22
Inventories as Material and Textual Sources for Late
Medieval and Early Modern Social, Gender and Cultural
History (14th-16th
centuries)
Christina Antenhofer
With the renewed interest in material culture, not only the objects but also
the written sources in which objects are documented get increasing attention.
However, the focus is most often not directed to the sources themselves
but rather to what they convey on objects of the past. Such an approach
tends to reduce the sources to mere ‘quarries’ for information. This
observation is particularly true for the paradigmatic source on objects, the
inventory, which so far has received little attention as a specific type of
source. Starting from a sample of 138 princely Italian and German inventories
from the 14th and 16th centuries, which are complemented by a comparison
with urban inventories, this paper points out the quality of textual
thingness of inventories regarding them both as texts and objects. The
thesis I propose is that inventories can become primordial documents for
social, gender and cultural history if their narrative quality is taken seriously.
***
Mit dem erneuerten Interesse an der materiellen Kultur geraten nicht nur
die Dinge, sondern auch die schriftlichen Quellen über Objekte in den Fokus.
Das Interesse ist jedoch meist nicht auf die Dokumente selbst gerichtet, sondern
auf ihre Aussagekraft über historische Artefakte. Ein solcher Zugang
reduziert die Quellen zu reinen Steinbrüchen für Informationen. Dies gilt in
besonderem Maß für die paradigmatische Quelle zu Objekten, das Inventar,
das als Quellengattung selbst kaum Aufmerksamkeit erfuhr. Ausgehend
von einem Korpus von 138 fürstlichen Inventaren aus dem italienischen und
deutschen Kontext des 14. und 16. Jahrhunderts, ergänzt um Vergleiche mit
städtischen Inventaren, arbeitet dieser Beitrag die spezielle Charakteristik
von Inventaren in ihrer textuellen Dinghaftigkeit heraus, indem sie sowohl
als Texte wie als Artefakte betrachtet werden. Nur wenn Inventare in
ihrer narrativen Qualität ernst genommen werden, so die These, können sie
als erstrangige Quellen für die Sozial-, Geschlechter- und Kulturgeschichte
fungieren.
Recommended Citation:
Antenhofer, Christina: Inventories
as Material and Textual
Sources for Late Medieval and
Early Modern Social, Gender
and Cultural History (14th-
16th centuries), in: MEMO 7
(2020): Textual Thingness /
Textuelle Dinghaftigkeit,
S. 22-46. Pdf-Format, doi:
10.25536/20200702.
Textual Thingness stands at the core of the following contribution with regard
to the most typical type of document for investigating historical objects,
namely inventories. Despite the fact that inventories have attracted the interest
of researchers since the 19th century in search for historical artefacts and
curiosities, they have hardly ever been at the focus as historical sources in
Featured Image	
Fresco painting 1420-1430, South
Tyrol. Institute for Medieval and
EarlyModern Material Culture, Image
No. 002841. Accessible via REALonline:
https://realonline.imareal.sbg.
ac.at/detail/nr-002841/.
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
23
their own right. When speaking about textual thingness, however, inventories
are among the most fascinating sources regarding this question from at least
two points of view: 1) Despite their great variety, inventories as a matter of
principle can be classified as documents which translate objects into words.1
They are therefore the document par excellence concerning the question how
historical texts produced and reproduced material objects. 2) Moreover, beside
its textual quality, the inventory itself can be looked at as a material object.
In fact, inventories are more than just the written texts. Their material
form conveys a whole range of information which adds to the narration of the
inventory and is vital for interpreting the inventories and the textual things
named there. This paper therefore aims at presenting inventories both as textual
and material sources regarding historical objects.
However, the focus here will not be on the objects per se, but on objects
brought back into their manifold relationships existing basically between people,
things and spaces. In doing so, the paper wants to stress the fact that
inventories are not only important sources for the history of historical objects,
but in view of the new approaches to material culture2 they become primary
sources for social, gender3 and cultural history. Inventories can be read as narratives
on people’s lives, shaped via the objects they possessed during their
lifetime. It is this narrative quality of inventories as sources which stands at
the core of this contribution considering both their textual as well as their material
quality.4 While their potential as sources for art and economic history
has already been well explored in recent times, the thesis I propose is that the
potential of inventories as sources for the social, cultural and above all gender
history of premodern times remains yet to be explored. In order to fully exploit
the capacity of information inventories offer in this perspective, however, they
need to get attention as historiographic sources in their own right.
In the following, I will start with a brief overview on research on inventories
(chapter 1). In a second step, attention will turn to inventories as texts: chapter
2 explores basic differentiations of different types of inventories, chapter 3
considers functions of inventories while chapter 4 treats different occasions
for inventorying processes. The final chapter of the paper will then address the
material quality of the inventory as an object.
This analysis is based on research I conducted on inventories, testaments
and marriage contracts from German and Italian courts of the 14th and 15th
centuries, involving the houses of the Habsburg, Wittelsbach, Württemberg,
Görz, Tirol, Visconti, Sforza and Gonzaga.5 Altogether I analyzed 138 inventories
and lists, and I realized that there are many different forms in which
texts survive that we simply call inventories. Analyzing the textual as well as
the material form of the sources are essential keys to understand the manifold
meanings of the inventory as document type and the varied purposes such
documents were made for in their original contexts.
1	 See Keating/Markey 2011, p. 209: “inventories attempt to translate material things into linguistic
statements.”
2	 See Samida/Eggert/Hahn (eds.) 2014; Latour [1999] 2010a; Latour [2005] 2010b; briefly
summarized in Antenhofer 2020.
3	 On the importance of a specific gendered look on material culture see Dempsey et al. 2019.
4	 See in this respect also Freddolini/Helmreich 2014.
5	 This essay is based on core chapters of my forthcoming habilitation thesis: Antenhofer 2021.
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24
1.  Inventories as a Research Topic: From Lists of
Objects to Historiographic Narratives
Inventories count among the neglected or certainly underestimated historical
sources. In fact, for most of the time they have been regarded simply as lists
of objects, and historians and art historians have used them above all to identify
specific artefacts, most often the very precious ones. Art historians have
used them to trace back pieces of arts, identify collected items or to search
for pieces of arts that no longer exist.6 Linguists on the other hand have used
them as lists of words, and unsurprisingly, the Glossarium mediæ et infimæ latinitatis
by Du Cange7 for example often mentions inventories as sources for the
use of certain words.
It seems as if for a long time inventories were of little interest for their
quality as sources and were only exploited in search of information and data
they convey. In fact, there is no valid study on the specific characteristics of
inventories as a type of source. Traditional introductions to medieval sources
neglect inventories or simply summarize them under administrative sources.8
Lists – so it seemed – are not texts, but only administrative side products like
for instance accounts.9 Similar to such administrative sources, in the Middle
Ages they had little chance to survive and be passed on to the present. A second
misunderstanding concerned the view of inventories as very objective and
to some extent ‘naïve’ sources: they were just lists of things, nothing more;
therefore, they certainly spoke the truth.10
Although interest in inventories has been very articulate starting from the
late 19th century with the approaches of the older cultural history (Kulturgeschichte),11
there exist hardly any systematic works on inventories. Starting
with the 19th century, inventories were above all searched for and edited for
specific social groups or regions with a focus on the mentioned objects.12 Surviving
from this time period there are very important editions of inventories,
which had often been published in journals for regional or local history. Starting
with the interest in social and economic history of the post war era inventories
became an important source for these branches of historical research.
Historians, above all those of modern times, subsequently used inventories as
serial sources.13 Their highly regular structure made them primary sources for
quantitative analyses, and they were often reduced to mere sources of data.
Gabriela Signori warned us that with such computer based serial analyses the
sources literally die a “formalized” death on the dissecting table of the historian
specialized in digital methods.14
The new approaches of cultural history and history of consumption have
seen a new rise of studies in inventories, and it is now that the inventories
6	 Cf. e.g. Lhotsky 1941–1945; see on this focus of art history on inventories from the 19th century
to the present Keating/Markey 2011.
7	 Du Cange et al. 1883–1887.
8	 Briefly mentioned in: Lhotsky 1963.
9	 See on the ephemeral quality of accounts Mersiowsky 2000.
10	 See for this critique already Jaritz 2009.
11	 See e.g. the fundamental work of Schlosser [1908] 1978.
12	 For instance Zingerle’s work on the Tyrolean inventories can be mentioned in this context:
Zingerle 1909, or Ficker’s on an early bridal inventory: Ficker 1881; see also the overview on
printed inventories of the 19th century: Mély/Bishop (eds.) 1892–1895.
13	 See e.g. van der Woude/Schuurman (eds.) 1980.
14	 Signori 2001, p. 61.
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25
themselves are regarded under new points of view.15 Still they remain important
sources for the search of objects and get renewed attention with the
interest turned to objects in the so called material turn.16 However, it is no
longer the search for specific, very outstanding objects but rather for all kinds
of objects placed in their contexts and in relations, in networks of human and
non-human actors of history which stands at the core of interest.17 Two main
approaches in the newer research on inventories seem above all crucial for an
understanding of these documents as sources on social, gender and cultural
history:
1.	Inventories are texts, and they can be read as such, even if their form
is that of a list.18 The most recent studies pay attention to the fact that inventories
like other texts do not give a complete or objective picture of the
historical facts, but that they have to be regarded as narratives19 with their
own fictional character20 and performative quality.21 Gerhard Jaritz for example
spoke about the stories inventories tell. He paid attention to the fact that
inventories neither tell everything, nor do they necessarily tell the truth. They
hide objects, most often because they only mention precious artefacts. People
wanted to show off with the precious objects they possessed, and the inventory
serves this special rhetoric. You will not find simple things made of wood
or terracotta in inventories, although this is exactly what we find in archaeological
excavations.22 Edoardo Rossetti and the authors of his volume on Milanese
inventories of patrician houses also highlight the blanks in inventories of
Renaissance households. They, however, stress legal reasons: people did not
want to mention all the objects they possessed in the presence of authorities.
Especially in the case of inheritance or attachment of property people tried to
hide the most precious objects so they might not have to give them away.23
2.	Inventories talk about the lives of the people who owned the objects –
and they are neither complete nor are they neutral.24 Inventories convey perspectives
of the people who owned the artefacts but also about institutions
who forced people to record their belongings for different reasons. One such
reason could be that they were forced to attach property or even sell it, e.g.
in cases of guardianship. Very often inventories are part of legal procedures
and thus part of power regimes resulting in conflicts over mobile property. We
should never forget that it must have been humiliating in many cases to list
one’s own property out of need, property linked to personal stories and meanings
or generally property that built people’s social status.25 Evelyn Welch has
directed our attention to the fact that Florentine patrician women were often
forced by their husbands to pawn their jewels, and consequently they refused
15	 To mention some of the most important: Fey 2007; Friedhoff 2006; Seelig 2001; Rossetti
2012; Riello 2013; Ertl/Karl 2017.
16	 See Samida/Eggert/Hahn (eds.) 2014.
17	 See Antenhofer 2020.
18	 See also Freddolini/Helmreich 2014.
19	 Normore 2011.
20	 Orlin 2002.
21	 Wilson 2018.
22	 Jaritz 2009.
23	 Rossetti (ed.) 2012; above all Covini 2012.
24	 See Antenhofer 2019b.
25	 Handzel mentions that for nobles inventorying processes could be regarded as humiliating
their sense of honour, Handzel 2011, p. 66 with reference to Pelus-Kaplan/Eickhölter 1993,
p. 284 on behalf of inventories of Lübeck.
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
26
to leave their houses for shame of being seen in public without their jewels.26
This is illustrated by the example of Bianca Maria Sforza, the second wife of
Emperor Maximilian I, who in 1505 could not meet ambassadors any more
since out of lack of money she did not possess any clothes worthy for that.27
The history of objects is thus also a history of shame and power, of being visible
or invisible, especially in the gendered perspective regarding the visibility
of women.
2.  Inventories as Texts: Basic Typology of Inventories
How can inventories be defined? Generally speaking they are lists of things;
however, such lists can have different forms and the question arises on how
lists, registers, inventories and catalogues28 interrelate. In fact, there is no
clear definition of what an inventory is, and different types of sources can be
subsumed under this notion. This becomes evident regarding how the term is
used in literature on the topic and also in the sources.29 In a very specific sense
inventory can be regarded as a legal term.30 However, in the practical use as to
be found in historical sources and respective terminologies the term is applied
in a far broader sense, as will be shown in this essay. To organize the different
meanings I suggest to look at three basic distinctions:
1.	One basic aspect regards the difference between inventories with explicit
legal character and other registers (Verzeichnisse) of things as instruments
of administration.31
2.	A second aspect is the temporal horizon of the inventory, i.e. the question
if it is a completed document which (only) records the status quo of recorded
things in a given moment in time, or if it was a register considered to be continued.
This results in the distinction between the static and the dynamic inventory
– a difference I will further work out in the second part of this essay.
3.	Finally, a third fundamental difference concerns the semantic horizon of
the inventory. In fact, there are inventories which relate to a given space (most
often a house) while other inventories relate to a person. I therefore distinguish
between space-related and person-related inventories, a difference which
26	 Welch 2008, pp. 45–65.
27	 Antenhofer 2019a; Weiss 2010, p. 122.
28	 On the question of the catalogue see above all Findlen 1996, pp. 36–37; on the relationship
between inventory and catalogue see Freddolini/Helmreich 2014; on questions of terminology
see also Fey 2007; Andermann 1987; Friedhoff 2006; as well as the introduction of Ertl/
Karl 2017.
29	 See e.g. Barbot 2011. Literally inventory simply means the “ensemble of what has been
found” („Gesamtheit des Gefundenen“), cf. Kluge 1999, p. 405.
30	 „1. INVENTARIUM, Descriptio rerum, quæ post alicujus decessum in illius bonis reperiuntur.
Ulpianus leg. 1. D. de Administ. et periculo tutor.: (26, 7.) Tutor, qui repertorium non fecerit,
quod vulgo Inventarium appellatur. Occurrit non semel in Legibus Wisigoth. et apud Scriptores
practicos.“ Du Cange et al. 1883–1887, t. 4, col. 409b, http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/
INVENTARIUM1.
31	 I do not distinguish between the use of object and thing given the different discussions on
this question. To sum up two opposing approaches: Bruno Latour speaks of things in an
active sense, while object is regarded as the passive reified term in opposition to the human
active subject, a negative term, usually rejected in new approaches which tend to highlight
the agency of things. See Latour 2010a, 286; 295. Another view regards things as the general
unspecific term for (unimportant) items, while individual items, which are given more attention
and meaning can be called objects. See on this distinction in view of items recorded
in bills Gruber 2019, pp. 42–43. – For a general view on the philosophical impact of the term
thing (above all via Heidegger) see Daston 2004. – On the legal aspects of inventories see
Löffler 1977.
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27
has important implications from the point of view of gender history. Typically
probate inventories are space-related in so far as they record objects stored
in a house. They usually follow a spatial structure along the way on which the
scribes responsible for the inventorying processes went through the house.32
These kinds of inventories are more often related to the belongings of men,
since they usually owned the house and remained there,33 leading to the fact
that male post mortem inventories in the case of princes tend to become court
inventories.34 Person-related inventories on the other hand typically record
belongings of women, namely brides who were not (entirely) bound to a given
house. These source types are highly dominated by female belongings, above
all in Italian Renaissance archives, leading to the fact that Edoardo Rossetti
guesses in his volume on inventories that the mobile interior of houses was
mostly provided by women.35 Person-related inventories usually do not follow
a spatial structure but are rather organized along categories of objects, such as
silver, textiles, etc.36
This fundamental distinction is essential for understanding the limited perspective
of inventories: In fact, personal items belonging to individual people
and other mobile items often are not recorded in space-related inventories
since they were not considered as part of the buildings. A fact which led some
historians to the wrong assumption that late medieval Tyrolean castles were
hardly furnished.37 This (wrong) impression resulted from the fact that castle inventories
only recorded items that permanently belonged to the single castle.38
Basically, we can thus distinguish the following three main types of
inventories.
Inventory (in the strict sense) Register (broader concept of inventories)
Legal instrument Instrument of administration
Static – concluded (given moment of time) Dynamic – to be continued (open temporal
horizon)
Person-related Space-related
Table 1	 Three basic types of inventories.
These types are not to be considered as strictly separate, but they usually
overlap, as has been shown before. This is above all evident in the case of probate
inventories, which at the same time register belongings of a person and
objects in a building; they are static, and of course legally binding. Therefore,
32	 A good example is the post mortem inventory of count Eberhard of Württemberg, edited
in Molitor 2008, pp. 322–334. However, Handzel points out in his study on Austrian probate
inventories of the 16th century that some of them were organized according to categories
of objects, and some others mixed spatial structures and object categories. Nevertheless
he assumes that in a first step probate inventories always were recorded following
spatial structures. Likewise, inventories recorded in the case of changes of administration
(Pflegschaftsinventare) show both kinds of organization, see Handzel 2011, pp. 61–62. Normore
points out mixed principles of organization according to spaces and/or categories of
objects for Burgundian inventories, see Normore 2011, pp. 219–220.
33	 See the results of Riello 2013 who, however, generalizes his argument concluding that inventories
mostly record male belongings, see p. 136.
34	 Ferrari (ed.) 2003.
35	 Rossetti 2012, p. 15. This is very similar in the Jewish context, see Olszowy-Schlanger 1998.
36	 See the bridal inventory of Paula Gonzaga, countess of Görz, from 1478, edited in Antenhofer
2019b.
37	 Maleczek 1982. Handzel notes that inventories of tutelage (Pflegschaftsinventare) were always
“poorer” than probate inventories, see Handzel 2011, p 63.
38	 See for castles also Herrmann 1998, esp. p. 87.
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these types should be rather considered as extreme vertices of a continuum
which covers the entire range of possible forms.
3.  Inventories as Texts: Functions of Inventories
The basic function of inventories results from the term itself: They are instruments
used to find objects. For this purpose items needed to be recorded as
exactly as possible.39 Therefore, objects had to be described in such detail to
be identifiable. As Fey already pointed out, it was then a secondary aspect to
record the value of goods as well.40
As the newer approaches to inventories have highlighted, they are, however,
not neutral, objective sources which only “record things in lists”. Like
other historiographic texts inventories, too, are shaped by intentions of authors
and strategies.41 Similarly, the recent works on the urbarium have likewise
stressed that they need to be read from the perspective of cultural history
and therefore must be integrated into their communicative contexts.42
It is only by integrating inventories in the contexts of their making and thus
reading them as texts and narratives that they can be interpreted in a broader
sense, offering insights into social, gender and cultural history.
In order to systematize the functions linked to the contexts of the inventorying
processes we can distinguish three basic purposes: 1) legal reasons, 2)
administrative purposes and 3) representative aspects. The final category also
includes functions of memoria and historiography as well as symbolic communication
and the iconic quality of the text.43
The legal function is the easiest to identify. Legally binding inventories
need to have forms of accreditation. These can be seals, the mentioning of
witnesses, accreditation by a notary or the form of a chirography. The latter
applies for instance to the bridal inventory of Blanca of England from 1402.44
These forms of accreditation can be reinforced by the naming of the issuer or
even writer of the inventory, the date and place and the circumstances of its
making. Often such information is given at the beginning or the end of the
inventory. However, even if inventories do not show such signs of verification
they can still be used for legal purposes. This for example applied to inventories
and account books of merchants, which could be used in legal cases of e.g.
insolvency, even though they were penned by the merchants themselves.45
Generally speaking, inventories were always drafted to account for a stock of
goods.
39	 Metz mentioned already for the Carolingian Brevium exempla the close connection with Latin
glossaries. They were used for recording the agricultural reality for economic purposes
and at the same time provided lexicographic lists of plants and animals or tools inspired by
ancient tradition, see Metz 1953; from a legal perspective Mohrmann 2012.
40	 Fey 2007, p. 473.
41	 Jaritz 2009; Freddolini/Helmreich 2014. On the historiographic quality of lists see also Certeau
1991, esp. pp. 115–129. Lazzari talked about writing as a form of conservation, see Lazzari
2008.
42	 Sablonier 2002, pp. 97–98; generally Meier/Sablonier (eds.) 1999.
43	 For the urbaria Sablonier and others have distinguished 4 basic functions: 1) marking sovereign
claims, 2) guaranteeing process safety and reliability, 3) internal organizing and arranging, 4)
building of tradition and historiography, cf. Sablonier 2002, esp. pp. 98–112; Egloff 1999.
44	 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (BayHStA) München Geheimes Hausarchiv (GHA) Hausurkunden
(HU) 2560, 8 July 1402; BayHStA GHA HU 2559, 7 July 1402.
45	 See Tonelli 2012, pp. 49–69, with examples from Milan of the 17th century.
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All questions regarding the representative function of inventories are related to
its material shape, which will be discussed in the next chapter. Moreover, also
the opening or concluding part of the inventory – which we might call protocol
and eschatocol as it has been suggested for account books46 – can provide
information concerning this representative function of inventories. The bridal
inventory of Antonia Visconti from 1380 for example opens with blessings and
quotations from the bible and humanist authors in order to underline the cultural
capital of the bride and her family.47
The administrative function is closely connected to the first two purposes.
Mere registers of administrations (which I tend to call registers instead of inventories)
are marked by the absence of signs of verification as well as by the
lack of representative elements. Here we can find all forms of simple concepts
on single sheets of paper, smaller books or even larger codices. Often such
registers as well as inventories were first prepared via single lists which were
then later bound to books.48 Frequently the final inventory mentions different
books which had been used to compile one final document, similar to
procedures known from accounting. This was the case for the register of the
wardrobe of Bianca Maria Sforza, second wife of Maximilian I., which covered
nearly her entire life as Roman queen from 1494 to 1508. Her head of wardrobe
compiled it most probably after her death using different books he had
obviously kept continuously to document his work.49 Often people responsible
for the administration of goods – such as the head of wardrobe – name themselves
in the inventory as the ones who had these goods in their custody. Frequently
we find dates which record when goods entered or left the custody of
the administrator, and we find cancellations and notes. Even such (simple) registers
of administration can show forms of invocationes not least because administrators
had to give an account of their work.50 Very often such inventories
are then written from the perspective of the administrator using the ego-form,
such as did Francesco di Vegy, head of Bianca Maria Sforza’s wardrobe: Conto
de la guardaroba de la serenissima m(aes)tà de la regina de veste et altre / robe
portate da Milano in Alamagnya, consegnate a my, / Francesco di Vegy, guardaroba
de la m(aes)tà serenissma, a 3 de / desembr(e) 1493 in el castello de Milano
(videlicet).51
To conclude, the main functions of inventories with their respective features
can be roughly summarized as follows:
Functions of inventories
Legal function Representation Administration
concluded concluded ongoing
naming of issuer naming of issuer naming of administrator
46	 Riedmann 1984, p. 317; Mersiowsky 2000, p. 40.
47	 See on this inventory the catalogue on the exhibit dedicated to her: Rückert 2005; I am preparing
the edition Antenhofer 2022.
48	 Genet has stressed the importance of lists as “documentation intermédiaire” with the purposes
of memoria, administration, identity, law and representation, see Genet 2013, p. 421.
49	 Tiroler Landesarchiv (TLA) Innsbruck Inventare A 1.2, 1494–1508. See also Sailer 2011; Antenhofer
2021.
50	 The importance of the invocatio had already been stressed in the first systematic guideline
on how to conceive an inventory by Luca Pacioli, Pacioli [1494] 1994.
51	 TLA Inventare 1.2 f. 1v: „This is the account of the wardrobe of the most serene majesty of
the queen of clothes and other (textile) goods taken from Milan to Germany, given to me,
Francesco di Vegy, head of wardrobe of her majesty, on 3 December 1493 in the castello of
Milano (videlicet).” (All translations are mine if not otherwise noted.)
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30
Functions of inventories
Legal function Representation Administration
witnesses blessings, quotations from the bible,
humanistic quotations
ego-perspective
notary as issuer naming of owner naming of responsible people
date date chronologically ongoing dates / no
dates
place of issuing place of issuing place of storing of goods
signs of verification,
seals, chirograph…
decorations, calligraphic writing,
harmonic layout
broad margins for notes, cancellations,
notes, columns, indices
different formats cover, sewing, large format small format, different formats
parchment and/or paper parchment and/or paper of high
quality
paper
Table 2	 Main functions of inventories and distinctive features.
Fig. 1	 Inventory of the bridal treasure
of Paula Gonzaga, 1478. Inventory
in the form of a booklet (Libell).
Tiroler Landesarchiv Innsbruck A Inventare
Nr. 202/8 f. 1r. Courtesy of
Tiroler Landesarchiv Innsbruck.
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
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4.  Inventories as Texts: Occasions for Inventorying
Processes
Considering the occasions for inventorying, we can distinguish even more different
types. Based on the corpus of princely inventories form late medieval
Italian and German courts mentioned at the beginning, I will outline some recurrent
types of occasions for inventorying, without aiming at giving a complete
picture.52
Space-related inventories – such as inventories of entire buildings like castles
or churches, individual chambers (e.g. for silver or weapons) or of an entire
court – were generally compiled when the administration changed53 or in
the context of post mortem inventorying processes. In the last case, there is
a close relationship to person-related inventories. Typical cases for person-related
inventories are accordingly all types of probate inventories. They regard
the belongings of a person, however, they tend to follow the rooms and spaces
where goods were stored. The categories of the inventories in this case reflect
a spatial organization, which is why I would still talk about a space-related
form in such a case. Probate inventories thus establish relationships between
people, objects and rooms.54 In the case of princely inventories, they can become
entire court inventories, and they can include belongings from other
people as well – such as for example belongings of the wives.55 Sometimes
they can even devolve into inventories of pawns, such as e.g. the post mortem
inventory of duke Otto I of Tyrol from 1310.56 Occasionally they only mention
parts of the belongings, such as the inventory of jewels compiled after the
death of duke Frederick IV of Tyrol in 1439.57 They can even take on the form
of a simple administrative note like the record of the belongings found in the
personal chest of duke Christoph of Bavaria after he had died on the island of
Rhodos in 1493.58
Often such post-mortem inventories are regarded as the prototype of inventories,
considering the definition of the medieval term inventarium.59 In
the urban context, such inventorying processes were made by notaries or testamentary
executors who went through the houses and recorded what they
found.60 However, such inventories do not necessarily include all belongings.61
In the huge Gonzaga inventory compiled after the death of Federico II from
52	 See also the overview in Riello 2013. For an overview on different types of inventories from
the Middle Ages up to the 20th century see the forthcoming special issue on inventories:
Inventories as Texts and Artefacts: Methodological Approaches and Challenges: in ÖZG 2
(2021).
53	 This was very often the case in the considerable stock of late medieval castle inventories
from Tyrol and Vorarlberg, ed. in Zingerle 1909.
54	 See on this spatial quality of inventories e.g. Russo 2011; Riello 2013; Matschinegg 2019.
55	 See the inventory of Eberhard III of Württemberg, ed. Molitor 2008.
56	 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (HHStA) Wien Handschriften (HS) B 123 Tirolisches Kanzleibuch
1303–1319 (= olim Wiener Codex 383; Q.) f. 51v–53r, ed. in Mayr-Adlwang 1898,
pp. 166–168, n. 339.
57	 Kleinodieninventar des Nachlasses von Herzog Friedrich IV. von Habsburg, HHStA
Familienurkunden (UR FUK) 559, 1439; TLA Inventare A 1.1, 1439; ed. Schönherr 1883,
pp. 202–208.
58	 BayHStA GHA HU 830.
59	 inventarium du Cange, t. 4, col. 409b, online http://ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/INVENTARIUM1.
60	 See Rossetti (ed.) 2012; van der Woude/Schuurman (eds.) 1980; Mannheims/Roth 1984;
Baulant et al. (eds.) 1988; Simon-Muscheid 2004, pp. 177–179.
61	 On the different reasons for the lacking completeness of inventories see the summary of the
most important arguments in Handzel 2011, pp. 64–71.
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1540–1542 by several notaries, for example, all the clothes are missing.62
Both Herrmann and Andermann have outlined for administrative inventories
that objects related to people’s bodies, such as jewels and clothes, were generally
missing in inventories of buildings compiled by notaries.63 Andermann
has noted that neither the belongings of administrators nor those of even the
bishops as owners of the castles he looked at were recorded.64 Handzel has
pointed out for the Austrian tutelage (Pflegschaft) inventories of the 16th century
that personal belongings were missing, but they could be found in probate
inventories.65
A second important distinction has to be made between male and female
belongings, which leads us directly to the prototypical form of person-related
inventory: the inventory of the bridal trousseau. In the Italian cases these inventories,
too, were issued by notaries.66 Unlike probate inventories they do
not follow a spatial structure, but they follow categories of objects the bride
took with her to her new court (and later eventually to her widow retreat).
Since for the Italian context the objects of the bridal trousseau counted as
part of the dowry, they were usually recorded in inventories. These inventories
on the one hand served an internal purpose for the natal family of the
bride, namely to document what they had given to the bride and which value
the objects had. Since wedding contracts usually specified that the objects of
the bridal trousseau had to be given back to the native family in the case of
a childless death of the bride, the families were keen on recording these objects.67
In the case of widowhood, on the other hand, the inventory made sure
the widow could take her own goods with her to her widow retreat.
The case of Bianca Maria Sforza again beautifully illustrates how an inventory
as text could take on several different forms as a material object according
to the different purposes it served. In fact, the inventory on her immense
dowry worth 100.000 ducats68 issued in 1493 survives in four different forms.
Two simple sheets of paper written in Italian still exist in the State Archives of
Milan. They can be looked at as the lists compiled by the Sforza court administrators.
One of the sheets even gives the financial value of most of the objects
and was used to account the value of the trousseau.69 Surviving in the State
Archives of Vienna there is the huge notary instrument of the inventory written
in Latin, which was recorded on two pieces of parchment sewn together
to acquire the impressive length of 1,84 m.70 This was the legally binding form
of the inventory which documented the handing over of the treasure.71 Moreover,
in Vienna we also have an Italian version of the inventory written in a
62	 Ferrari 2003, pp. 17–18.
63	 Herrmann 1998, pp. 86–87.
64	 Andermann 1987, pp. 141–142.
65	 Handzel 2011, pp. 44–73.
66	 See again the bridal inventory of Antonia Visconti from 1380 compiled among others by the
notary Johannes Falconus.
67	 See Antenhofer 2019b; see generally Spieß 2008.
68	 The value of the trousseau is mentioned in the notary version of the inventory, HHStA UR
FUK 830/1,2, as well as in the wedding contract HHStA UR FUK 829/1,2; see also Weiss
2010, p. 56.
69	 Archivio di Stato di Milano (ASMi) Archivio Visconteo-Sforzesco (ASforz) potenze
sovrane (pot. sovr.) carteggio (cart.) 1467 f. 45, 18 November 1493; ASMi ASforz pot. sovr.
cart. 1467 f. 63.
70	 Weiss 2010, pp. 58–59, image p. 60.
71	 HHStA UR FUK 830/1,2, 2 December 1493; ed. Herrgott 1760, pp. 61–67, n. 60. An edition
of the Latin version based on a lost Milanese document is given by Ceruti 1875. An edition
of the Italian version is given by Calvi 1888, pp. 131–146.
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calligraphic humanist hand writing on paper bound to a small booklet.72 Most
probably this was the representative version of the inventory for Bianca Maria’s
personal use, compiled in a form more convenient to handle than the
huge instrument on parchment.
In the German contexts, only few examples of bridal inventories from the
late Middle Ages survive and usually take on the form of simple administrative
documents.73 This can be explained firstly by the fact that German law
did not count the objects of the trousseau as part of the dowry,74 and secondly
by a more customary handling of male and female mobile belongings,
which is evident in the distinction of the Gerade and the Heergewäte in the
Sachsenspiegel.75
Another frequent type of person-related inventories are registers of pawns.
Above all, jewels were frequently pledged to get money, usually with the intention
to solve the pawns and get the jewels back – jewels among which
we find such spectacular objects like crowns. In fact, this is the reason why in
such registers objects are described in great detail to make sure they could be
identified and solved. It is therefore no wonder that such registers are among
the earliest and most frequent written sources for princely objects such as e.g.
the Habsburg treasures.76 The earliest Habsburg inventory is in fact a register
of pawned jewels belonging to duke Albrecht I, from 10th November 1354.77
According to the type of document, the description of the objects may
vary.78 Notary instruments e.g. often give the financial value of objects, which
is not always the case in mere administrative forms. In Italian archives we also
find lists of objects compiled by goldsmiths, who had to describe the jewels in
detail and to estimate their value.79 Inventories thus can be interpreted as the
results of complex practices of administration involving different experts.
The common characteristics of all types of inventories (in the strict sense
of static inventory) is that they are bound to a given occasion which made
it necessary to record goods at a specific moment. Usually it was the case
of a liminal phase with consecutive legal implications: When people, usually
women, left their home and moved into a new house, when their husband died
and they moved to their widow retreat, or generally when people died and
the ownership of their properties changed, or in the case of changing administrators.
The temporal and spatial movement of people had consequences on
their mobile and immobile goods, which were also set in motion and needed
to be reordered. Inventories, though they appear static, accordingly often give
a glimpse on objects at a given moment shortly before or after they had to
be moved from their places. This is particularly true for registers of pawns. It
might not surprise under this perspective that some inventories even register
72	 HHStA UR FUK 828.
73	 See e.g. Anna of Württemberg, Hauptstaatsarchiv (HStA) Stuttgart A 602 Nr 66 = Württembergische
Regesten (WR) 66; Mechthild of Württemberg, HStA Stuttgart A 602 Nr 277 =
WR 277, [1454]; Anna and Katherina of Habsburg, HHStA Familienarchiv Familienakten 18 f.
20r–21v, [1443/1447]; Elisabeth of Bayern, BayHStA GHA HU 618.
74	 See Spieß 2008.
75	 See in this respect also the results of Signori 2001, pp. 104–108; basically also Bungenstock
1971; Bungenstock 1978.
76	 See Lhotsky’s history of the medieval Habsburg treasure based on archival documents presented
above all by Zimerman 1883.
77	 HHStA HS B 6 (= olim Ms. 15) f. 66.
78	 Not always sufficiently in detail as art historians might wish, see Keating/Markey 2011,
pp. 209–210.
79	 See on the question of the estimation of value Barbot 2011.
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absent objects, like the one of duke Heinrich of Tyrol, king of Bohemia, which
mentions a crown currently not in the treasure because it had been pledged.80
The constant flow of objects on the other hand becomes visible in the ongoing
registers of administration, which record goods entering and leaving the
court. Lists could mention gifts given on occasions of feasts, they could mention
objects that were taken out to be repaired or estimated,81 or even record
objects that had been stolen or lost.82 Some of these lists were explicitly addressed
as pro memoria, as for example the list of things compiled for Ascanio
Sforza when he moved to Pavia for studying.83
Types of inventories and registers
Person-related Space-related
Male Female
post mortem inventory post mortem inventory post mortem inventory
bridal inventory inventories of castles, churches, buildings,
shops, ...
register of goods distributed in cases
of controversy
register of goods distributed in cases
of controversy
court inventories
Special forms of inventories
inventories of wardrobes, jewels, silver etc.
registers of pawns registers of pawns inventories of single rooms
lists of gifts lists of gifts lists of receipts (incoming goods)
lists of losses lists of losses lists of losses
special lists on given occasions (travel,
goods sent away, study stays, special
manufacture of luxury goods, …)
special lists on given occasions (travel,
goods sent away, special manufacture
of luxury goods,…)
lists of outgoing goods (for repair, estimation,
as loan etc. ...)
shopping lists84 shopping lists lists of expenses
Table 3	 Overview of types of inventories and registers.
Yet, not only spaces and people could be recorded via inventories of objects
related to them, even ephemeral events such as feasts could be immortalized
via inventories, albeit very rarely. This was undertaken for one of the biggest
feasts that took place in Mantova in 1340 to mark a significant moment in the
history of the Gonzaga family. The magna curia that took place on 2 February
1340 orchestrated the Gonzaga among their most powerful neighbors. Four
weddings were celebrated on this occasion and several knights were dubbed.
The event was memorized by a unique codex, the liber magne curie, made of
18 impressive folia of parchment (497 × 365 mm) in a representative layout
and scripture. After a telling proem celebrating the Casa Gonzaga the codex
records lists of gifts and expenses on the occasion of the ceremony.85
Ad honorem sanctissime et individue Trinitatis […] pro hac felici, inclita ac
magniffica / domo de Gonzaga, cuius magnificum festum milicie fuit de anno
80	 Herzog Heinrich (1335), BayHStA Auswärtige Staaten Tirol Lit. 24 f. 33r–36r (new counting
35r–38r); ed. Mayr-Adlwang 1898, pp. 188–190, n. 477.
81	 See e.g. the many lists in the Archivio di Stato di Milano; some of the lists are presented by
Venturelli 1999.
82	 See the inventory of precious things stolen from Nicolò d’Este during the sacco of the Castello
Conselice before 1395; edited by Toselli (ed.) 1868, pp. 451–454; see also Ehmer 1998.
83	 ASMi ASforz pot. sovr. cart. 1484 fasc. 19, without date: Ricordo de cose necessarie per
monsignore.
84	 See Welch 2005.
85	 See now the edition and comment of this codex: Buss/Ferrari (eds.) 2016.
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
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Domini MCCCXL, die secundo mensis februarii, tempore quo magnificus et
excelsus / dominus Loysius de Gonzaga, dominus primus de hac domo […] et
nati sui nec non multi alii notabiles cives / facti et creati fuerunt milites. Quod
quidem describitur in memoria futurorum […].86
This codex is therefore a striking example for the historiographic quality of the
list and the inventory as document type. Lists like other forms of texts thus
can take on a multiplicity of functions, and they have to be regarded as textual
forms in their own right.87
5.  Inventories as Objects: Material Aspects of
Inventories
Inventories are, however, more than only texts – at the same time they are
artefacts which often exist to the present day. Hence it is important to closely
look at the material form of the inventory itself to ask what the surviving documents
can tell us as objects about their function and the way they have been
made.
To look at inventories as material things themselves can also tell us something
about the more general question regarding the relationship between
people and objects. From this point of view we can ask why certain inventories
survive until the present and what significance they had. The recent research
on inventories has shown that they seem to appear in significant numbers only
starting from the 14th century – some have even claimed that the inventory as
source type has been only created in the late Middle Ages.88 However, in doing
so they neglect older forms like for example records of sacred treasures that
very often survive in codices where they have been written down in order to
protect them from getting lost and at the same time to protect the treasure
from being stolen.89
This observation on the ephemeral character of inventories as sources allows
us to make one first distinction: we have to distinguish inventories that
survive as notes written in other sources – mainly codices – from inventories
that survive as individual texts or textual objects taking on different forms. It
is this second form that we will be interested in, and it is this type that apparently
only survives from the later Middle Ages. However, the question that has
to be asked is if this situation really reflects the fact that only starting from this
period inventories were conceived as individual documents, or if it is only from
this time onward that these types of documents survive while they had been
thrown away in former times.90 The growing number of surviving inventories
starting from the 14th century thus may not reflect the real amount of inven-
86	 Archivio di Stato di Mantova (ASMn) Archivio Gonzaga (AG) busta (b.) 393 carta (c.) 1r. See
Ferrari 2016, p. 144.
87	 On the literary quality of lists for medieval literature see already Huizinga [1919] 2006,
pp. 347, 409–415, 435; in combination with visual forms of lists Eco 2011; generally Doležalová
(ed.) 2009.
88	 See e.g. Fey 2007; Keating and Markey attribute the growing number of inventories in the
Early Modern period to a “desire to document” the growing number of goods, “an obsession
with capturing these objects in time and space”, cf. Keating/Markey 2011, p. 209.
89	 See Bischoff on medieval treasure registers, Bischoff 1967, p. 10.
90	 Moreover, we have to consider specific legal situations such as for example in England,
where from the beginning of the 16th century onwards it became mandatory to issue probate
inventories, see e.g. Riello 2013.
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tories that once existed, but they are the result of contingent circumstances
which lead to their surviving. The literally exploding amounts of inventories
that exist from the Early Modern period certainly are the result of new legal
frameworks but also of a new interest in archiving documents.91
In any case, inventories seem to count among the most fragile types of
sources destined to be kept only for a short period of time and not for eternity.
This aspect of the temporal horizon of the document – the question if it
was conceived as a rather volatile note or as a durable document – is a significant
information we can draw from the material form of the inventory much
better than by only looking at the text.
If we look at inventories as objects we can apply the methods of the traditional
auxiliary sciences (Historische Hilfswissenschaften), although they will
not allow us to describe the documents extensively. In fact, inventories have
been neglected by the traditional auxiliary sciences just like other ephemeral
administrative source types such as accounts.92
First of all we have to look at the exterior shape of the document: If we
analyze sources from the point of view of cultural history, the exterior shape
or the type of document is extremely important to reconstruct the communicative
and institutional horizon of the source and to integrate the document
back in its initial context of emergence.93 It is helpful to start describing
the material quality of the source using the categories of exterior critique of
sources.
In principle we can distinguish the following forms:
• Single sheet of paper or parchment – simple note (Zettel / cedula) or
double leaf
• Rolls94
• Simple booklet (Libell) made of folded sheet or sheets that were put
into another
• Simple booklet (Libell) made of tacked sheet
• Book made of different quires (Lagen) with or without cover
• Charter or notary instrument
Certain intermediary forms are books which have a protocol and an eschatocol,
thus taking on the form of a charter. Looking at the exterior aspects we may,
however, nonetheless talk about books in these cases.95
Another possibility of a basic distinction is to question if the inventory was
drafted on paper or on parchment, or if both writing materials were used. In
this case parchment was mostly only used to serve as cover for a book made
of paper or to reinforce the tacking of the paper.96 Other exterior aspects to
note are forms of sealing, notary signets or elaborated scripture, and all kinds
of decoration. They are important indicators which tell us about the legal value
91	 See for the growing research on archives above all Friedrich 2013.
92	 See Riedmann 1984; Mersiowsky 2000. On the potential of bills for the social history of
objects see Gruber 2019.
93	 See Brauer 2013, pp. 17–19.
94	 Above all for the English contexts, see Stratford 2012.
95	 An inventory in the form of a book can be analyzed in detail in terms of codicological criteria,
whereas diplomatic criteria can be used as a starting point for the description of inventories
in the form of charters. Regarding this diplomatic mixed types of Late Medieval
and Early Modern administrative writings using the example of the libell see Vogtherr 2014,
esp. p. 64.
96	 On the semantic quality of the use of paper or parchment see Meyer/Schultz/Schneidmüller
(eds.) 2015.
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of the document and whether it served a representative function or was only
used for mere administrative purposes. Further indicators in this regard are
the size of the sheets. The bigger the inventory, the more ceremonious it was
and the more important for representation.
If we look at the sheet we can distinguish between folio and narrow folio
(Schmalfolio). Narrow folio was a very common format for administration
which emerged when a folio was folded in the middle. Thus, two columns
were formed. Very often only the left column was used for recording the items
of the inventory, while the right column was left empty to add further notes.
If such folios were then tacked and bound into a book, they were again often
used in the folio form and only the remaining folding shows that their original
use was as narrow folios. However, we can also find such narrow folios where
each column was used for recording items and which later were bound into
booklets in the narrow form. This is the most common form of (administrative)
inventories that has survived in German archives.
Looking at the sheets we can further distinguish if they were organized
in columns or not. The use of columns most often showed – as I have just
pointed out – that the inventory was conceived in order to be continued. One
column then usually remained empty to add notes on what happened with the
items of the inventory.97 Often we find two columns, the right one then usually
was used for notes. But I have also found columns that were set in the middle
of the page while margins were left on both the right and the left side to add
notes.98
Looking at the layout of the pages we can see if there were margins or
not and if the margins were regular or not, if they were large or narrow, and
if the gaps between the lines were large or not. It is also important to note if
special effects of layout were achieved via indentments. Very often the title
or protocol of the inventory and the first lines of the single entries are written
further to the left margin of the page, while the following lines have a broader
margin to the left, leaving a visible ordered structures. Often the Latin word
item is used to begin the single entries of an inventory. It may be abbreviated
and calligraphically ornated to add to the visual structure of the inventory. All
these aspects talk about the purpose of the inventory, and again we can say:
the more meticulously organized and the larger its gaps and margins, the more
ceremonious, the more representative the inventory was. Looking at the writing
we may distinguish if it was a hastily written administrative list or if the
scribes payed attention to produce a nice looking document. Of further great
importance are all kinds of traces of editing, above all cancelled parts or marginalia,
notes, or supplements in other hand writings.
The exterior form is closely related to the two basic functions connected
with the temporary horizon of the inventory I have outlined in the beginning.
The static inventory records the situation of the treasure in a given moment,
e.g. as post mortem inventory. It gives us a glance of one particular moment in
the life of the treasures or a stock of goods. A good example is the huge post
mortem inventory which developed into a complete court inventory of the
97	 In the wardrobe inventory of Bianca Maria Sforza this principle has been translated into the
format of pages: the items were noted on the left page, while on the right page information
regarding the single clothes and textiles was added. TLA Inventare 1.2.
98	 This was the case for some folios in the ceremonious bridal inventory in book form compiled
for Antonia Visconti in 1380. HSTA Stuttgart A 602 Nr 32 = WR 32.
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
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Gonzaga court in Mantova, compiled after the death of Federico II (1540).99
Static inventories usually have small margins and leave no place for additions.
The second form is the dynamic inventory, which records a stock of objects
in a given moment, e.g. the bridal treasure of a princess, but was conceived to
be continued. This means that the inventory includes empty space in the forms
of large margins or empty sheets to be used either to note what happened to
the single items or to record if new objects were added to the treasure. The
bridal inventory of Antonia Visconti from 1380100 is a good example for this
type. Ideally this kind of inventory would also note if things were donated to
other people, if they were repaired or if they were lost or pawned. This second
form of inventory is similar to what I called books of administration, which may
above all be found in Italian princely archives.101
Inventories that take on the form of books may also contain indices or even
tables of content. They give precious information on the use of the book and
processes of administration, and they convey important information on terminology,
on ways of organizing items as well as regarding the different categories
in use to organize objects. See e.g. the index of a Gonzaga court register
from 1381–1402:
Capitulum bacinorum et bronzinorum; capitulum bronzinorum; capitulum
candelabrorum caldirinorum; capitulum candelabrorum; capitulum navium;
capitulum botaciorum et bochall.; coppe; moyoli et ghotti; vasa auri; vasa
99	 Edited in: Ferrari 2003.
100	 HSTA Stuttgart A 602 Nr 32 = WR 32.
101	 See on these sources for the Gonzaga court e.g. L’Occaso 2005.
Fig. 2	 Liber iocalium, ­inventory of
the bridal treasure of Antonia Viscon-
ti. Inventory in the form of a codex,
1380. Index of the ­inventory. Hauptstaatsarchiv
Stuttgart A 602 Nr 32 =
WR 32 f. 2r. Courtesy of Landesarchiv
Baden-Württemberg, Hauptstaatsarchiv
Stuttgart.
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christali; inceso(r)ia; basia et scutele; cuclea(r)ii; forcele; salaroli et busole;
confeterie; [16v] capitulum arborum; trombe et cornua; arzenterie pro altari;
culteli a tabula; perle; nusche et anuli; balassii; anchone; capitulum ymaginum;
capitulum lante(r)ne et moyoli; argenteria q. m(agnifi)ce domine Margarite de
Gonzaga.102
Using all these aspects we can summarize and create the following model
which might be helpful when describing the exterior shape of inventories, the
inventory as thing, confronted with the interior aspects to describe the inventory
as text:
The inventory as object:
­Exterior or material aspects
book, booklet, roll, sheet, insert in a charter or in a notary
instrument (form of transmission)
parchment or paper (writing material)
format
state of preservation
cover, tacking, folding
layout of the inventory (sheets, quires, indices)
layout of the page (columns, margins)
aspects of decoration or distinction, graphic signs
scripture and scribes
seals, notary signet (means of authentication)
traces of use and editing
traces of reception and archiving
The inventory as text:
­Internal or discursive
aspects
concept, original (Ausfertigung), copy
structure: protocol, entries, eschatocol
naming of issuer, scribe, witnesses (narrative perspective)
naming of place and date
internal order of the entries: according to material, purpose,
responsibility, place,…
categories and titles
indices
layout of pages and organization of the register
comments, notes, cancellations, additions, rearrangements
indications of values or forms of accounting
static or dynamic inventory: issued in one redaction, in
several phases, continuously
language; (technical) vocabulary
catalogue? > elaborateness of description, higher principles
of organization, ‘scientific’ interest
content-related focus of the entries: social, material,
iconographic aspects, provenience, horizon of the
inventory
discursive signs of redaction and use
discursive signs of reception and archiving
Table 4	 Model of internal and external features of inventories as texts and objects.
102	 ASMn AG b. 396 c. 16r/v.
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6.  Conclusion
This paper started with the observation that inventories count among the
most interesting sources with regard to textual thingness: first of all because
they translate objects into words and second because they are not only texts
but material objects with their own thingness as well. Therefore, the focus was
put in a first step on inventories as texts. I argued that inventories, while translating
objects into words, do not only create lists of objects but build narratives
on the relations between people, things and spaces. Textual thingness
thus means that the inventories as texts construct these objects and integrate
them into social and spatial networks. These are likewise narrated via hierarchies
and relations of objects, as well as through the information inventories
give about these networks and the information they hide. One basic distinction
has to be made between space-related inventories which basically record
objects in determined spaces like houses or castles, and person-related inventories
which record objects belonging to people. While the first category
– from a gender point of view – tends to be dominated by male belongings, the
second category is more characterized by female belongings since women and
their possessions were less bound to one house and more characterized by
mobility due to different life phases. Inventories are thus promising sources for
the reconstruction of material surroundings and life scripts which highlights
their quality as sources for social and gender history. The renewed interest in
objects as linked with people and spaces points to the relevance of inventories
for cultural historical approaches. While extant objects often lack their social
and cultural context, inventories are the most important sources for bringing
forth the multifaceted networks and meanings of objects. Inventories are
therefore neither neutral nor objective sources, but they have to be considered
as narrative and to some extent fictional texts like other historiographic
sources.
The second focus was put on the inventories as things. I argued that the
varying forms inventories take on add to the narratives they produce about
objects. Inventories survive in many different forms. Taking into account the
textual quality and the exterior aspects of the documents will help us to better
understand the different functions inventories could take on. Simple and
volatile notes or books of administration served the purposes of the administration.
Notes on the margins or in columns tell us if the inventory or list was
concluded or laid out to be continued, and how it was used for administrative
purposes. Inventories with seals or in the form of notary documents or charters
stress the legal function of documents e.g. in the context of post mortem
inventories or bridal inventories. Such forms can provide us with precious information
on the question if inventories, and thus the passing on of objects,
were regarded as legally important.
Carefully written and decorated inventories in the form of bigger or smaller
books always tell us that the inventory itself could serve a representative
function and convey the status of the person who possessed these objects.
Such inventories were displayed in public procedures of inventorying, namely
in the display of the bridal trousseau. Thus, precious and representative inventories
may also have been used to commemorate significant events. This
makes them way more than simple administrative texts: they become part of
historiography themselves. It is evident that inventories are far from being the
Ch. Antenhofer: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources ... | MEMO 7 (2020) 22–46
41
simple lists of objects as which they had been regarded in the past. The renewed
interest in both material culture and in pragmatic writing processes has
led to an increased attention on ephemeral and more bulky types of writings
which apparently lack the quality of being coherent narrative texts. However,
this rather reflects the preeminence which the nineteenth century, above all,
had given to epic text forms. Inventories present another quality of narration,
the listed telling, stories written in the forms of lists. If we take this potential
seriously such apparently austere texts offer immense potential to be explored
as textual archives on the stories fossilized in the complex relationships between
people, objects and spaces.
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MEMO – Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture Online
Article published in
MEMO 7 (2020): Textual Thingness. DOI: 10.25536/2523-2932072020
Title
Inventories as Material and Textual Sources for Late Medieval and Early
­Modern Social, Gender and Cultural History (14th-16th centuries)
Author
Christina Antenhofer
Contact
christina.antenhofer@sbg.ac.at
Web site
https://www.plus.ac.at/geschichte/der-fachbereich/personen/antenhofer-
christina/
Institution
University of Salzburg
GND
123342856
DOI of article
http://dx.doi.org/10.25536/20200702
Initial publication
December 2020
Last check of all references
30.12.2020
Licence
If not stated otherwise CC BY-SA 4.0
Media licences
All media rights belong to the authors unless stated otherwise.
Recommended Citation
Antenhofer, Christina: Inventories as Material and Textual Sources for Late
Medieval and Early Modern Social, Gender and Cultural History (14th-16th
centuries), in: MEMO 7 (2020): Textual Thingness / Textuelle Dinghaftigkeit,
S. 22-46. Pdf-Format, doi: 10.25536/20200702.
Inhalt
MEMO 7 (2020): Textual Thingness / Textuelle Dinghaftigkeit
Textuelle Dinghaftigkeit. Eine Einleitung
Justin Vollmann 1–11
Textual Thingness. An Introduction
Justin Vollmann 12–21
Inventories as Material and Textual Sources for Late Medieval and
Early Modern Social, Gender and Cultural History (14th-16th centuries)
Christina Antenhofer 22–46
An Armour of Sound. Sancte Sator (Carmen ad Deum) and its
German Gloss
Sophie Marshall 47–67
Performative Ding-Bedeutung: Der Stricker und sein metaphysisches
Dinge-Verständnis in seiner Kleinepik (Von Edelsteinen, Der wunderbare
Stein, Der Hahn und die Perle)
Silvan Wagner 68–80
Text as thing. The dog lead in Albrecht’s ‛Jüngerer Titurel’
Tamara Elsner 81–96
Dubious Actions Coming to Light: The Role of ‘Talking’ Gems as
Indicators of Virtuousness
Florian Nieser 97–107