also remained a fundamental
issue and problem of artistic performance for architecture? What if making
contributed its own aesthetics at a point when the architect was as yet not
entirely distanced from manual work?78 What if the architect/sculptors of
the Quattrocento represented an important moment for architecture that the
post-Wolfflin reading of the High Renaissance as the 'serious' (read:
important) Renaissance, its classical fulfilment, vis-a-vis the 'merry' and
'gracefully pleasing' bourgeois art of the previous century has obscured?79
And what if contrary to the modernist strong architect myth that privileged
the individual genius and the large-scale enterprise, the Renaissance architect
had also dealt in the small scale, the delicate and the precious and it had left
a positive imprint on his monumental work? And finally, how might this way
of rethinking Renaissance architecture destabilise traditional narratives of the
culture as a whole for which after all, it served as physical context, stage set,
and backdrop? It will take some time to answer all these questions, but in
the meantime perhaps Burckhardt's allgemeiner neuer Styl signalling as it does
a common taproot from which all arts and crafts drew their life juices might
be a starting point for reflecting upon the complex process of transfers
between them.
'architettura' in Filippo Baldinucci, Vocabolario
toscano dell'art el disegno (Santi Franchi: Florence,
1681), s.v.
76. See most recently Wolf-Dietrich Lohr,
'Dante's Tafelchen, Cenninis Zeichenkiste.
Ritratto, disegno und fantasia als Instrumente der
Bilderzeugung in Trecento', Perspektiven
mediavistischer Forschung, vol. 13, no. 1, 2008,
pp. 148-79. It is also indicative of scholarly
trends that among the essays collected in Marmi
antichi that look to the use and reuse of ancient
marbles in later work, there should be only one
essay dealing with the Renaissance, and this one
focusing on the later period and into the
seventeenth century.
77. For example Odette Chapelot (ed.), Du
projet au chantier: maitres d'ouvrage et maitres d'ceuvre
aux XlVe-XVle siecles (EHESS: Paris, 2001);
Claudia Conforti and Andrew Hopkins (eds),
Architettura e tecnologia: acque, tecniche e cantieri
nell'architettura rinascimentale e barocca (Nuova
Argos: Rome, 2002).
78. See Paul Joannides, 'Michelangelo, profile di
base di colonna', in Sergej Androsov and
Umberto Baldini (eds), L'Adolescente dell'Ermitage e
la Sagrestia Nuova di Michelangelo, (M&M:
Florence, 2000), pp. 132-4 who has tentatively
suggested that the contour of Michelangelo's
sagome for the Medici Chapel column bases that
differ from his drawn profiles resulted in part
from the act of cutting the paper sagome (used as
full scale 'models' by the workshop) that
constituted a creative moment in its own right.
79. See especially Heinrich Wblfflin's necessarily
reductive definition of the Renaissance to set up a
powerful dialectic to the Baroque in Renaissance
und Baroque (1888), and his definition of the High
Renaissance in Klassische Kunst (1899) that lay at
the basis of subsequent scholarly evaluations. On
the repercussions of this trend for scholarship on
sculpture see Carl, Benedetto da Maiano, pp. 13 ?
17; on the broader context for such Renaissance
and Baroque readings and their outcomes see
Alina Payne, 'Alois Riegl and the Beginning of
Baroque Studies', in Alois Riegl, The Development
of Baroque Art in Rome (The Getty Research
Institute: Santa Monica, 2010).
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