Introduction: Queer Methods
Author(s): Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
Source: Women's Studies Quarterly , FALL/WINTER 2016, Vol. 44, No. 3/4, QUEER
METHODS (FALL/WINTER 2016), pp. 14-27
Published by: The Feminist Press at the City University of New York
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Introduction: Queer Methods
Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
Queer studies is experiencing a methodological renaissance. In both the
humanities and the social sciences, scholars have begun to identify research
protocols and practices that have been largely overshadowed by
dramatic advances in queer theory. The 2010 volume Queer Methods and
Methodologies: Intersecting Queer Theories and Social Science Research , edited
by Kath Browne and Catherine J. Nash, indexed this shift toward methods
by reframing the endlessly rehearsed question "what is queer theory?"
as the nascent "how is queer theory done?" Three years later, the Gender,
Sexuality, and Women s Studies Program at the University of Pennsylvania
hosted a two-day Queer Method conference. Organizers asked "what
it means to understand queer work as having a method, or to imagine
method itself as queer" (Queer Method 2016). A 2016 University of Massachusetts
Amherst conference similarly refocused queer studies - as
well as black and postcolonial studies - through the lens of methods, and
next year, the University of California Press will release a new collection
on queer methods in sociology. With this special issue, WSQ affirms and
enriches these conversations by presenting pioneering feminist work on
queer methods in sociology, performance studies, African American studies,
lesbian cultural studies, critical psychology, African studies, statistics,
transgender and queer studies, media and digital studies, history, and English,
as well as poetry and fiction.
An Alternate History
What if a high-profile academic conference in 1990 had ushered in an enterprise
called "queer methods" rather than "queer theory"?1 Our quesWSQ:
Women's Studies Quarterly 44: 3 & 4 (Fall/Winter 2016)
All rights reserved.
© 2016 by Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani.
14
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Introduction: Queer Methods 15
tion - speculative and provocative in its rewriting of a watershed moment
in queer intellectual history - is also surprisingly plausible, lhe methods
that scholars used to establish gay and lesbian studies in the decades prior
to queer theory were often quite queer themselves, particularly when
guided by social constructionist approaches to the study of homosexuality.
This was certainly true in sociology, as Steven Seidman (1994), Arlene
Stein and Ken Plummer (1994), and others have noted.2 Why then has
queer theory not staked a more pervasive, methods-oriented claim? Insofar
as queer theory has relied on a humanities-centered displacement of
the disciplinary innovations that were unfolding in the social sciences as
"LGBT/queer studies" (see Lovaas, Elia, and Yep 2006), a focus on methods
would not only have exposed that displacement but also forced a confrontation
with disciplinarity that might have threatened queer theory's
constitutional claims to inter/ antidisciplinarity. The current turn "back" to
methods may be perceived as an attempt to leverage disciplinarity against
those longstanding claims by queer theory. Working explicitly through the
question of queer methods, the following contributions thoughtfully negotiate
such disciplinary impasses.
From another angle, the political context that inspired early queer theory
might also have translated into an inaugural focus on queer methods.
Like much of gay and lesbian studies scholarship, academic queer theory
was largely inspired by activist social movements of the day. In Time Binds ,
Elizabeth Freeman suggests that ACT UP exemplified the pragmatic ability
of queer activists of the 1980s and 1990s to join "deconstructive reading
practices and grassroots activism together, laying the groundwork for . . .
queer theory" (2010, xv).3 Freeman thus links queer theoretical work in
the academy to the questions of how that queer activism so ingeniously answered.
To take her example, ACT UP was grounded in goal-oriented tactics
and techniques including direct actions (e.g., teach-ins, kiss-ins, and
die-ins), building coalitions across race and gender (e.g., affinity groups),
highly stylized graphic designs, medical interventions (e.g., needle exchange,
inclusive clinical trials, lay expertise4), video/media innovation,
acts of disclosing, self-nominating, public shaming, outing, and marching.
It is reasonable to imagine queer activism as a collection of street-level
case studies for designing queer interventions in the academy and explicitly
engaging the politics of research methods. Yet queer theory, not queer
methods, materialized as the point of entry for queer activism in higher
education.
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16 Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
While the authors that follow elaborate on the apparent incommensurability
of the phrase "queer methods" we offer one final hypothesis to
explain the overriding queer suspicion of method. The dominant queer
theory narrative of productively cultivating antidisciplinary irreverence offers
a kind of intellectual, but also historiographie, value that a story about
methodological continuity does not. Framed as a watershed - as a break
primarily from Western white gay and lesbian studies and the disciplinary
methods these proscribed fields deployed so productively - queer theory
could then do new intellectual work: work unrestrained by identities,
disciplinarities, and traditional methods. As is the case with most things
queer, however, a paradox arises here. Strangely, the most pervasive characteristic
of queer theory may be its methodological use of self-narration/
self-invention in the service of scholarship. For what is queer theory's
constant autobiographic renarrativization - based at once on the need to
make itself anew and the seemingly infinite capacity to do so5 - if not a
method of inquiry?
In the social sciences, one of the hurdles for developing queer methods
has been what Kevin A. Clarke and David M. Primo call "physics
envy" (2012). To establish their legitimacy, sociologists, economists, and
political scientists mimic the "real" or "natural" sciences by using words
like "theory," "experiments," and "laws." Science has a method, these researchers
say, and to be scientific, one must adopt it. The scientific method
proceeds from a theory from which researchers deduce one or more hypotheses
that they can test against systematically collected data. This conventional
method of research is called the hypothetico-deductive model.
"If your discipline does not operate by this method, then in the minds of
many its not scientific," Clarke and Primo explain. Ultimately, hypothetico-deductivism
is a flawed rendering of how research actually occurs. It
ignores "everything messy and chaotic about scientific inquiry," and it devalues
theoretical models that do not find empirical support.
Queer methods use the limitations of the hypothetico-deductive
model to advance two major innovations about how we study the social
construction of sexuality and the sexual construction of the social. First,
queer social research methods question the origins and effects of concepts
and categories rather than reify them in an allegedly generalizable
variable-oriented paradigm, because these categories do not always align
with lived experiences. Second, queer social research methods reject the
fetishizing of the observable. If empiricism grants authority to categories
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Introduction: Queer Methods 17
that are operationalized into observable units, then to queer empiricism
means to embrace multiplicity, misalignments, and silences. Consider that
gender and sexual orientation are not empirically stable; what we observe
depends on how we measure it. If we define homosexuality by same-sex
behavior, then we will omit gay virgins but include women who kiss other
women to satisfy the straight male gaze. If instead we define homosexuality
by an identity category like gay, lesbian, or bisexual (GLB), then we will
exclude those people who experience same-sex arousal or who engage in
same-sex behavior but do not self-identify as GLB. In the biological and
health sciences, a single instance of same-sex behavior can automatically
place an individual in the homosexual category, with "little regard for
the sexual context, what constitutes sex, the desirability or enjoyment of
sex, or the frequency of sex" (Savin-Williams 2006) or a persons label of
choice at any given time, which itself can change (Diamond 2008). This
type of work in the social sciences showcases the risks associated with limiting
our knowledge of gender and sexuality only to that which is empirically
observable and closely linked to existing categories.
In the humanities, recent advances in queer, trans*, non-Western, and
nonwhite archival methods respond to these risks by featuring resistant,
mobile, and intimate practices by which knowledge is constructed and
collected, such as Juana María Rodríguez s re/ deconstruction of ephemeral
archives of queer and femme gestures in Sexual Futures , Queer Gestures ,
and Other Latina Longings (2014).6 Scott L. Morgensen points to queer
methods of interrelational ethnography at the nexus of anthropology and
American studies. He cites Marcia Ochoa s "queer diasporic ethnography"
in Venezuela (2014), Jafari Aliens study that reads black Cuban "self-making"
in erotic terms crafted by black feminism (2011), and Audra Simpsons
ethnography of the Mohawks of Kahnawake and their struggle for
political sovereignty (2014). For Morgensen, queer ethnography can uncover
mechanisms of power by displacing "the uninterrogated critic with
accounts of relationality that situate and destabilize the self that is written
and the self that writes. Rather than fix objects in place, our methods
would lead us to ask what we think we know and how we think we know
it" (2015, 310-11).
Queer theory is often cast in the dual role of method and method s foil.
This can conceal the rich intellectual history that has inspired the contemporary
concern with research practices in the humanities. Sedgwick's
(1990) method of "nonce taxonomy" offers an early flashpoint for this
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18 Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
slippage as it eschews the reproducibility associated with methodological
rigor. With their sensitivity to lived practice, black queer studies and
queer of color critique renewed black lesbian feminist attention to embodied
knowledges. In this vein, Phillip Brian Harpers "The Evidence of Felt
Intuition: Minority Experience, Everyday Life, and Critical Speculative
Knowledge" (2005) provides a fulcrum for the reengagement with methods
in the humanities at the millennial turn.7 Harper argues for the validity
- in fact, the life-saving necessity - of a queer method of "speculative
rumination," one that counts as evidence the "guesswork and conjecture"
that accrues to the experience of eroticized blackness in the United States
(108). In addition, reenergized discussions of reading as a queer method
have emerged from literature scholars. In Tomorrows Parties: Sex and
the Untimely in Nineteenth-Century America , Peter Coviello advocates for
"patient, ground-level explication" and "long exposure" to texts. These, he
says, are "better served by a practice invested in detail, particularity, and
unsystematizable variousness - all the specificities that literature proffers
in such abundance, and in whose explication close textual reading specializes"
(2013, 18; italics in the original). Citing the "descriptive turn" away from
the literary, Heather Love, who generously writes the Alerts and Provocations
section of this issue, promotes "thin description," a practice of
"exhaustive, fine-grained attention to phenomena" that "offers a model for
close reading after the decline of the linguistic turn" (2013, 404).
With repercussions beyond the academy, queer methods can offer a
framework for "making space for what is" as they illuminate the messy and
chaotic interstices across theory, lived experience, and practice (Love et
al. 2012, 144). 8 In a 2016 interview with Sara Ahmed, Judith Butler sees
"queer" as operating largely beyond theory and in service of the "fundamental
issue of how to . . . make life liveable" (490). And so a political logic
of gender confirmation on the ground, largely crafted in transgender communities,
confronts a queer theoretic emphasis on the "unfixed." Butler
asks, "If queer' means that we are generally people whose gender and sexuality
is unfixed' then what room is there in a queer movement for those
who understand themselves as requiring - and wanting - a clear gender
category within a binary frame?"
A turn to methods can help queers to navigate such complex returns to
categories, to the past, to lived experience. In a recent blog post, Paisley
Currah proposes a "provisional and generative" transgender feminist
methodology that uses a model of gender asymmetry - perhaps most
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Introduction: Queer Methods 19
readily associated with second wave feminist analysis - rather than a
model of gender neutrality or plurality typically associated with more recent
transgender analysis: "Any conceptual framework, from the sex/gender
binary to the transgender-cisgender dichotomy, risks ossification, risks
turning what had been a provisional and generative idea [e.g., sexual difference]
into a methodological imperative that over time obscures more than
it reveals. But I do think that, in particular moments and circumstances,
we need a transgender feminist approach that is not gender-neutral - that
dares to identify asymmetry when it sees it" (Currah 2016). This is the
mandate of queer methods as we see it: to clarify, but not overdetermine,
the conditions that make life livable. The queer methods that follow are
thus both coherent and provisional, precise and adaptable, expansive and
self-reflexive, timely and anticipatory.
In this Queer Methods special issue, scholars from across disciplines
have crafted a collage that consists of three major themes. We call these
Eroticized Racial Registers, Quantification/Interpretation, and Tethering.
Eroticized Racial Registers
Gathered under the theme of "Eroticized Racial Registers," the first three
articles remind us that queer methods rely on, create, and complicate racialized
human relationships. Here, we hear from Jessica Fields, E. Patrick
Johnson, and Jane Ward about the how of queer methods as we conduct
our research through embodied and eroticized racial registers.
In "The Racialized Erotics of Participatory Research: A Queer Feminist
Understanding," Jessica Fields argues that the method of participatory
action research (PAR) unveils the "erotics of racialized, gendered, and
sexualized power - erotics that can span differences to bring collaborators
together even as they also threaten to disrupt the promise of shared effort
and insight." Working at the intersections of PAR, queer theory, and
women of color feminism, Fields alerts us to the risky yet promising erotics
of queer feminist research. Fields s work with women incarcerated in
U.S. jails shows that "the erotic is a relation made in the research encounter,
and it leaves its trace across the data."
Coproducing queer knowledge requires methodological innovation.
In "Put a Little Honey in My Sweet Tea: Oral History as Quare Performance,"
E. Patrick Johnson develops a method that is "decidedly quare and
feminist" to mediate between his position as a cisgender black gay man
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20 Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
and the mostly cisgender black quare women whom he interviews. He
finds in a honeybees "waggle dance" a rich metaphor that "evoke [s] the
sensuousness" of the encounter and embodies a materiality that, for him,
is a form of communication and self-narration. About his quare method,
Johnson writes, "[M]y desire in 'Honeypoť is that the oral histories collected
account for not only the way the narrators embody and relay historical
material about race, region, class, sexuality, and gender, but also for
how storytelling as a mode of communication is simultaneously a quotidian
form of self-fashioning and theorizing."
If Fields and Johnson investigate firsthand, embodied instances of
eroticized and intersubjective race relating, Jane Ward works at a digital
distance in her essay "Dyke Methods: A Meditation on Queer Studies and
the Gay Men Who Hate It." After the publication of her book Not Gay :
Sex between Straight White Men in 2015 (reviewed in this issue by Dustin
Kidd), Ward received unsolicited, anonymous online reactions from men
who were unabashedly sexist and lesbianphobic. These comments created
an "unexpected archive" of white gay mens worries that queer studies
is "a rogue discipline helmed by dykes, and ruined by [the nonsensical
methods' of] intersectionality." The focus on method here is crucial. Ward
writes, "[T]hey hated my method: my choice of white men as the subject
of the study, my decision to be a dyke who writes about men, my feminist
and critical race theoretical orientation, and my archive itself (cultural case
studies instead of interviews with men)." A homonormative reiteration of
gay/ white/male identity becomes a reactive refusal - itself a form of racial
registering - that, in contrast to charges of ivory tower isolation, sets the
broad stakes of dyke methods.
Quantification/Interpretation
An entanglement between counting and reading occurs in our second
group of essays written by Petra L. Doan, Noah Tsika, Patrick R. Grzanka,
and Benjamin Haber. Quantification might seem incompatible with interpretive
methods, but as these four essays reveal, counting and reading
are not always easy to disentangle and distinguish. Asking "To Count or
Not to Count" in her title, Doan poses two questions: whether to count
transgender people (an issue of methodology, i.e., a conceptual argument
about how research should proceed) and how to count transgender people
(an issue of methods, i.e., techniques for gathering data). Doan asserts
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Introduction: Queer Methods 21
that counting should be contingent: "If the purpose of counting is to correct
the long-standing neglect of the transgender community by trying to
gauge the number of people subject to fear, discrimination, and potential
gender-related violence," then "[u]nder such circumstances counting can
be a queerly radical act." By her queer count, the transgender population
can be estimated at 9,149,306 people, compared with 2,036,535 using traditional
approaches.
Noah Tsika considers the "distinctly queer-illiterate process" of machine
reading in "CompuQueer: Protocological Constraints, Algorithmic
Streamlining, and the Search for Queer Methods Online." Computational
tools and algorithms used by popular websites and search engines do not
just crunch numbers, Tsika argues, but also perform a hermeneutic filtering
of statistical anomalies. This blurs the hne between quantification and
interpretation, but it can also conceal queerness if the coding system selects
against recognizably gay and lesbian search phrases. For Tsika, queer
methods are "strategies for uncovering and elucidating queer media on the
Internet." He proposes that queers might enjoy the constraints they expose
online by making their exclusion within digital technologies a source
of valued deviance from legibility as homonormalized, high-tech, data-set
gays.
Like Doan, Patrick Grzanka "imagine [s] quantification otherwise"
in his essay "Queer Survey Research and the Ontological Dimensions of
Heterosexism." He argues that a person- rather than variable-centered approach
contributes to a distinctly queer method: "This kind of statistical
work - that emphasizes multidimensionality, embraces rather than shies
away from complexity and social constructionism, and which focuses on
actual people s responses rather than aggregated and disambiguated variables
- has the potential to realize queer methods." Grzanka describes
how a study using the Sexual Orientation Beliefs Scale found evidence of
the weakness of "born-this-way" biological determinist beliefs about sexual
orientation to distinguish between individuals with high versus low
levels of modern homonegativity.
Also navigating the datalogical turn, Benjamin Haber argues that the
promiscuity of digital technologies - even those technologies associated
with data capitalism - can disrupt the knotty ties queer methods have to
normative difference and positivist epistemologies. "The Queer Ontology
of Digital Method" implies a series of potentially productive breakdowns:
queer theory's attachments to the qualitative over the quantitative; social
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22 Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
science s attachments to empiricism; between the sensory and the statistical;
and between the corporeal and the digital. Haber advocates "experimentally
using [digital] methods to more widely distribute queer politics,
sociality, and sensibility/' a project that can rework injustices distributed
through the embodied categories of race, class, sexuality, gender, and
ability.
Tethering
Research methods tether techniques for collecting data to a specific sample.
However, queer studies and other "pedagogies of minority difference"
(Ferguson 2012) embrace as methodology their refusal to clearly define
or isolate their objects of investigation. What methods of/ as tethering are
possible for the researcher with queer investments in mobility, the undefinable,
the affective, and the ephemeral? Our final collection of articles by
Kadji Amin, Thérèse Migraine- George and Ashley Currier, Amy Tweedy,
and Hannah McCann rethink what it means and how it feels to fasten
queer theory with data.
In "Haunted by the 1990s: Queer Theory's Affective Histories," Kadji
Amin engages the inaugural decade of queer theory in an effort to interrupt
its tendency to hurtle into the future by disavowing the affective charge
of its own history. "[W]hat Queer Studies has institutionalized, above
an object of study or method," he asserts, "is a set of historical emotions
generated within U.S. queer culture and politics around the early 1990s."
These "historical affects," as he calls them, "propel the inchoate method
that animates what objects may be claimed as queer? Amin links queer theory
with data through a method of "attachment genealogy" which requires
researchers to "rehistoricize" how it feels to do queer studies.
Thérèse Migraine- George and Ashley Currier confront the shifting
ground of queer African studies in "Querying Queer African Archives:
Methods and Movements." Analytical approaches to the archive, they say,
demand ethical self-reflexivity and vigilance against ethnocentric taxonomies
and identity politics characterized by Western disciplinary methods.
Their transnational approach to queering the archive attends to it as a repository
as well as a "process" and a "movement." Working with emerging
but also disappearing archives of African same-sex and queer identities
reveals "a more objective acknowledgment of the daily work performed
by African activists, for whom remembering the past translates into a daily
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Introduction: Queer Methods 23
mobilization against the annihilation of the present and future of queer
experiences, relationships, and feelings."
In "Openings, Obstacles, and Disruptions: Desire as a Portable Queer
Method," Amy Tweedy has no trouble identifying a discrete object of
study: "For my doctoral research, I was always on the lookout for lesbians
who worked at gas stations." Attention to the spatial expressions of lesbian
existence compels Tweedy to frame the desire between an interviewer
and an informant as a type of method in the moment. The pedagogical
implications are worth repeating: "[S]implified qualitative instructions
that usually include a case study describing when a researcher has sex with
an informant do little to prepare students for the embodied experience
of the field where our hearts flutter, our stomachs constrict, and our armpits
sweat." Tweedy leads us to wonder how instruction in queer research
methods might increase our degrees of precision about ephemeral moments:
"a smile, a wink, a laugh."
Finally, Hannah McCann focuses on strategies for locating the subject.
In "Epistemology of the Subject: Queer Theory's Challenge to Feminist
Sociology," she shows how queer theory can shape the practice of research
by enhancing a "self-reflexive awareness" against "reinscribing the subject"
with fixed notions of gender and sexual identity. For McCann, a method
that is queer requires a "queer orientation." This argument produces a distinction
between queer methods and the queering of methods. No particular
method is queer in its own right; instead, researchers can bring a
theoretical perspective to their portfolio of methods that has the potential
to queer those established protocols and procedures.
One of the feminist strengths of WSQ is its commitment to publishing
diverse genres of writing, and we are pleased to present a rich selection of
poems and fiction curated by our extraordinary prose and poetry editors,
Asali Solomon and Patricia Smith. Special thanks to Eileen Myles who not
only contributed an exquisite poem, "Epic for You," to the issue but also
graciously gave us permission to incorporate an excerpt on the cover.
In Classics Revisited, we feature CLAGS: The Center for LGBTQ,
Studies, which has just celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary at the Graduate
Center of the City University of New York. CLAGS is the first academic
center of its kind in the United States and, as such, has a long history
of shaping and being shaped by queer methods. We are deeply grateful
to past and present CLAGS executive directors and board members Jill
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24 Matt Brim and Amin Ghaziani
Dolan, Kevin L. Nadal, and Rosamond S. King for their perspectives, and
we are honored to include a reflection by CLAGS founder and eminent
scholar Martin Duberman.
We are indebted to Valerie Traub who good-spiritedly agreed to our
suggestion that we construct an interdisciplinary conversation around
her newest book, Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns (2015), in the Book
Review section. Traub s reviewers - Kate Fisher and Rebecca Langlands,
Lisa Jean Moore, and Anjali Arondekar - join Dustin Kidd and Tey Meadow
in creating a vital assessment of recent work on queer methods.
A few other words of thanks are a must: to Heather Love - who has
done so much to energize and enrich current thinking about queer methods
- for writing the Alerts and Provocations section for this issue. Our
boundless thanks to our amazing editorial assistant, Lindsey Eckenroth,
as well as our editor, Lauren Rosemary Hook, editorial assistant Alyea
Canada, and the entire Feminist Press team led by publisher Jennifer
Baumgardner. And finally, our heartfelt thanks to Cynthia Chris for her
keen eye and smart advice as general coeditor of WSQ.
Matt Brim is associate professor of queer studies and director of women's, gender, and
sexuality studies at the College of Staten Island, CUNY. He is author of James Baldwin
and the Queer Imagination, as well as an interactive online study guide for teaching
the HIV/AIDS documentary film United in Anger: A History of ACT UP. Brim is a former
member of the board of directors for CLAGS: The Center for LGBTQ Studies. Currently,
he is general coeditor of WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly and is a contributing editor
for the James Baldwin Review.
Amin Ghaziani is associate professor of sociology and Canada Research Chair in Sexuality
and Urban Studies at the University of British Columbia. He is coeditor of A Decade
of HAART and author of three books: The Dividends of Dissent, There Goes the Gayborhood?,
and Sex Cultures. His work has appeared in the American Sociological Review,
Annual Review of Sociology, Contexts, International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research, Social Problems, and Theory and Society.
Notes
1. We refer to the groundbreaking 1990 Queer Theory: Lesbian and Gay Sexualities
conference organized by Teresa de Lauretis at the University of California,
Santa Cruz.
2. This advance, according to Roderick Ferguson, simultaneously affirmed and
concretized identity categories and, in Ferguson s view, ultimately mimicked
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Introduction: Queer Methods 25
the narrow politics emerging around single-issue gay male identity. See Ferguson
2012, 216-17.
3. Freeman describes prosex advocates, queer nationalists, people of color,
and feminists as the "pragmatic, coalitional movements" of the 1980s and
1990s in comparison to the anticapitalist social movements of the 1960s and
early 1970s (2010, xiv). Importandy, Lisa Duggan (1995) and Heather Love
(2007) note that (pre) queer activisms were as aligned with feminism and
"girl-history" as with gay male contexts. Jim Hubbard s documentary film
United in Anger: A History of ACT UP (2012) reflects the gender, racial, and
class diversity of ACT UP members and the multidirectional concerns of the
organization.
4. See Steven Epsteins Impure Science (1998) for an analysis of the queer activist
method of deconstructing medical knowledge and scientific expertise
around HIV/AIDS.
5. For a trenchant analysis of the way political aspiration has translated into disciplinary
work in the academy, see Wiegman 2012.
6. In the past year alone, TSQj Transgender Studies Quarterly published a special
issue, "Archives and Archiving" (2015); Radical History Review published a
special issue, "Queering Archives: Intimate Tracings" (2015); and SUNY
Press published Out of the Closet , Into the Archives (2015), edited by Amy L.
Stone and Jaime Cantrell.
7. Harper gave "The Evidence of Felt Intuition" as the keynote address at the
Black Queer Studies in the Millennium conference at the University of
North Carolina in April of 2000. Sharon Patricia Holland s The Erotic Life of
Racism (2012) reframes alternate queer methodological concerns by casting
racism as a quotidian practice constitutive of "personal" erotic choices.
8. Love takes her cue from Gayle Rubin.
Works Cited
Allen, Jafari. 201 1. ¡Venceremos? The Erotics of Black Self-Making in Cuba.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Browne, Kath, and Catherine J. Nash, eds. 2010. Queer Methods and
Methodologies: Intersecting Queer Theories and Social Science Research. New
York: Routledge.
Butler, Judith. 2016. "Interview with Judith Butler." By Sara Ahmed. Sexualities
19 (4): 482-92.
Clarke, Kevin A., and David M. Primo. 2012. "Overcoming 'Physics Envy."' New
York Times, March 30. http://www.nytimes.eom/2012/04/01/opinion/
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