. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Semantic maps Pavel Caha Masaryk University (Brno) Oct 31, 2022 1 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . dat-all-loc numerals How does this help An important footnote on ‘singular’ Tripartite systems Split systems I: Gender/Class Conclusions Appendix Adding case 2 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (1) Japanese (Takamine 2010: 55,57) a. Taro-ga Taro-nom tomodach-ni friend-dat hon-o book-acc ageta. gave ‘Taro gave a book to his friend.’ Recipient b. Kodomotachi-wa children-top futatu-no two.cl-gen kooen-ni park-all itta. went ‘The children went to two parks.’ Goal c. Akiyama & Akiyama (2002: 51) Ginza-wa Ginza-top Tokyo-ni Tokyo-loc arimasu. is ‘Ginza is in Tokyo.’ Location 3 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (2) Pite Saami (Wilbur 2014: 86-7,90) a. vadda give.imp Jåssjå-j Josh-dat aj too ‘Give (one) to Josh, too!’ Recipient b. da now vuodja drive.3pl bijla-jn car.com Ornvika-j Ornvika-all ‘Now one drives to Ornvika by car.’ Goal c. vágge-n valley-loc Sálvo-jåhkkå Sálvo-creek.nom.sg =l is ‘Sálvo Creek is in the valley.’ Location 4 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (3) Chol (Vázquez Álvarez 2011: 281-2) a. mi impf k-mäñ-ø 1st-buy-3rd ts’ak medicin cha’añ for k-papaj my-father ‘I buy medicin for my father.’ Recipient b. tyi perf majliy-o’ go-3.pl tyi prep Jolsibakil Jolsibakil ‘They went to Jolsibakil.’ Goal c. käläx=ix many=already kixtyañuj people tyi prep Mexikuj Mexico ‘Many people are in Mexico’ Location 5 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (4) The syncretism patterns summed up dative allative locative Japanese Pite Saami Chol not attested A B A 6 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (5) Macedonian allative: dat-loc-N a. Mu him.textscdat go it.acc dal gave podarokot present.def na dat sina son i her ‘He gave the present to her son.’ (Tomič 2006: p.78) Recipient b. Odam I-go na dat kaj loc parkot. park ‘I am going to the park.’ (Pantcheva 2011: 36) Goal c. Kaj loc parkot park.def sum. am ‘I am at the park.’ (Pantcheva 2011: 36) Location 7 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (6) Malayalam allative: N-loc-dat (Asher & Kumari 1997: 107,113) a. Hanipha Hanifa eni-kk@ I-dat ii this pustakan book tannu gave ‘Hanifa gave me this book.’ Recipient b. kiíihaí birds kunúú-il-eekk@ nest-loc-dat parannu fly-pp pookunnu gopres ‘The birds fly to their nests.’ Goal c. Viiúú-il house-loc aarokke who all uïú@ be-pres ‘Who are there at home?’ Location 8 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (7) Meaning decomposition a. dat = [ dat] b. all = [loc, dat] c. loc = [loc ] 9 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (7) Meaning decomposition a. dat = [ dat] b. all = [loc, dat] c. loc = [loc ] (8) The syncretism patterns to be derived dative allative locative [b] [a,b] [a] Japanese -ni Pite Saami -j -n Chol cha’añ tyi not attested A B A 9 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (9) ni ⇔ [loc,dat] (10) The syncretism patterns to be derived dative allative locative [dat] [loc,dat] [loc] Japanese -ni Pite Saami -j -n Chol cha’añ tyi not attested A B A 10 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (11) -n wins in competition (it is more specific) dative allative locative [dat] [loc,dat] [loc] -n ⇔ [K loc] -j ⇔ [K loc,dat] after competition -j -j -n 11 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (12) cha’añ wins in competition (it is more specific) dative allative locative [dat] [loc,dat] [loc] cha’añ ⇔ [K dat] tyi ⇔ [K loc,dat] after competition cha’añ tyi tyi 12 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . dat-all-loc numerals How does this help An important footnote on ‘singular’ Tripartite systems Split systems I: Gender/Class Conclusions Appendix Adding case 13 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The basic facts (13) English a. one boy b. two boy-s c. *two boy 14 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The basic facts (13) English a. one boy b. two boy-s c. *two boy (14) Turkish a. bir one çocuk boy(sg) b. iki two çocuk boy(sg) c. *iki two çocuk-lar boy-pl 14 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A semantic-parameter account ▶ Semantic parameter: the noun denotes something else in English and Turkish 15 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A semantic-parameter account ▶ Semantic parameter: the noun denotes something else in English and Turkish (15) Bale et al. (2010) a. ⟦çocuk⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } b. ⟦boy⟧ = { a, b, c } 15 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A semantic-parameter account ▶ Semantic parameter: the noun denotes something else in English and Turkish (15) Bale et al. (2010) a. ⟦çocuk⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } b. ⟦boy⟧ = { a, b, c } 15 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martí (2020) ▶ Semantic parameter: the plural denotes something else in English and Turkish 16 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martí (2020) ▶ Semantic parameter: the plural denotes something else in English and Turkish NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s 16 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martí (2020) ▶ Semantic parameter: the plural denotes something else in English and Turkish NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (16) a. ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } 16 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Martí (2020) ▶ Semantic parameter: the plural denotes something else in English and Turkish NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (16) a. ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } b. ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } 16 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (19) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (19) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = — 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral two NP cat Number s (17) English-style language: [+/- atomic] a. ⟦+atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & atom(x) b. ⟦−atomic⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) & ¬atom(x) (18) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-atomic⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (19) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } a. ⟦+atomic⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = — b. ⟦-atomic⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc } 17 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (22) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (22) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = = { ab, ac, bc } 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . numerals NumberP NumeralP Numeral iki two NP çocuk boy Number Ø (20) Turkish-style language: [+/- minimal] a. ⟦+minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ¬∃y P(y) y⊏x b. ⟦−minimal⟧ = λP.λx. P(x) ∃y P(y) y⊏x (21) ⟦NP⟧ = { a, b, c, ab, ac, bc, abc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { a, b, c } b. ⟦-minimal⟧ (⟦NP⟧) = { ab, ac, bc, abc } (22) ⟦two NP⟧ = { ab, ac, bc } a. ⟦+minimal⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = = { ab, ac, bc } b. ⟦-minimal⟧ (⟦two NP⟧) = — 18 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Split system: gender (23) Estonian Swedish (Ionin & Matushansky 2018: 108-9) a. tri three mann man.sg ‘three men’ b. fem five bärkiar birch.pl ‘five birches’ 19 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Split system: gender (23) Estonian Swedish (Ionin & Matushansky 2018: 108-9) a. tri three mann man.sg ‘three men’ b. fem five bärkiar birch.pl ‘five birches’ ▶ difficult to see how one should extend the system in Martí (2020) 19 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Split system: gender (23) Estonian Swedish (Ionin & Matushansky 2018: 108-9) a. tri three mann man.sg ‘three men’ b. fem five bärkiar birch.pl ‘five birches’ ▶ difficult to see how one should extend the system in Martí (2020) ▶ Bale et al. (2010): masculine/feminine nouns denote something else. 19 / 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Split systems: case (24) South Saami paradigm fragment (Bergsland 1946: 263, 264) house two houses houses nom goåtie g