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Case typology
Pavel Caha
23 Oct 2023
1 / 19
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Basic notions
▶ Argument of the verb: in our case, the subject and the object of
a verb. Since the subject and the object are usually nouns (or
more precisely noun phrases), they are called the NP arguments
of the verb
▶ Semantic roles: for example Agent, Patient, Instrument,
Benefactive, etc. There is no agreement on how many semantic
roles there are.
▶ Head and dependent
▶ In our case, the head is the verb.
▶ In our case, the dependents are the subject and the object.
▶ Transitive and intransitive verbs
▶ Transitive verbs are the ones with two arguments.
▶ Intransitive verbs are the ones which take just a single argument.
2 / 19
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Marking A and P in English
(1) The woman visited the girl.
(2) The girl visited the woman.
3 / 19
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Marking A and P in Czech
(3) Petr‐a
Peter‐PAT
honí
chase
zmij‐e
snake‐AG
‘A snake is chasing Petr.’
(4) Petr‐ø
Peter‐AG
honí
chase
zmij‐i
snake‐PAT
‘Petr is chasing a snake.’
4 / 19
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head vs. dependent marking
Dependent marking: the morphological marking appears on the verb
arguments, that is the NPs subject and object. In other words, case is
marked on the dependent.
(5) Petr‐a
Peter‐PAT
honí
chase
zmij‐e
snake‐AG
‘A snake bit Petr.’
(6) Petr‐ø
Peter‐AG
honí
chase
zmij‐i
snake‐PAT
‘Petr bit the snake.’
5 / 19
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head vs. dependent marking (Swahili)
Head marking: the marking appears on the verb, i.e. on the head.
(7) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
6 / 19
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head vs. dependent marking (Swahili)
Head marking: the marking appears on the verb, i.e. on the head.
(7) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(8) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
6 / 19
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head vs. dependent marking (Swahili)
Head marking: the marking appears on the verb, i.e. on the head.
(7) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(8) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
(9) ni‐li‐ki‐soma
I‐PAST‐7‐read
ki‐tabu
7‐book
‘I read the book’ (Swahili)
6 / 19
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head vs. dependent marking (Swahili)
Head marking: the marking appears on the verb, i.e. on the head.
(7) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(8) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
(9) ni‐li‐ki‐soma
I‐PAST‐7‐read
ki‐tabu
7‐book
‘I read the book’ (Swahili)
(10) kitabu
7‐book
ki‐li‐anguka
7‐PAST‐fell
‘The book fell’ (Swahili)
6 / 19
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A‐S‐P
A = is the Agent, or the subject of a transitive verb
P = is the Patient, or the object of a transitive verb
S = technically this is “the sole argument of an intransitive verb”
7 / 19
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A‐S‐P
A = is the Agent, or the subject of a transitive verb
P = is the Patient, or the object of a transitive verb
S = technically this is “the sole argument of an intransitive verb”
(11) The woman visited the girl
A visited P
7 / 19
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A‐S‐P
A = is the Agent, or the subject of a transitive verb
P = is the Patient, or the object of a transitive verb
S = technically this is “the sole argument of an intransitive verb”
(11) The woman visited the girl
A visited P
(12) The boy fell
S fell
7 / 19
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A‐S‐P
A = is the Agent, or the subject of a transitive verb
P = is the Patient, or the object of a transitive verb
S = technically this is “the sole argument of an intransitive verb”
(11) The woman visited the girl
A visited P
(12) The boy fell
S fell
Given these three primitives, we have 5 logical possibilities for
languages to group them.
(13) Five logical possibilities for grouping A, P and S
Nominative‐Accusative A & S P
Ergative‐Absolutive A S & P
Tripartite A S P
AP/S A & P S
Neutral A & S & P 7 / 19
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NOM‐ACC
(14) Petr‐ø
Petr‐A
vidí
sees
Marušk‐u
Mary‐P
(15) Marušk‐a
Mary‐A
vidí
sees
Petr‐a
Petr‐P
8 / 19
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NOM‐ACC
(14) Petr‐ø
Petr‐A
vidí
sees
Marušk‐u
Mary‐P
(15) Marušk‐a
Mary‐A
vidí
sees
Petr‐a
Petr‐P
(16) Petr‐ø
Petr‐S
spí.
sleeps
8 / 19
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NOM‐ACC
(14) Petr‐ø
Petr‐A
vidí
sees
Marušk‐u
Mary‐P
(15) Marušk‐a
Mary‐A
vidí
sees
Petr‐a
Petr‐P
(16) Petr‐ø
Petr‐S
spí.
sleeps
(17) Marušk‐a
Mary‐S
spí.
sleeps
8 / 19
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NOM‐ACC head
(18) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘Ahmed hit Badru’
(19) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
9 / 19
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NOM‐ACC head
(18) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘Ahmed hit Badru’
(19) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(20) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
9 / 19
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NOM‐ACC head
(18) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘Ahmed hit Badru’
(19) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(20) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
(21) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
S
‐li
‐PAST
‐anguka
‐fall
‘Ahmed fell’
9 / 19
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NOM‐ACC head
(18) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘Ahmed hit Badru’
(19) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(20) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
(21) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
S
‐li
‐PAST
‐anguka
‐fall
‘Ahmed fell’
(22) Ni
S
‐li
‐PAST
‐anguka
‐fall
‘I fell’
9 / 19
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NOM‐ACC head
(18) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘Ahmed hit Badru’
(19) Ni
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐m
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
Badru
Badru
‘I hit Badru’
(20) Ahmet
Ahmet
a
A
‐li
‐PAST
‐ni
‐P
‐piga
‐hit
‘Ahmet hit me.’
(21) Ahmed
Ahmed
a
S
‐li
‐PAST
‐anguka
‐fall
‘Ahmed fell’
(22) Ni
S
‐li
‐PAST
‐anguka
‐fall
‘I fell’
9 / 19
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both head and dependent
(23) puer‐
boy‐NOM
labora‐t
work‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy works’
10 / 19
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both head and dependent
(23) puer‐
boy‐NOM
labora‐t
work‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy works’
(24) puer‐
boy‐NOM
magistr‐um
teacher‐ACC
lauda‐t
praise‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy praises the teacher’
10 / 19
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both head and dependent
(23) puer‐
boy‐NOM
labora‐t
work‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy works’
(24) puer‐
boy‐NOM
magistr‐um
teacher‐ACC
lauda‐t
praise‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy praises the teacher’
(25) magister‐
teacher‐NOM
puer‐um
boy‐ACC
lauda‐t
praise‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The teacher praises the boy’
10 / 19
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both head and dependent
(23) puer‐
boy‐NOM
labora‐t
work‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy works’
(24) puer‐
boy‐NOM
magistr‐um
teacher‐ACC
lauda‐t
praise‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The boy praises the teacher’
(25) magister‐
teacher‐NOM
puer‐um
boy‐ACC
lauda‐t
praise‐3SG.SUBJECT
‘The teacher praises the boy’
(26) magistri‐
teachers‐NOM
puer‐um
boy‐ACC
lauda‐nt
praise‐3PL.SUBJECT
‘The teachers praise the boy’
10 / 19
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ergative ‐ absolutive
Yalarnnga
(27) kupi‐Nku
fish‐A
milNa‐
fly‐P
tacamu
bit
‘A fish bit a fly’
11 / 19
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ergative ‐ absolutive
Yalarnnga
(27) kupi‐Nku
fish‐A
milNa‐
fly‐P
tacamu
bit
‘A fish bit a fly’
(28) Na‐tu
I.A
kupi‐
fish‐P
walamu
killed
‘I killed a fish’
11 / 19
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.
ergative ‐ absolutive
Yalarnnga
(27) kupi‐Nku
fish‐A
milNa‐
fly‐P
tacamu
bit
‘A fish bit a fly’
(28) Na‐tu
I.A
kupi‐
fish‐P
walamu
killed
‘I killed a fish’
(29) kupi‐
fish‐S
waya
that
kunhu‐Nka
water‐LOC
‘That fish is in the water’
11 / 19
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.
ergative ‐ absolutive
Yalarnnga
(27) kupi‐Nku
fish‐A
milNa‐
fly‐P
tacamu
bit
‘A fish bit a fly’
(28) Na‐tu
I.A
kupi‐
fish‐P
walamu
killed
‘I killed a fish’
(29) kupi‐
fish‐S
waya
that
kunhu‐Nka
water‐LOC
‘That fish is in the water’
(30) Nja
I.S
wakamu
fell
‘I fell’
11 / 19
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ergative ‐ absolutive
Yalarnnga
(27) kupi‐Nku
fish‐A
milNa‐
fly‐P
tacamu
bit
‘A fish bit a fly’
(28) Na‐tu
I.A
kupi‐
fish‐P
walamu
killed
‘I killed a fish’
(29) kupi‐
fish‐S
waya
that
kunhu‐Nka
water‐LOC
‘That fish is in the water’
(30) Nja
I.S
wakamu
fell
‘I fell’
11 / 19
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Tzotzil.
(31) X‐i‐tal‐otik
X‐1.ABS‐come‐1PL
‘We came’
(32) X‐i‐s‐pet‐otik
X‐1.ABS‐3.ERG‐carry‐1PL
‘He carried us’
(33) X‐ ‐j‐pet‐tik
X‐3.ABS‐1ERG‐carry‐1PL
lok’el
away
ti
that
vinike
man
‘We carried away that man
(34) X‐ ‐tal
X‐3.ABS‐come
‘He/she/it/they came’
12 / 19
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tripartitie
This type of case‐marking systems are very rare. It is only a group of
Australian languages spoken in the south‐east of Queensland that
make a three‐way distinction for A, P and S across all noun phrases.
Example language – Wangkumara.
(35) kana‐ulu
man‐ERG
kalkaN
hit
titi‐nana
dog‐ACC
‘The man hit the dog’
A‐erg hit P‐acc
(36) kana‐ia
man‐NOM
paluNa
died
‘The man died’
S‐nom died
13 / 19
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neutral
English
14 / 19
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Split systems
15 / 19
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There are more‐complicated case marking systems in the world’s
languages than the ones described in the previous section. The
“more complicated” aspect comes from the fact that such languages
▶ use more than one case marking system (e.g. split‐ergative
systems)
16 / 19
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There are more‐complicated case marking systems in the world’s
languages than the ones described in the previous section. The
“more complicated” aspect comes from the fact that such languages
▶ use more than one case marking system (e.g. split‐ergative
systems)
▶ additionally complicate the S in that it starts to matter whether
S controls the activity or not
16 / 19
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There are more‐complicated case marking systems in the world’s
languages than the ones described in the previous section. The
“more complicated” aspect comes from the fact that such languages
▶ use more than one case marking system (e.g. split‐ergative
systems)
▶ additionally complicate the S in that it starts to matter whether
S controls the activity or not
▶ make use of discourse salience and referentiality to mark the
who does X to whom
16 / 19
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There are more‐complicated case marking systems in the world’s
languages than the ones described in the previous section. The
“more complicated” aspect comes from the fact that such languages
▶ use more than one case marking system (e.g. split‐ergative
systems)
▶ additionally complicate the S in that it starts to matter whether
S controls the activity or not
▶ make use of discourse salience and referentiality to mark the
who does X to whom
16 / 19
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(37) Numa‐
father‐ABS
yabu‐Ngu
mother‐ERG
buran
saw
‘Then mother saw the father’
(38) Numa‐
father‐ABS
banaganu
returned
‘The father returned’
(39) Nana‐
we‐NOM
nyurra‐na
you‐ACC
buran
saw
‘We saw you’
(40) nyurra‐
you‐NOM
banaganu
returned
‘You returned’
17 / 19
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(41) The nominal hierarchy and split‐ergative systems
1st & 2nd 3rd personal names humans animates
person person kin terms
Dyirbal Nom‐Acc Ergative‐Absolutive
Nhanda Nominative‐Accusative Ergative‐Abs
Mangarayi Nominative‐Accusative
18 / 19
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(41) The nominal hierarchy and split‐ergative systems
1st & 2nd 3rd personal names humans animates
person person kin terms
Dyirbal Nom‐Acc Ergative‐Absolutive
Nhanda Nominative‐Accusative Ergative‐Abs
Mangarayi Nominative‐Accusative
(42) a. Differential Object Marking
18 / 19
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(41) The nominal hierarchy and split‐ergative systems
1st & 2nd 3rd personal names humans animates
person person kin terms
Dyirbal Nom‐Acc Ergative‐Absolutive
Nhanda Nominative‐Accusative Ergative‐Abs
Mangarayi Nominative‐Accusative
(42) a. Differential Object Marking
b. plural
18 / 19
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(43) tXo
we‐ABS
naizdraX
to.ground
qitra
fell
‘We fell to the ground (unintentionally)’
(44) atXo
we‐ERG
naizdraX
to.ground
qitra
fell
‘We fell to the ground (intentionally)’
19 / 19