37
Introducing Cultural Psychology: Initial Distinctions
After having situated a cultural psychological approach to religion and religiosity
in the larger hermeneutical camp within the social and human sciences, it should
by now be appropriate to introduce cultural psychology in some more detail. As one
can imagine, like psychology in general, cultural psychology is a rather broad,
heterogeneous enterprise to which many well-known psychologists have made
significant contributions. It is important to realize from the onset that cultural psychology
is not a psychology entirely different from other kinds of psychology as
developed during the discipline’s past; neither is it one of its separate subdisciplines
or simply a field of application. Broadly stated, cultural psychology is an approach
within psychology that attempts to describe, investigate and interpret the interrelatedness
of culture and human psychic functioning. It is the branch of psychology
that tries to take seriously the superficially trivial observation that these would not
exist without each other, that culture is therefore a major factor in all meaningful
human conduct, and that traces of human involvement can be detected in all expressions
of culture. By “culture” this kind of psychology usually means a system of
signs, rules, symbols and practices that on the one hand structure the human realm
of action, structures that are on the other hand constantly being (re)constructed and
transformed by human action and praxis. It may be instructive to divide cultural
psychology into several variants, subsections which are obviously not entirely
independent from one another and cannot all be justly dealt with in this chapter.
(a) First of all, and vital to the development of psychology as a body of knowledge,
attitudes and skills, cultural psychology investigates how culture constitutes,
facilitates and regulates human subjectivity and its expression in diverse psychic
functions and processes as postulated and conceptualized by different psychological
schools and theories (e.g. perception, memory, mental health, the self, the
unconscious, etc.). It is important to note, that the concept of culture employed
here is a dynamic one, it does not just mean “context” or “situation.” In the
words of Ernst Boesch, a major German representative of contemporary cultural
psychology (Lonner and Hayes 2007; Simao 2008):
Chapter 3
Cultural Psychology of Religion
Perspectives, Challenges and Possibilities
J.A. Belzen, Towards Cultural Psychology of Religion: Principles, Approaches, Applications,
DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-3491-5_3, © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
38 Cultural Psychology of Religion
Culture is a field of action, whose contents range from objects made and used by human
beings to institutions, ideas and myths. Being an action field, culture offers possibilities of,
but by the same token stipulates conditions for, action; it circumscribes goals which can be
reached by certain means, but establishes limits, too, for correct, possible and also deviant
action. The relationship between the different material as well as ideational contents of the
cultural field of action is a systemic one; i.e. transformations in one part of the system can
have an impact in any other part. As an action field, culture not only includes and controls
action, but is also continuously transformed by it; therefore, culture is as much a process
as a structure. (Boesch 1991, p. 29)
With such a conception of culture, cultural psychology goes beyond the common
understanding of culture in psychology at large. Whereas contemporary
psychology generally recognizes that not only human interactions are influenced
by culture, but that also individuals’ feelings, thinking, experiences and behavior
are shaped by it: cultural psychology conceives of these as being inherently
cultural – as being the result of human embeddedness in culture, which is
therefore to be considered as a genuine element of all human functioning relevant
for psychology.1
This form of cultural psychology will be dealt with at
greater length in this chapter. It is the form of cultural psychology usually developed
by psychologists. (This latter remark should not be surprising, for, as we
shall see in a moment, there are also other academic disciplines that use or even
make contributions to psychology as a scientific enterprise.)
All conditions and determinants of psychic functioning, whether they are
limitative (like psychophysical makeup or social and geographical conditions),
operative (like acquired, learned activities), or normative (like rules and norms),
are always cultural-historically variable (cf. Peeters 1994). Therefore, this first
variant of cultural psychology consists, roughly, in two forms: a synchronic and
a diachronic one. In both forms there is a realization of the historical nature of
culture (in its various manifestations) and therefore of human psychic functioning.
Yet, in the first form, the emphasis is on psychic functions and processes in
contemporary subjects; there is an abstraction of historical variation. In the second
form, however, the historical changes in human psychic functioning are
being investigated and explained on the basis of modifications in cultural conditions
and determinations. Cultural psychology as a whole is an interdisciplinary
approach, as will be readily understood with this first of its variants: in both
forms of the first variant distinguished here, cultural psychology is in need of
collaboration with other disciplines from the social and human sciences. In the
synchronic form, psychology relies on information, and sometimes theories, concepts
and skills from disciplines like anthropology, sociology, politicology. In
the second one, historiography, and sometimes even evolutionary biology (Atran
2002, 2007), are among the obvious partners in theorizing and research.
1
â•›Cultural psychologists usually define meaningful action or conduct as the object of psychology.
Obviously, there are also forms of human behavior that are not intentional or not regulated by
meaning (like drawing back one’s hand from a hot object; although even in the way this is done,
there exists cultural variation).
39Introducing Cultural Psychology: Initial Distinctions
(b) Secondly, numerous publications have traditionally been devoted to efforts to
detect and determine the human involvement in all kinds of cultural products.
Whereas in the first variant of cultural psychology, the understanding of culture
is more or less anthropological, on a macro-level, in this second variant usually
a much more elitist and restricted concept of culture is employed. Attention is
given to products of so-called “high culture,” like novels, movies, operas and
other arts, but also to entire areas like peace and war, sports, advertising, organizations,
international affairs, and to important domains like socialization, sexuality
and courting, labor, death and dying. Each of these subjects can and is also being
studied by other scholarly disciplines to which psychology in such cases often
relates as an auxiliary discipline. In fields (to be distinguished from disciplines!)
like cultural studies, education or arts, the discipline of psychology is often
called upon to explore the human involvement in the phenomena studied. In
these cases typically some kind or another of psychology (very often: psychoanalysis)
is applied. Although this may be and has been done by psychologists
(again: especially psychoanalysts) themselves, it is often done by researchers and
authors without formal psychological training. Or, if psychologists are hired in
these contexts, they obviously are serving another goal than the development of
(new) psychological theory.
In this second variant of cultural psychology, considerable attention has
been given to a variety of religious phenomena, contributing substantially to the
psychology of religion-literature. Not only numerous “great” psychologists,
especially from the psychoanalytic tradition, have been writing explicitly on
religion from the perspective of the psychological approach or theory developed
by themselves (e.g., Freud, Jung, Erikson, Allport, Maslow, Fromm), but
psychological approaches or theories have often been utilized by scholars other
than psychologists to analyze some religious phenomenon. The latter has been
done by authors with a psycho(patho)logical training (e.g. Pruyser 1983;
Rizzuto 1979; Meissner 1992, 1996; Kakar 1982, 1991; Stählin 1914b), but
frequently also by scholars with a (primary) background in theology, sciences
of religion, or religious studies in general (e.g. Beth 1927, 1931a, b; Pfister
1910, 1926, 1944/1948; Sundén 1959/1966; Girgensohn 1921/1930; Holm
1990; Kripall 1995; Parsons 1999; Vergote 1978/1988, 1983/1997). As such
work is covered at some length in other excellent reviews (as in Wulff 1997),
this variant of cultural psychology will be left out of consideration in the
remainder of this chapter.
(c) A third variant of cultural psychology will be mentioned here even more briefly. It
is common to find an understanding among cultural psychologists that different
cultural contexts, different times as well as different places, produce different psychologies,
partly as a result of their being developed with or on subjects who are
psychically differently constituted (cf. Gomperts 1992; Zeegers 1988), and that the
history of psychology is not about natural facts, but about socially generated constructions
(cf. Danziger 1990, 1997). Therefore, within cultural psychology there is,
on the one hand, attention to so-called indigenous psychologies: the psychologies as
developed and employed by local people (as distinguished from Euro-American
40 Cultural Psychology of Religion
psychologists, who produced almost all of the present “academic” psychological
knowledge), also in other parts of the world than on both sides of the Atlantic
(e.g., Much 1995; Ratner 2008). On the other hand, there is also a fair amount of
attention devoted to the history of psychology as a Western enterprise. As will be
clear, in this third variant there is again collaboration with experts on local cultures
(whether academically trained in the Western tradition, like anthropologists, or not)
and with historians, especially intellectual historians (or with historicizing philosophers),
cf. Belzen (1991a, 2007), Laucken (1998), Paranjpe (1998).
Let us now turn to a closer exploration of the first variant just distinguished,
to the form of cultural psychology concentrating on the cultural basis of
human psychic functioning, developed as an integral part of psychology.
Contemporary Research in Cultural Psychology
On the Difference Between Cross-cultural Psychology
and Cultural Psychology
As many cultural psychologists point out, it is important to distinguish between
cross-cultural psychology and cultural psychology in the proper sense.2
The two
disciplines work with different conceptions of culture, cross-cultural psychology
operating with a rather traditional understanding of culture: it conceives of culture
as a variable that may possibly have influence on behavior, and it investigates comparatively
how experiences and behavior, attitudes, social relationships etc. present
themselves within different cultural conditions. In its most straightforward form,
individuals who match for age, sex, education and other relevant variables, but
belong to different ethnic groups or live in different geographical regions, are compared
with regard to the psychic phenomenon the particular investigation focuses on.
This type of research has contributed greatly to the present sensitivity to the cultural
variations in human ways of experiencing and of being in general (Vijver et€ al.
2008). Such comparative cultural studies often aim to determine culturally invariant
forms of human expression, and considers these – in covariance with sociobiological
perspectives – as anthropological constants, e.g. in research on emotions. From this
approach, culture tends to be viewed merely as a qualification on the generality of
psychological effects or as a moderator variable, but not as a constituent process that
is implicated in explaining psychological phenomena (Billmann-Mahecha 2001).
On the contrary, cultural psychology in a proper sense stresses that cultural
patterns of acting, thinking and experiencing are created, adopted and promulgated
by a number of individuals jointly. Such patterns are supra-individual (social) rather
than individual, and they are artefactual rather than natural. Therefore, psychological
2
â•›Recently, authors from both traditions are trying to open up a dialogue and to look for commonalities
instead of stressing differences (cf. e.g. Kitayama and Cohen 2007; Matsumoto 1994a, b,
1996; Ratner 2008; Valsiner and Rosa 2007).
41Contemporary Research in Cultural Psychology
phenomena are cultural insofar as they are social artifacts, i.e., insofar as their
content, mode of operation and dynamic relationships are a) socially created and
shared by a number of individuals, and b) integrated with other social artifacts
(Ratner 2002, p. 9). For example, conversion is a phenomenon found within certain
religions, having a different meaning within different subgroups of such religions,
being the result of certain patterns of religious practice, in their turn related to certain
religious doctrines and rituals. In cultural psychology usually the meaning of
some form of action (or thought or experience) is central, not the action as such
(which could be, and in fact often is, studied by other social and human sciences
too). Culture, also cultural practices, is conceived of as symbolic: it is considered
to do more than merely represent preexisting realities and regulate behavior. Rather,
culture is seen as creating (social) reality, whose existence rests partly on such
cultural definitions. With this, cultural psychology recognizes the open and indeterminate
relationship between cultural meanings, practices and material forces. It is
recognized that not only social institutions (e.g. marriage, school), roles (e.g. bride,
student) and artifacts (e.g. wedding ring, lecture notes), but also psychological
concepts (e.g. the self, emotion, mind) and epistemological categories (e.g. time)
depend, in part, on cultural distinctions embodied in language categories, discourse,
and everyday social practices.
The main contrast between the two forms of psychology investigating the role
of culture in psychological phenomena is therefore conceptual, not methodological.
Cultural psychology views culture and psychology as mutually constitutive and
treats basic psychological processes as culturally dependent, if not also, in certain
cases, as culturally variable. Cross-cultural psychology, on the other hand, treats
psychological processes as formed independently from culture, with cultural
impacting on their display, but not on their basic way of functioning (Miller 2001,
p. 38). In order to not remain too abstract, let us consider some pieces of research
in contemporary cultural psychology.
Examples of Current Fields of Research
According to contemporary cultural psychologists, working with a more nuanced
and process-oriented understanding of culture, realizing and determining its
impact on psychic functioning will broaden psychological theory. And indeed,
with regard to a number of basic issues in psychology like cognition, emotion, the
self, well-being, self-esteem, motivation, cultural psychological research has contributed
to the elaboration of new theoretical frameworks (Kitayama and Cohen
2007). A core insight from the cognitive revolution has been that individuals in
making sense of experience go beyond information given, rather than merely
passively “processing” it (Bruner 1990). An act of interpretation mediates between
stimulus and response. Such interpretation necessarily draws on culturally available
systems of meaning. Culturally different settings require different activities, leading
to different (cognitive) abilities. Thus, to refer to just one example, it was found
42 Cultural Psychology of Religion
that arithmetical problem-solving goes on differently, leading to different results,
in different situations. Lave et€al. (1984) found, for example, that whereas 98% of
problems were correctly solved by subjects when engaged in grocery shopping,
only 59% of an equal kind of questions were answered correctly by the same subjects
when tested in a classroom. These researchers argue further that problemsolving
is not a disembodied mental activity, but belongs to, and is specific to, the
kind of situation the subject is involved in. In general, cognition is viewed as constituted,
in part, by the concrete practical activities in which it is situated and the
cultural tools on which it depends (Miller 1999, p. 87). Likewise, emotions are not
just the same ones, differing only in degree across cultures, but are different in
different cultures, i.e. some emotions exist in some cultures and not in other ones.
Emotions are characterized by beliefs, judgments, and desires – the content of
which is not natural but is determined by the systems of cultural belief, value and
mores of particular communities. They are not natural responses elicited by natural
features which a situation may possess, but socio-culturally determined patterns
of experience and expression which are acquired, and subsequently feature in,
specific social situations (Armon-Jones 1986).
Also in the conceptions of the self – understood as an individual’s understanding
and experience of the own psychic functioning – and in related modes of psychic
functioning, qualitative differences exist between individuals from cultural communities
characterized by contrasting self-related cultural meanings and practices
(Kitayama et€al. 2007). Thus, the researchers Shweder and Bourne (1984) showed
that, in descriptions of persons, Oriyan Indians – as compared to Euro-Americans
– place greater emphasis on actions than on abstract traits, while more frequently
making reference to the context. (Instead of describing a friend as, e.g., “friendly,”
Oriyan Indians would say that she or he “brings cakes to my family on festival
days.”) Recent extensions of this type of research indicate that theory of mind
understanding does not spontaneously develop toward an endpoint of trait psychology,
but that it proceeds in directions that reflect the contrasting epistemological
assumptions of local cultural communities (Lillard 1998; Miller 2002). Another
example: the fundamental attribution error (i.e. a bias to overemphasize dispositional
relative to situational explanations of behavior) was formerly assumed to be
universal, but research now suggests that Asians may be less vulnerable to it than
North Americans (Lee et€al. 1996; Morris et€al. 1995).
With regard to self-esteem and well-being, cultural research implies that strategies
of self-enhancement and defensive self-promotion to maintain positive feelings about
the self are culturally variable, with Japanese populations emphasizing a culturally
supported self-critical stance and Chinese populations emphasizing maintaining
harmony within groups. The tendencies for reported self-esteem and life satisfaction
to be higher among North-American than among Asian cultural populations (Diener
and Diener 1995) probably does not indicate more successful patterns of adaptation
to be linked with individualism. Moreover, the research in this area suggests that
psychological measures of self-esteem are biased by conceptions of norms, practices
and self-conceptions as individualistic, and may therefore not be able to capture
central goals for the self in cultures that emphasize fulfillment of interpersonal
responsibilities and interdependence (Miller 2001, p. 33).
43Cultural Psychology of Religion
With regard to motivation, recent cultural work challenges some common
assumptions that link agency with individualism; its shows that agency is experienced
qualitatively in different ways in contrasting cultural communities. In cultural
groups where the self tends to be conceptualized as inherently social rather than as
inherently autonomous, individuals are more prone to experience their true selves
as expressed in the realization of social expectations rather than in acting autonomously.
Also, Miller and Bersoff (1994) showed that whereas Americans interpret
helping as more endogenously motivated and satisfying when individuals are acting
autonomously rather than in response to social expectations, Indians regard helping
in both cases as just as endogenously motivated and satisfying. Likewise, Iyengar
and Lepper (1999) found that Euro-American children show less intrinsic motivation
when choices on anagram and game tasks were made for them by their mothers
or by their peer groups, but that Asian-American children display highest levels
when acting to fulfill the expectations of these trusted others. Extending this type
of cultural research to issues of socialization, it has been shown that not only the
meaning but also the adaptive consequences of particular modes of socialization are
culturally dependent. Whereas in Euro-American cultural communities authoritarian
modes of parenting tend to be associated with more maladaptive outcomes than
are less controlling authoritative modes of parenting, Korean adolescents associate
greater perceived parental warmth with greater perceived parental control, concordant
with the Korean view of parents as having a responsibility to exercise authority
over their children, failure to exercise it being experienced as parental neglect
(Berndt et€al. 1993; Miller 2001).
Cultural Psychology of Religion
The Interdisciplinary Character of Cultural Psychology
of Religion
In psychology at large, the sensitivity for the cultural character of the phenomena
being researched has largely been lost. All too often, researchers take their results
to be cross-culturally valid: there is usually no realization that results obtained
(frequently only on Western middle class white students) may only be valid for
the sample chosen, and even that only for the time being. Therefore, in spite of (or
perhaps because of) dealing with small-scale questions, concepts and manipulated
variables, and in spite of it ever increasing refinement of scales and sophisticated
statistical techniques, psychology is often criticized for not observing sufficiently,
not going deeply enough into the phenomena it wants to explore, especially not
when constructing its “measuring instruments” (cf. also Belzen 1997b).
Among the interdisciplinary authors from the founding days of psychology and
other social sciences there were also scholars who are now frequently remembered
as the founding fathers of sociology such as Max Weber (1904/1984) and Émile
Durkheim (1912). Yet, although one finds interesting (cultural) psychological
44 Cultural Psychology of Religion
approaches with them, especially in their work on religion, they are hardly ever
read by psychologists anymore. Awareness of the cultural character of the religious
phenomena under scrutiny was since the beginning of the twentieth century also
found with a number of theologians, who had developed into historians of religion
or into comparative scholars of religion (Andrae 1926, 1932; VanderLeeuw 1926,
1928, 1932; Sierksma 1950, 1956/1980; Söderblom 1908, 1916, 1939). Very frequently,
such scholars turned to psychology for interpretation of their findings (cf.
Sharpe 1986). But as psychology in general narrowed down its perspectives, it
lost its attractiveness to comparative scholars of religion and to others who would
otherwise have been interested in psychology. If at all, they oriented themselves to
psychoanalytical psychology. The work of this group of scholars – not developing
new psychological theory themselves, but using psychological viewpoints within
another discipline or enterprise – largely belongs to the second form of cultural
psychology distinguished in the first paragraph of this chapter, and will be left out
of consideration here.
In current cultural psychology, there is a return to the interdisciplinary approach
from the former days (Jahoda 1993, 2007). As one of the social sciences, psychology
is in need of close collaboration with, e.g., historians, sociologists and anthropologists.
Accepting that culture is a major constituting and regulating force in people’s
self-definition, conduct and experience also require a different kind of research than
is usual in mainstream psychology of religion. The particular religious “form
of life” (Wittgenstein) the human being is embedded in, can then no longer be
neglected in favor of searching for some presumably inherent and invariable psychic
structures. On the contrary, it is necessary to study people engaging in their particular
“form of life,” not to take them out of it by submitting them to experiments, tests
or questionnaires in the “laboratory.” Accordingly, researchers have to turn to participant
observation, analysis of personal documents, interviews, group discussions
and other ecologically valid techniques. Further, it becomes necessary to study not
the isolated individual, but also the beliefs, values and rules that are prevalent in a
particular cultural situation, together with the patterns of social relatedness and
interaction that characterize that situation. In any case, it appears erroneous to try
to study the “individual mind” as such. Psychology cannot fulfill this task without
the aid of other cultural sciences.
Theories in Contemporary Cultural Psychology
and Their Application to Religion
In contemporary cultural psychology a variety of concepts and theories is employed,
drawing from different strains of thoughts (Triandis 2007). As there is no space here
to cover the range even approximately, let us take a brief look at just some of them,
and see what a concept like habitus means, what the theory of the dialogical self and
other narrative approaches stand for, and what theories of “action” (or “activity”)
have put forward.
45Cultural Psychology of Religion
The notion that psychological phenomena depend on practical activities has a long
tradition, ranging from Marx and Engels, to Dewey and contemporary thinkers like
Bourdieu. Religious people very often cannot explain on a cognitive level why they
perform as they do, for example, in rituals. (Even the question as posed by a
researcher, say, would be odd, as we will see in a case of empirical research reported
in Chapter 9.) Most often they have no knowledge of the “official” rationales for
certain conduct. Accordingly Roman Catholics cannot account for their behavior during
Mass, nor can Buddhists for the reasons for experiencing grief as they do
(Obeyesekere 1985). Yet people perform perfectly in accordance with the expectations
of their religious (sub)culture, often with a competence and to an extent that a
foreigner will never learn to manage. Religion regulates conduct, although this conduct
cannot be conceived of as the conscious following of rules. People’s conduct – in
the broadest sense, also including their perception, thinking, emotion, needs, etc. – is
regulated according to a scheme or structure that is not consciously known. This
scheme is not even of a primarily cognitive nature at all, but is something belonging
to the body. People act not because they know consciously what to do: it is as if their
body knows for them. Affect, for example, is not the result of properly knowing how
to feel – it is ruled by an immediate corporeal structure. Bourdieu (1980/1990) calls
this structure habitus – it is this structure that generates and structures people’s
actions. Although these structures are personally embodied, they are not individual:
they characterize the (sub)culture and are derived from the patterns in the participant’s
conduct. They belong to both the individual and a (sub)culture; in fact, they are precisely
the nexus between an individual and a cultural institution. Unlike western secularized
societies, religion in most cultures is not just a specific practice performed on
specific occasions. In such cultures, religion is transmitted through practice, “without
raising to the level of discourse. The child mimics other people’s actions rather than
‘models.’ Body praxis speaks directly to motor function, in the form of a pattern of
postures that is both individual and systematic, being bound up with a whole system
of objects, and charged with a host of special meanings and values” (Bourdieu
1980/1990, pp. 73–74). The same applies to those western subcultures where religion
is still predominantly a shaping and integrating force. For example: it is because he
carries, in his body, the habitus of a Hindu from India, that a believer thinks, reacts,
feels and behaves as an Indian Hindu, in fact is an Indian Hindu, and not because he
would know the specifics of the doctrine, the ethical rules or the rituals. The believer
usually is not aware of these specifics. Not being individual, the habitus is itself
structured by social practices: its dispositions are durably inculcated by the possibilities
and impossibilities, freedoms and necessities, opportunities and prohibitions
inscribed in the objective conditions. It is in social practices that the habitus can be
observed at work: being (re)produced and producing conduct itself.
To what extent ever the habitus may be non-cognitive or operating in a way nonconscious
to the actor, the conduct that results does mean something, both to the
actor and to other cultural participants. This meaning is rooted in both personal life
history and culturally available meanings. Analysis of activity must take into
account the “forms of life” that are the context of meaning. This culturally available
meaning can only be traced and analyzed at the level of text: words, proverbs,
46 Cultural Psychology of Religion
stories, myths, articulated symbols. However true it may be that without the analysis
of activity, cultural psychology is only telling half of the story (Ratner 1996), it
remains true that cultural knowledge, symbols, concepts and words, laid down in
and maintained by linguistic conventions, stimulate and organize psychological
phenomena. Here narrative psychology can be seen as an obvious ally in any analysis
of religiosity. It points out that in the course of their life, people hear and assimilate
stories, which enable them to develop “schemes” which give direction to their
experience and conduct – schemes with whose help they can then make sense out
of a potential stimulation overload (Howard 1991). To each developing story, and
in every situation with which they are confronted, people bring an acquired catalogue
of “plots” which is used to make sense out of the story or situation (Mancuso
and Sarbin 1983). Here lies a possibility of applying narrative psychology to religious
phenomena. For, whatever religion may be besides this, it is in any case also
a reservoir of verbal elements, stories, interpretations, prescriptions and commandments,
which in their power to determine experience and conduct and in their legitimization
possess narrative character. Clifford Geertz’s definition of religion, which
is most widely disseminated in cultural psychology, points to the central importance
of “stories,” of linguistically transmitted and given reality: “a religion is a
system of symbols which act to establish powerful, pervasive and long-lasting
moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of
existence and clothing those conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the
moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic” (1973, p. 90). In order to effect
a connection with narrative psychology, one need only take the word “symbols”
in this definition and give it more precise content with the aid of “stories and practices.”
(In this connection one must realize that both practices and “conceptions”
again employ stories to explain and legitimate themselves.) In other words: people
who, among the various culturally available life forms, have also been introduced
to, or have appropriated, a religious life form, have at their disposal a system of
interpretation and conduct which (narratively) prefigures reality for them. Thus in
every situation, expectations, interpretations and actions can be brought to bear
which have been derived from a religious horizon of understanding and which,
under certain circumstances, confirm and reinforce this understanding. Indeed,
precisely those persons and groups are considered deeply devout who succeed, with
the greatest frequency, spontaneously and perseveringly, to activate this religious
horizon of understanding and who are in a position – despite the paradoxes they are
confronted with – to overcome their own problems of religious interpretation and to
act in harmony with the system of interpretation and conduct they have appropriated
as well as with the “stories” that have been handed down to them.
Activity theory was seminally lined out by Vygotsky (Veresov 1999) and elaborated
in the cultural- historical Russian tradition initiated by him (Leontiev 1978,
1981; Luria 1971, 1976; Vygotsky 1978, 1998). Vygotsky enumerated three cultural
factors that influence psychic functioning:
1.	 Activities such as producing goods, raising children, educating the populace,
devising and implementing laws, treating disease, playing, and producing art
47Cultural Psychology of Religion
2.	 Artifacts including tools, books, paper, pottery, weapons, eating utensils, clocks,
clothing, buildings, furniture, toys, and technology
3.	 Concepts about things and people, e.g. the succession of forms that the content
of person has taken in the life of human beings in different societies with their
system of law, religion, customs, social structures, and mentality (Mauss
1938/1985, p. 3, in Ratner 2002, p. 10)
Vygotsky emphasized the dependence of psychic functioning on these three
cultural factors, and the dominance of activities over the other two. (Ratner 2002
correctly pointed out that the real situation is more complex and dynamic: it contains
reciprocal influence among the factors, and it is animated by intentionality,
teleology, or agency.) Vygotsky stated: “The structures of higher mental functions
represent a cast of collective social relations between people. These structures are
nothing other than a transfer into the personality of an inward relation of a social
order that constitutes the basis of the social structure of the human personality”
(1998, pp. 169–170). Another member of the “cultural-historical” school in psychology
initiated by Vygotsky wrote similarly that “changes take place in the
course of historical development in the general character of men’s consciousness
that are engendered by changes in their mode of life” (Leontiev 1981, p. 22).
According to activity theorists, activity, artifacts and cultural concepts need to be
explored by psychologists to understand psychic functioning of individuals in a
particular culture. This is not a task to be left to scholars other than psychologists,
as one has to look outside the individual to comprehend the content, mode of operation,
and dynamics of psychological phenomena, constituted as they are by cultural
factors and processes. Gerth and Mills (1953) pointed out that activities are internally
divided into roles, and that each role entails distinctive rights, responsibilities,
norms, opportunities, limitations, rewards and qualifications. (The activity of religion,
e.g., includes the roles of believer and usually of some kind of priest, both
more often than not divided into a host of religious categories as penitent, possessed,
enlightened, etc., or such as pastor, baptizer, minister, exorcist, etc.) The distinctive
characteristics of a role shape the occupant’s psychic functioning, for it is by her or
his experience in enacting various roles, that the person incorporates certain objectives
and values which steer and direct her or his conduct, as well as the elements of
her or his psychic structure. Fulfilling a role requires psychic training: it involves
learning what to do, as well as the meaning of what to do. “His [sic] memory, his
sense of time and space, his perception, his motives, his conception of his self, his
psychological functions are shaped and steered by the specific configuration of roles
which he incorporates from his society” (Gerth and Mills 1953, p. 11; cf. also Ratner
(2002), for an actualized outline of activity theory, integrating numerous contemporary
research findings and extensive discussions of its relation to other cultural
psychological approaches).
The concept of the (social) role is an excellent device for a cultural psychological
approach to religion, as it designates a historically specific set of norms, rights,
responsibilities and qualifications that pertain not only to persons and/or situations
actually present, but also to those from the realm of religious stories, symbols and
48 Cultural Psychology of Religion
discourse in general. Roles are specific, distinctive ways of acting and interacting,
and the concept can be used to designate the functioning (action, but also corresponding
attitudes, emotions and expectations) on the part of the actual believer as
well as to the (anticipated) conduct of the beings from an immaterial realm as stipulated
by the divers religions, as the Swedish psychologist of religion Hjalmar Sundén
(1959/1966) pointed out. His role theory of religious experience has proved a powerful
heuristic device to analyze both contemporary and historical cases, and can be
considered as a contribution to a cultural psychology of religion (Belzen 1996b).
Examples
Before closing, let us take a brief look at some examples of research on religion,
performed along cultural psychological lines. We shall consider work from different
countries and in different religious traditions.
(a)â•… The Belgian psychologist of religion Vergote has applied Freudian-Lacanian
and Winnicottian psychoanalytic thoughts and cultural psychological reasoning in
general in extended research on religion. His work is characterized by an – among
psychologists! – remarkably unusual interdisciplinary approach: he draws on cultural
anthropology, history and sociology, psychoanalysis and philosophy. When
confronted with the task to define his object of study, he does not commit the fallacy
of trying to develop a psychological definition of religion, but he turns to cultural
sciences, especially to anthropology. Accordingly, the task for psychology of religion
is to develop or to make use of an approach that will yield insight into the psychic
processes that are involved in and determined by this culturally given religion.
Next, there is no pretension of studying “religion” in general (whatever that may be),
but an in-depth analysis of some concrete phenomenon, belonging to a particular
religious form of life (be it stigmata, worship of ancestors, or whatever). Usually,
Vergote’s publications deal only with aspects of the Christian faith in its Roman
Catholic version – even more concretely: from the Belgian context. In one of his
main publications, he attempts a study of “belief,” which he considers to be one of
the most important elements in and specific for the Christian faith. Before starting his
psychological research, he offers a brief account of what “to believe” means in
Christianity (1983/1997, pp. 187–191). Proceeding in this way, he has removed himself
far from any effort to write a psychology of religion in general: as he is not writing
on religion in general, he is, in that volume, not even writing on the Christian
religion in general, but only on one of its aspects: faith. As in his better-known Guilt
and Desire (1978/1988), he defends the position that “by nature” the human being
is neither religious nor irreligious; the human being can only become a religious
or irreligious person, because of culturally available religious meanings: “what is
studied by psychology is the effect of psychic archeology on the process by which
the individual appropriates the symbolic system of religion” (1983/1997, p. 26).
49Cultural Psychology of Religion
It is psychology’s task to bring to light (latent) meanings and motivations in experienced
religion, and to investigate how these relate organically to each other and
form the structure of personal religiosity. Therefore, it just as revealing to study the
process by which a person develops into an unbeliever, as to study the oscillations
between belief and unbelief.
(b)â•… Research on a mystically oriented Christian spirituality in the Netherlands
may count as another example of a cultural psychological approach to religion.
As Belzen (2003) has tried to point out, the notion of conversion as adhered to
by bevindelijken, orthodox-mystical believers belonging to the Calvinistic tradition,
may well be interpreted with the aid of categories of social constructionism,
especially in its “rhetorical-responsive” version. As in many non-western countries,
but also with several more or less traditional religious groups in the
West – where religion is a major shaping force in various, sometimes even almost
all, domains of private and public life, and where people more often than not fail
to distinguish between the two – bevindelijke believers have “embodied”
(Bourdieu) knowledge “of the third kind” (Shotter) about their religion.
Bevindelijke identity does not just consist in membership in some church, in
affirming specific theological doctrines, in joining an “inner circle” or even in
being able to account for one’s religious experiences in a certain stylized way,
but predominantly in an all-pervading “style,” belonging to a specific “life form”
(Wittgenstein), displaying itself in and through the body. Whereas Vergote has
also worked with standardized instruments like Osgood-scales, Belzen utilized
very diverse empirical strategies, including dozens of observations made during
attendance at church services, observations and conversations on the occasion of
visits to feast days (mission conferences, book fairs, training courses, political
assemblies); numerous encounters with people, in the street, after church, at their
homes, sometimes just “small talk,” sometimes in the form of semi-structured
interviews (in some cases even with a tape-recorder on the table); analysis of
ego-documents, novels, spiritual authors and scholarly publications on bevindelijken;
reading their newspapers, visiting them on Internet. In short: anything that
might help a person to “get in touch” (Shotter 1992). In Chapter 9 we shall take
a closer look at this research.
(c)â•… Similarly, Much and Mahapatra (1995) have combined anthropological methods
and psychological reasoning in their study of a Kalasi (a possession oracle in
the Hindu tradition) of Oressa, a state on the eastern coast of India. They show the
interplay of meanings in the constitution of the life form of the woman they present
in their case study, and consider her role as a possession oracle from the
point of view of personal meanings and values, of social statuses or positions, and
of local cultural symbolic contexts. In their analysis, they focus upon the cultural
discourse that accommodates the role and status of a possession oracle, and upon
the semiotic skills of the oracle herself as she transforms herself from her ordinary
persona to a “moving divinity” (Thakura chalanti). During the times of
transformation and possession (and at those times only!), Kalasis are expected to
speak and behave in ways different from normally acceptable social behavior.
50 Cultural Psychology of Religion
The resulting behavior is, however, a patterned and meaningful symbolic deviation
from the norm, and not a random inhibition. There clearly are norms for
behavior while possessed. Kalasis are held to have special powers when possessed
by the Goddess. Their actions and speech are understood as her actions
and speech, and their special powers under possession are viewed as attributes
of the Goddess. According to Much and Mahapatra (1995, p. 76) the discourse of
the oracle (hokum) is a socially shared illusion wherein participants have the
experience of darshan: a vision of visions (or objects) who are special conduits of
divinity, during which they can receive personal attention and advice directly
from the Goddess. (As such, the hokum is not particularly different from other
kinds of socially shared illusions in Western or Indian cultures, like psychotherapy,
academic symposia or business meetings.) The authors point out that it is not
the “supernatural” aspect of the hokum which makes it an illusion, but rather its
socially constituted facticity, without which it would not be experienced as meaningful
in the way that it is. Reflecting on their research, Much and Mahapatra
come up with an interesting suggestion for psychological theory: from a cultural
psychological point of view, personality patterns – dispositions, patterns of knowing
and feeling, awareness and response – are aptly considered skills. A neonate
enters the social world with a certain range of potentials, some universal or widely
shared, others particular to a subset of individuals. Which of these potentials are
cultivated or not, and in which way, depends to a large extent on cultural contexts
of learning, knowing and performing. The marginalized or even pathologized
potentials of one culture may be recognized talents, and so developed into socially
and personally adaptive skills, in cultural contexts where these skills are accepted,
where they can be cultivated in well-organized institutionalized forms, and where
they are integrated with local social structures and cultural goals. Cases in point
would be the various contemplative, mystical and ecstatic skills valued, taught
and cultivated in South Asia but ignored and generally pathologized by mainstream
contemporary western society.
Closing Words
As I shall try to argue also in Chapter 7, cultural psychology seems well prepared
to correct one of the oldest and most widespread flaws in the psychology of religion,
i.e. forgetting to focus, at least at some point, on religion as a phenomenon of
culture. Cultural psychology may serve as a remedy here, as it enables us to do
justice to the cultural impact of the phenomena under consideration: a cultural
psychological approach takes into account the specific form of life (Wittgenstein)
in which subjects are involved. I must grant that in so doing the results obtained are
not valid for every person and/or group in every religion, but it is exactly this sort
of aspiration that should be abolished from psychology (not just in psychology of
religion)! As there is no such thing as religion-in-general, but only specific forms
of life going by the same label “religious,” and as psychology should not strive for
51Closing Words
insight into presumably basic elements of psychic functioning valid for all subjects,
regardless of time and place, the psychology of religion should try to detect how a
specific religious form of life constitutes, involves and regulates the psychic functioning
of its adherents. The psychology of religion will have a future and will have
the possibility to formulate meaningful results and interpretations by selecting specific
phenomenon from religious forms of life, taking account of their particular psychic
impact and using concepts and methods from cultural psychological theory.
Next to this, cultural psychology promises to be a valuable addition and corrective
to other psychological approaches that already focus on religion as a cultural
phenomenon but that tend to jump to conclusions no scientific analysis of religion
could ever reach. An interesting example is the increasing attention to both the neurological
and cognitive basis of religious functioning (cf., e.g., Andresen 2001;
Cohen 2007). One finds results from this type of research used in both reductionistic
and in apologetic reasoning (cf., e.g., Newberg et€al. 2001). Authors from these
approaches stress either the brain or the mind in their explanations of religion.
However – and I am not doing justice to the literature on this topic (for an introductory
review, cf. Reich 2004) – people seem to forget that even these are never more
than the necessary preconditions for the specifics of human functioning and are not
sufficient conditions themselves. If we can discover that some parts of the brain are
more vital to religious functioning than others (Ramachandran and Blakeslee 1998),
we still could not conclude that these parts are responsible for religious functioning.
The impact of acculturation always remains and that is one of the main issues for a
cultural psychological approach, particularly as regards its application to religion.
Likewise, if evidence appears that religion has developed for evolutionary purposes
(Guthrie 1993; Boyer 2001; Kirkpatrick 2005), it still remains for psychologists to
find out by which means any given specific religion shapes the religious life of contemporary
subjects. Also, when cognitive scientists show that also in religione the
mind functions as it is predetermined to do (Andresen 2001; Slone 2004), is that not
a bit trivial? How could we, after more than a century of reflection and research in
the psychology of religion, expect otherwise? Of course, the mind will allow for the
development of only certain religious ideas and practices, and facilitate these, hinder
others; and of course scientific knowledge about the working of the mind must
be taken into account in a comprehensive theory of religion (to which the whole
of the psychology of religion will only be able to contribute modestly).
What will always remain an impossibility is the ability to judge the ultimate
existential and ontological value of any kind of religion on the basis of scientific
work. In addition to the fact that scientific knowledge is provisional by definition, in
principle science can never be turned into an attack on or into an apologetic device
on behalf of any religion. That brain and mind are involved in religious functioning
is trivial, that they alone determine the form, content and modality of individual
religious functioning or of religion as a cultural phenomenon is an unsound conclusion.
But neurobiological approaches and cognitive psychology can help assess, and
can join together with cultural psychology to detect and depict via an analysis of
the interlacement of religion and psychic functioning what is specific to religious
forms of life. We should take care not to repeat a kind of nature–nurture debate:
52 Cultural Psychology of Religion
obviously, in all psychic functioning brain and mind are involved; they enable, shape
and limit what human beings can and cannot do, but they do not determine all and
everything. If we want to know more about a cultural phenomenon like religion,
cultural psychology is a legitimate way, perhaps even the royal road, to try to find
out more about its relationship to psychic functioning.
Different psychological approaches may be employed to try to analyze religious
persons and phenomena. Although some may be more apt than others, each must
remain modest: each will always offer only a partial perspective on the phenomenon
under scrutiny. Yet in this way and in their own right the different psychological
approaches to religion will do what their very name requires of them: use the instruments
of psychology to find out more about religion, one of the most complex
elements of human cultures.
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