Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 7­30, 2003
 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/03/$30.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(02)00034-8
FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE
DESTINATION
Richard Prentice
University of Sunderland, UK
Vivien Andersen
Queen Margaret University College, UK
Abstract: The Edinburgh "Festival" positions the city via creativity. Its success in attracting
audiences for the performing arts contrasts with the limited extent it appears to modify the
general image of Scotland among its tourists. Three styles of consumption are considered:
Edinburgh as a tourism-historic city; Scottish performing arts; and international performing
arts. The festival is judged successful in its international arts positioning in terms of the core
of serious repeat tourists it attracts, but much less so in modifying the image of Scotland as
a "landscape and tradition" destination. It is suggested that if the focus of consumption is
not seen as typical of a wider destination, familiarity will not necessarily impel changes in
how the destination is imagined. Keywords: cultural tourism, festivals, marketing, Scotland.
 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Résumé: Le festival d'Édimbourg positionne la ville au moyen de la créativité. Il réussit
bien a` attirer le public aux arts du spectacle, ce qui fait contraste avec le degré limité auquel
il semble modifier l'image générale de l'Écosse parmi ses touristes. On considére trois per-
spectives de consommation: Édimbourg comme ville de tourisme historique, les arts du spec-
tacle écossais et les arts du spectacle internationaux. Le festival est jugé une réussite du point
de vue de sa position dans les arts internationaux a` cause des touristes sérieux qui reviennent
fide`lement, mais il réussit beaucoup moins a` modifier l'image de l'Écosse comme destination
de paysages et traditions. On sugge`re que si le point di mire de la consommation ne se
voit pas comme typique d'une destination plus large, la familiarité ne fera pas avancer la
fac¸on dont la destination est imaginée. Mots-clés: tourisme culturel, festivals, marketing,
Écosse.  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
Conceptualizations of cultural tourism have commonly postulated
the transient consumption of aesthetic "difference", of the often exotic
"other", in the search for the sincere or the authentic (MacCannell
1973, 1976; Urry 1990, 1995). That is, the passive consumption of the
unfamiliar. But not all cultural tourism is of this kind. Some is a form
of serious leisure (Stebbins 1979, 1996, 1997a, b), and festivals often
attract serious tourists of this kind, actively consuming the familiar as
Richard Prentice is Professor of heritage interpretation and cultural tourism at the Univer-
sity of Sunderland (Arts, Design, Media and Culture, Green Terrace, Sunderland SR1 3PZ,
United Kingdom. Email <richard.prentice@sunderland.ac.uk>). His interests are in tourism
and arts marketing and in the consumer experience of cultural and heritage. Vivien And-
ersen is Lecturer in tourism at Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh. Her interests
are also in arts and tourism marketing.
7
8 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
art form or socialization. After Stebbins, serious tourists are those for
whom cultural pursuits are a form of identity creation, an extension
of general leisure, and a systematic (career-like) pursuit. In some cases,
according to Richards "career-like" can be taken further. It can be the
pusuit of creativity in a coherent and cumulative manner, namely of
creative tourism (2001). In an earlier paper (1994), he identified seri-
ous tourists as frequent consumers often employed in cultural occu-
pations which, as such, are extensions of their leisure employment. At
the extreme, these are the expressivists: consumers confident in the
purposive shaping of their identity, seeing their lives as a narration of
the self (Gibbins and Reimer 1999). The pertinence of serious con-
sumption as a festival paradigm is central to any positioning for cre-
ative tourism.
Performing arts and other festivals are now a worldwide tourism
phenomenon (Chacko and Schaffer 1993; Getz 1991; Grant and Pali-
woda 1998; Rolfe 1992). The explosion in festival numbers is multifa-
ceted in cause, ranging from supply factors (such as cultural planning,
tourism development, and civic re-positioning), through to demand
factors (such as serious leisure, lifestyle sampling, socialization needs,
and the desire for creative and "authentic" experiences by some market
segments). In Scotland, festivals have been integral to civic repo-
sitioning. But much of Scottish "heritage" has been created through an
idealized rural past of "Highlandism", "Tartanry" and "Brigadoonism"
(Hughes 1995; McCrone, Morris and Kiely 1995), and more recently
"Braveheartism". As such, the national tourism product to be cel-
ebrated is itself doubly false to the cities of Scotland. These are urban
places seeking to present a contemporary cultural vibrancy. It is also at
variance with the Highland-plus-tartan imagery often used to promote
Scotland overseas, and especially in North American promotions. In
consequence, the principal cities of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dundee
have sought in the past decade to position themselves as distinct from
the overall overseas promotion of Scotland as a largely rural place. In
the context of industrial decline, Glasgow and Dundee have also
sought to emphasize innovation.
Richards (2001) noted that creativity has emerged as an additional
positioning device, following the large number of cities using culture
to position themselves. With its established arts festivals, Edinburgh has
sought to position itself for innovation for much longer than its Scot-
land rivals and from a creative artistic base asserting continuity back
to the Scottish Enlightenment of the 18th century. It thereby uses its
historical ambience and associations as a setting for festivals. It has
sought worldwide to position itself as "the Festival City", rather than
solely as Scotland's capital, offering a unique selling point of creativity
as well as heritage. Arts festivals in effect commodify and proffer sen-
sory experience as part of a package of strategic experiential modules,
including those of sense, feeling, thinking, acting, and relating
(Schmitt 1999). Music, pageantry, dance, and theatre are traditional
forms of experiential mixes, as the hallmark of the Edinburgh festival.
As such, the city readily demonstrates this contemporary form of pro-
duct design. How far this alternative proffering of Scottish heritage has
9PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
been adopted by tourists attracted to these city festivals is of interest.
In particular, has their direct experience effected more nuanced
imaginings about Scotland? Primary data collection is needed if this
question is to be answered.
Equally, Hughes' (1996) classification of cultural tourists into those
for whom their primary consumption style is cultural, incidental, or
accidental implies caution in assuming that all festival tourists are
essentially different to mainstreamers. Not everyone at a destination
during a festival can be assumed to be a festival-goer, especially if a
place (like Edinburgh) attracts tourists throughout the year, thus pos-
itioned beyond just festival tourism. As such, there is a need to recog-
nize a potential range of motivations and behaviors, and their combi-
nation into forms of tourism. These forms are also of interest in terms
both of multiple uses of space and for market-based product develop-
ment. This paper presents a methodology combining both qualitative
and quantitative surveying to define forms of tourism from a supplier's
perspective and to facilitate an assessment of the effectiveness of repo-
sitioning.
Edinburgh as a Festival City
Scotland's tourism industry was in decline even before the down-
turn in international visitors consequent of the "Attack on America"
of 2001. As MacLellan and Smith had commented, "Scotland's tourism
is at an interesting stage of development. The country, exposed to the
cold blast of competition and shivered alarmingly ... now finds itself
compelled to compete in what is at the same time both a more individ-
ualized and a more globalized marketplace. The basic prescription is
to ... reposition the country as an interesting place for a variety of
short holiday options for both British and international visitors"
(MacLellan and Smith 1998:xii).
Indeed, in its economic review of the consequences of the events of
autumn 2001, the Scottish Executive's report described its tourism as
already facing a "familiar set of challenges" (Scott 2001:4). Edinburgh
as a tourism city has been in the forefront of this restructuring. In its
Old Town area alone, tourism and associated day trips had been esti-
mated to be directly responsible for 191 service jobs in the early 90s
(Parlett, Fletcher and Cooper 1995). For most of the year the city offers
a largely historical tourism product, proffered with the sentiment of
Scottishness and symbolism of the nation's capital.
Edinburgh Castle, set on its rock, is an iconic sight promoted the
world over. It is a "must see" attraction for most first timers to the city,
especially international tourists. Through its spectacular siting, it can
be seen without actually being visited, and has a presence beyond visi-
tation. The Royal Mile, the main street in the medieval Old Town, is
another must see, if only from the open top of one of the competing
double-decker tourism buses. It is made to look Scottish to tourists by
the retailing of iconic experience. This mix includes pipers dressed in
tartan playing their bagpipes for money, "Scottish" shops selling tartan,
whiskies and reproduction weapons, and clothes retailers selling "Scott-
10 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
ish" woolens and Highland dress. Many of these shops are "Tier 1"
businesses in Smith's (1993) typology, deriving virtually all their rev-
enue from tourism. Unlike the emergence of heritage businesses in
some other parts of Europe (Halewood and Hannam 2001), this com-
modification is not a major driver to redefining local identities.
Indeed, it has frequently been mocked by Scots (McCrone et al 1995).
In essence, retailers collectively create a genre scene in the enclave of
the Royal Mile which tourists expect, and have been led to expect. It is
an example of where authenticity and realism part company in "tourist
realism" (Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimlett 1994; Prentice 2001). Or to
adopt Bruner's (1994) nomenclature, this is authenticity proffered as
verisimilitude rather than as genuineness. Authenticity as verisimili-
tude is achieved through meeting tourists' expectations about what a
place looks like. However, one does not know at "Festival"-time how
far such generic expectations are displaced among those interested in
performing and other arts, and how the realism is redefined.
The historical product offered by Edinburgh is reflected in tourists'
expressed reasons for visiting the city, as demonstrated by surveys
throughout the 90s (Edinburgh Marketing and LEEL 1993; ETB and
LEEL 1995; LEEL and ELTB 1998; Lynn Jones Research 1998). For
example, of those interviewed in 1996/1997, 51% and 42%, respect-
ively, of overseas and British tourists cited the historic towns (the World
Heritage Site Old and New Towns) as a reason for visiting Edinburgh.
However, this essentially historical resource is transformed in August.
The castle esplanade carries a temporary stadium for the Tattoo; part
of the Royal Mile is closed to vehicles and becomes an open air and
largely informal performance space; and many buildings become
venues for formal performances. Museums and galleries have special
temporary exhibitions. Within the historic setting of the city, the overt
tourism product becomes temporarily dramatic and carnivalesque.
During the festival, the Royal Mile offers carnival and drama freely to
excite the appetite of tourists, and to mark a "boundary" between the
normal historic city and the festival. It becomes a special space. Equally,
many city attractions remain unchanged: it would be false to imply that
the city's product offering becomes a total eclipse.
Edinburgh holds several cultural festivals throughout the year (Table
1). As they are contiguous, the International, Fringe, Book and Film
Festivals and the Tattoo jointly constitute what is commonly known
as the "(Edinburgh) Festival". In 1996, the International Festival was
estimated to support 525 jobs but the Fringe, 806 jobs (Jones Econom-
ics 1996).
Whereas in 1990 the Tattoo was estimated as having the greatest
economic impact (Scotinform 1991), due to the changes in compara-
tive audience sizes since, this is unlikely to remain the case. The Inter-
national Festival was originally developed as a celebratory leisure pro-
duct, with objectives to promote both international arts to Scotland
and Scottish arts internationally. These objectives remain, but the tour-
ism product has developed within them: to promote and encourage
arts of the highest possible standard; to reflect international culture
in presentation to local audiences and to reflect Scottish culture in
11PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
Table 1. Edinburgh's Festivals
Festival Audiences (estimates in `000)
1990 1996
Science Festival (April) 201 150
Children's Festival (May) 30 33
Jazz Festival (July/August) 65 56
International Festival (August) 245 418
Fringe Festival (August) 500 935
Military Tattoo (August) 200 216
Book Festival (August) 62 79
Film Festival (August) 15 41
Hogmanay Festival (December/January) ­ 565
Source: STB (1993), Lynn Jones Research (1998).
presentation to international audiences; to bring together a program
of events in an innovative way that cannot easily be achieved by other
organizations; to offer equal opportunity for all sections of the public
to experience and enjoy the arts, and thus encourage participation
through other organizations throughout the year; and, to promote the
educational, cultural, and economic well-being of the city and people
of Edinburgh and Scotland (Edinburgh Festival Society 1993).
As such, the core of the Festival remains not simply a tourism pro-
duct. However, two other constituents of it have demonstrated a much
stronger focus. Non-Scottish were in the majority as tourists to the Tat-
too and the Fringe festivals in 1990, at respectively 81% and 55%
(Scotinform 1991). Unlike many festivals in Britain, some of Edin-
burgh's date back to the immediate post-Second World War era of
reconstruction: the International, Fringe and Film festivals began in
1947, and the Tattoo was formalized in 1950 (Curtis and Hendersen
1991; Vaughan 1977). As such, the Festival has developed a core of
repeaters, whose imagery of Scotland as an arts rather than a historical
destination is of particular interest in an assessment of the effectiveness
of re-positioning. In contrast, an innovation of the 90s was the Hog-
manay (New Year) Festival, which now in effect has been brought for-
ward to become Christmas and New Year.
The success of Edinburgh in its positioning for international arts
acclaim via tourism can be measured in at least three ways. Successively,
each is a necessary condition for that which follows. First, success may
be measured in terms of product offering. In particular, the extent to
which its Festival product mix is international, as well as Scottish, and
the extent to which the Scottish product is contemporary as well as
historical. The Festival offers a mix of international and Scottish pro-
ductions, of both traditional and contemporary performing arts, across
a multitude of venues offering a basket or culture opportunity spec-
trum (Pearce 1995) of performances from which tourists can construct
individual programs. However, the success of this mix is better evalu-
12 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
ated in terms of tourists' demands. This is the second measure.
Namely, the extent to which the city attracts segments primarily inter-
ested in performing arts at its Festival venues, rather than accidental
heritage tourists. Of itself, this second measure is also insufficient, for
it ignores any longer term changes in how Scotland is perceived as a
performing arts destination. The latter is the subject of a third meas-
ure, the extent to which the traditional generic image is modified by
the Festival.
The present paper pays particular attention to the success of the
Festival in terms of the second and third measures: to attract per-
forming arts segments and their interests and to modify tourists'
images of Scotland. However, the wider extent to which others (for
example, inward investors or potential tourists) may have incorporated
the Festival into their imagery of Scotland is not addressed here.
FESTIVAL CONSUMPTION
Studies of festival motivation place critical engagement and empathy
within motivational schemes reminiscent of Crompton's (1979) gen-
eral scheme of seven motive domains, of which educational
value/intellectual enrichment was only a single domain. For example,
Crompton and McKay (1997) offered six factors of motivation for festi-
val visiting, of which cultural exploration was only one. The enjoyment
of company as gregariousness is a recurrent motive, and socialization,
family and other, has been found frequently as a dimension of festival
consumption (Backman, Backman, Uysal and Sunshine 1995; Formica
and Uysal 1996, 1998; Getz 1991; Kerstetter and Mowrer 1998; Krausse
1998; Mihalik and Ferguson 1994; Scott 1996; Uysal, Gahan and Martin
1993; Willems-Braun 1994). Chacko and Schaffer (1993) described the
sharing of experiences as a particular form of socialization. The recur-
rent importance of gregariousness may imply that the festival itself
becomes a destination, rather than simply an attraction of place-based
destinations. The experience of gregariousness may ultimately be inde-
pendent of any specific place, and what makes festivals special has been
found to center around uniqueness and quality, as well as atmosphere
(Getz and Cheyne 1997).
In their destination choice model, Moscardo, Morrison, Pearce,
Lang and O'Leary defined motives in the context of destinations,
namely as "providing travelers (sic) with expectations for
activities"(1996:112). Essentially, these authors define motives as desti-
nation-specific intentions to do or otherwise consume. This definition
flows from the frequent conceptual distinction between push as indi-
vidual and pull as destination factors likely to meet tourism motives
(Pearce 1997). It flows also from a recognition of the "...plurality of
expression based on a homogeneity of needs" (Ryan 1997:26). Poten-
tial pull factors are many and unmanageable for marketing, unless con-
textualized to a specific destination as mediated offerings. Multiple
intentions and activities can be conceptualized as characterizing differ-
ent forms of tourism or consumption styles, and used as summaries
in marketing. These styles offer potential application in market-based
13PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
product development, as different product offerings can be designed
for different segments. In the case of Edinburgh, issues of the market-
relevance of historical versus contemporary products, and of Scottish
versus international, can be explored.
At least three styles may be postulated as pertinent to market-based
product development for the Festival. These styles are consuming Edin-
burgh as a tourism-historic city; consuming Scottish performing
arts/arts in a Scottish context; and consuming international per-
forming arts. In the first style, the Festival activities are largely irrel-
evant to the tourists, other than special exhibitions offered at the same
time by non performing arts venues. The term flows from Ashworth
and Tunbridge's (1990) description of the changing morphologies and
activity-patterns in Western cities. In the second style, an explicit Scott-
ish focus in cultural consumption pertains. This is an interest in the
festival-offering pertinent to the culture in which the Festival is set:
Scotland. The first two styles are place-specific, but in different ways,
historic ambience or specific Scottishness. The third style of consump-
tion is in essence independent of the actual location of the Festival,
in that the focus of consumption is generic performing arts. The latter
style may be termed place-nonspecific. It is also potentially the style
most readily to be lost to other festivals, as the quality and variety of
international performances rather than the particularly Scottish
location are the drivers to attendance.
It is unlikely that only a single consumption style pertains to all tour-
ists. Rather, overlap in styles may be expected as shown in Figure 1.
In this figure the three styles are shown as overlapping circles, which
implicitly define segments of consumers in terms of how many of the
three styles they demonstrate. Variant (a) shows a situation of minimal
joint consumption: there is a little overlap between the circles. In con-
trast, variant (b) shows extensive joint consumption: there is extensive
overlap among the circles.
Study Methods
As summaries, each of the three styles of consumption is oper-
ationalized through intentions and actual activities. For the present
research, each style was summarized as four reasons for visiting and
two activities, specified from management experience and how these
organizers collectively differentiated their products, rather than induc-
tively from tourists. After Moscardo et al (1996), the design focused
on those broad intentions most accessible to the recipient destination,
the pull factors of the destination. As in modeling, each intention and
activity could map onto only a single consumption style, particular
intentions and activities could only be included in the operationaliz-
ation of the styles. For example, generic activities such as viewing Edin-
burgh Castle or watching street performances had to be excluded. In
consequence, the numbers of activities specified for each style was in
particular constrained. The operationalized consumption styles for-
med the basis of an interview schedule. Both the content of the styles
and the interview schedule were produced through discussion with
14 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
Figure 1. Postulated Interaction of Consumption Styles
both Festival and venue organizers, grounding the intentional state-
ments in particular in their market perceptions. Similarly, past market
research also helped inform the design, most notably a major survey
of 1990 (Scotinform 1991). One of the authors also had over 10 years
professional experience in managing aspects of the Festival, contribu-
ting her insights to the initial design. The schedule was subsequently
validated through piloting among tourists. The latters' comments were
invited and recorded, and in some cases the statements amended
(Table 2).
Data were gained by an interview schedule. Imagery data were
gained by open-ended initial questions, asking tourists first to describe
their images of Scotland as a country, and then of Scottish culture.
These questions generated qualitative data, of nouns and adjectives.
Both push and pull factors have been studied elsewhere using tech-
niques enabling respondents to express themselves freely in their own
15PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
Table 2. Operalization of the Consumption Styles
Consuming Edinburgh as a tourism-historic city (style prevalent throughout the year in
Edinburgh)
Intentions
To learn about Scottish cultural traditions (a proxy for authenticity)
To meet new people/locals (a proxy for sincerity)
To see the exhibitions
To combine the Festival shows with sightseeing in Scotland
Activities
Visiting the National Gallery
Visiting the Royal Museum of Scotland
Consuming Scottish performing arts/arts in a Scottish context (style involving either traditional
or contemporary Scottish arts)
Intentions
To see Scottish opera/ballet/orchestral performances
To see Scottish drama productions
To experience the Festival atmosphere
To see the Edinburgh Military Tattoo
Activities
Attending the Tattoo
Attending Scottish performancesa
Consuming international performing arts (style involving either traditional or contemporary
non-Scottish arts)
Intentions
To see opera/ballet/orchestral performances by internationally famous non-Scottish
companies
To see plays performed by internationally famous non-Scottish companies
To see new experimental performances
To see comedy shows
Activities
Attending the Film Festival
Attending the Book Festival
a
Attending Scottish performances was further subdivided into attendance at perform-
ances written by Scots, those on a Scottish theme, and those performed by a Scottish
company.
words (Fielding, Pearce and Hughes 1995; Pearce and Caltabiano
1983) and through scaled items (Andersen, Prentice and Watanabe
2000; Formica and Uysal 1998; Moscardo and Pearce 1999). The for-
mer approach encourages "thick" description and "indigenous mean-
ing" (Bruner 1986), but at the expense of standardization. Equally,
without prompts, respondents may forget to mention their true
reasons, rather than that which comes first to mind. In contrast, pre-
16 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
structured methods can be accused of putting words into tourists'
mouths. In the present study, consumption style data were gained via
closed-ended questions on the same interview schedule. Scaled
response items had to be used in order to gain systematic data for
modeling. In an attempt to avoid superficial and "mechanical"
responses, the interviewers asked respondents to read fully through
each batch of items, before responding (a considered response was
sought). Other closed-ended and open-ended questions sought sup-
plementary data.
The sample was obtained during the August 1997 Festival period.
International Festival, Fringe, Tattoo, and street venues were used as
sampling points. Interviewers were assigned to specific performances
or times intended to give a full range of activities associated with the
performing arts during the Festival period, and to cover the full period
in terms of performance type, times, and days of the week. Sixteen
separate sampling locations were used. Each was a location involving
queuing, waiting around, or relaxing, and respondents were inter-
viewed as they queued, waited or relaxed, thereby minimizing refusals
and encouraging reflexive response. In view of the frenetic quality of
the Festival, the interviews were designed to be completed in under
20 minutes. Longer interviews were considered, but rejected on the
basis that the busier Festival-goers would tend to refuse to be inter-
viewed and the sampling would become skewed if the design was not
constrained. As such, depth of interviewing was traded off against prac-
ticalities: the closed-ended questions assisting in the completion time
target. The interviewers were trained and supervised as a team. Only
adult tourists who were neither Scottish nor resident were interviewed.
All tourists were surveyed in English. A minimum target of 400 com-
pleted interviews over the full period was set. In total, 418 were actually
completed (but the usable total for the present purpose was 403). Fif-
teen respondents who failed to answer all the intentional or activity
items needed for the consumption style analysis were excluded. The
figures presented throughout derive from the 403 usable interviews.
No statistical association between consumption style and type of inter-
view venue was found, and in consequence it is assumed that the sam-
ple is representative of the wider population of Festival-goers found
in Edinburgh at the time. In total, 192 tourists were interviewed at
International Festival venues, 121 at Fringe venues, and 87 at street
venues. This was analyzed as if it were a fully random sample using
SPSS windows 6.1. With a non-parametric data set, Cramers' V (Blalock
1960) was used as a comparative measure of contingency, due to its
standardization to differing matrix sizes in two sample chi-square analy-
sis.
Festival Tourists Profiled
More than four out of ten (42.3%) of those interviewed came from
outside the British Isles. This compares to 32% of non-Scottish audi-
ences to the International Festival in 1995 (Edinburgh Festival Society
1996). Continental Europe (16.3%) and North America (15.5%) were
17PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
the main source of overseas tourists interviewed for the present study.
By occupationally derived social class (OPCS 1991), the tourists were
almost exclusively middle class ("white collar"). Over half were from
managerial or technical households, and a further fifth from pro-
fessional households. Fewer than 4% were from manual households.
This profile shows a marked change since that of 1990, when the sur-
veyed audience profiles were far less professional or managerial. For
example, of International Festival-goers in 1990, only 7% were pro-
fessionals and 38% managerial or technical (Scotinform 1991). Of
Fringe-goers, the corresponding figures were 4% and 33%.
The age range of the tourists interviewed was wide, although few
were aged over 70. This profile is comparable to that found before,
although Fringe (and Hogmanay) tourists are known to be dispro-
portionately young adults (Scotinform 1991; System Three 1998) and
the Tattoo, older (Progressive Research 1993). Few (22.6%) were on
their first visit to Scotland, but almost half on their first to the Festival.
The latter is different in extent to that of International Festival-goers
of the early 90s, of whom only 24% were first timers (Edinburgh Festi-
val Society 1994).
The findings of the 1997 survey would imply that the Festival is a
secondary destination for many visiting Scotland: a destination for a
subsequent rather than for a first visit. Indeed, over half (55.8%) cited
their own experience as influencing their decision a lot; a similar pro-
portion, 51.8%, cited reports from friends and family. Informal sources
of information, such as films and newspapers, also featured. That the
Festival is a secondary destination would concur with the past pro-
motional emphasis of tourism agencies. That is, they proffered Scot-
land as a "landscape and heritage" destination, rather than a contem-
porary destination, with personal experience needed to suggest
otherwise.
Consumption of the Festival
Intentions and Activities. The survey results confirmed that the Festi-
val is consumed foremost experientially. Experiencing the festival
atmosphere was the most frequently cited reason, rated as very
important by 69.7% of the sample. Socializing with friends formed a
second order intention (46.7%), confirming the importance of social-
izing found generally in festival attendance.
Third order intentions included utilitarian intentions, both specific
and generic. The former included seeing new experimental perform-
ances (39.2% rating this as very important) and enjoying plays (32.5%)
and musicals (31.8%) performed by internationally famous companies.
Of the more generic utilitarian third order intentions were combining
the Festival visit with sightseeing (35.2%) and to learn about Scottish
cultural traditions (30.8%). In contrast, intentions to see Scottish per-
forming arts were generally of fourth order. For example, only 17.9%
considered the Tattoo and 20.3% ranked Scottish operatic, ballet, or
orchestral performances as very important. The former is despite the
18 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
traditional "landscape and heritage" promotion of Scotland, to which
the Highland piper is integral. Sincerity, defined as intention to meet
locals, was the least rated (13.4%).
Scottish performances featured more generally in the tourists' actual
and intended activities than in their intentions. More than 4 out of 10
of those interviewed had attended, or intended to attend, at least one
performance written by a Scot, and a like proportion, a performance
on a Scottish theme. More (54.8%) reported having attended or
intending to attend, a performance by at least one Scottish company.
Generic arts consumption during the Festival is also implied. From the
closed-ended schedule, the National Gallery (art museum) headed the
list of activities both undertaken and intended. Of those interviewed,
56.1% had visited or were intending to visit this gallery. The temporary
exhibition of the work of the Scottish Enlightenment artist, Sir Henry
Raeburn (Thomson 1997), was the major draw. The Royal Museum
was also a popular attraction (38.9%). When asked an open-ended
question of what else they had visited other than the activities used for
the styles, 69.1% named other art galleries, most notably the Scottish
National Gallery of Modern Art. In contrast, only 4.8% claimed to have
visited the castle (in contrast to having seen it or attended the Tattoo
in its forecourt). The large proportion of repeaters at the Festival likely
explains the low visitation rate to the castle.
Segmenting by Tourism Styles. A composite muliplicative indicator was
first constructed for the three postulated styles of consumption to cap-
ture any compounding effects within each. As to the procedure, the
responses for each of the four intentions were weighted: 8 as very
important, 4 quite important, and 1 not important. With the exception
of Scots performances as an activity, the activity responses were simi-
larly weighted: 8 having been, 4 intended, 1 neither. Because attend-
ance at Scottish performances had been specified as three distinct
aspects, this activity had to be computed differently. For each of the
three aspects, scores of 2 for attendance and 1 for non-attendance were
assigned. They were then combined multiplicably, thereby yielding a
score comparable in numerical range to the other indicators
(2×2×2=8; 1×1×1=1).
The indicator for each consumption style was calculated from the
six components of the styles: (intention 1 score)×(intention 2
score)×(intention 3 score)×(intention 4 score)×(activity 1
score)×(activity 2 score). Implicit in this amalgamation is the equal
weighting of each element, and due to the preponderance of inten-
tions over activities, the pertinence of the former. Each indicator could
initially range from 262,144 (high consumption) to 1 (low
consumption). Due to skew and "lumpiness", the interval scales derived
were not considered suitable for parametric analysis. In consequence,
each indicator was then re-coded by quartiles and median into four
groups: group 1, below lower quartile (low consumption); group 2,
lower middle between the lower quartile and the median; group 3,
upper middle; and group 4, above the upper quartile (high
consumption).
19PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
Using the three indicators, a non-parametric hierarchical agglomer-
ative clustering was undertaken using chi-square on a furthest
neighbor basis. A seven cluster solution was accepted as maximizing
discrimination without the inclusion of clusters of trivial size. The
seven clusters ranged in size from 32 members to 110. The large cluster
of 110 could not be disaggregated without first disaggregating several
of the smaller clusters, as it had formed earlier in the aggregation.
The discrimination achieved between the clusters in terms of the three
consumption styles on which they were based was strong, with Cramer's
Vs ranging from .388 to .486.
The Festival Segments
Analysis of the data led to the formation of seven distinct clusters.
Cluster 1: Serious Consumers of International Culture (N=84). Among
members of this segment, 88.1% are above average in the consumption
of international performing arts; but 79.8% are below average in con-
suming Scottish performing arts. This segment is characterized by the
highest proportions of strong intentions towards attending experi-
mental (61.9%), comedy (48.8%) and both international music and
drama performances (36.9% for both). The segment contains the
highest proportion of participation in the Book Festival (71.5%), and
the second highest attendance in the Film Festival (50.0%). As such,
these tourists may be described as consuming art forms rather than
ethnicity. The segment also contains the largest proportion of those
repeatedly frequenting the Festival, with 20.2% having visited more
than five times. It also contains the second largest proportion of
repeaters to Scotland (83.3%). This segment is the second highest in
citing both friends and family (69.9%) and previous experience
(62.7%) as sources of information influencing their decision to visit.
Cluster 2: British Drama-Going Socializers (N=67). Similar to the first
segment, these tourists may be described as consuming art forms rather
than ethnicity. Most are also gregarious, all below average in consum-
ing Edinburgh as a tourism-historic city (with 88.1% in the lowest
quartile), but 74.6% above average in consuming international per-
forming arts. This segment contains those most highly motivated to be
with friends (53.7% for whom this was very important). This segment
also contains the highest proportion of arrivals from the southeast of
England (42.4%) and the fewest overseas tourists; and the highest
number of repeaters both to the Festival (59.7%) and to Scotland
(89.6%). This segment is the most likely to rely on previous experience
(68.2%) as well as Festival programs (47.0%) and contemporary films
(25.8%). These tourists are characterized by their interest in drama:
the cluster contains the highest proportions highly motivated by both
international and Scottish drama (50.7% and 35.8%). It also has the
lowest or joint lowest proportions of tourists motivated by strong inter-
est in Scottish cultural traditions (none), combining sightseeing with
the Festival (3.0%) and the Tattoo (3.0%). They are the least likely to
20 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
visit museums and galleries (6.0% and 20.9%), but the most likely to
participate in the Film Festival (59.7%) and the second most likely to
go to the Book Festival (58.2%).
Cluster 3: Scots Performing Arts Attenders (N=110). In contrast to the
first two segments, these tourists may be described as consuming art
forms as ethnicity. Among members of this segment, 64.6% are above
average in the consumption of Scottish performing arts, and have the
strongest profile in attending festival performances with a Scottish
flavor (for example, 68.2% favoring a Scottish company and 56.4% a
Scottish theme). North Americans form over a fifth of this segment
(22.7%).
Cluster 4: Scottish Experience Tourists (N=34). Similar to cluster 3, eth-
nicity is a focus of this segment. Most (64.7%) are attending the Tattoo,
but few the Film or Book Festivals. All members of this segment are
above average in consuming Scottish performing arts; but all are in
lowest quartile in consuming international performing arts. They are
highly intent on experiencing the festival atmosphere (79.4%). The
segment contains the highest proportion of tourists from outside the
British Isles (67.6%), and nearly 3 out of 10 of the segment (29.4%)
are from North America. It also has the oldest profile, with 38.2% over
50 years. It contains the highest proportion of first timers to Scotland
(41.2%) and to the Festival (67.6%). They were the most likely to cite
package tour brochures and travel agents (44.1%) and television pro-
grams (29.4%) as main sources of information. In many ways this seg-
ment is similar to that of Tattoo-going tourists defined by Scotinform
(1991), and can be regarded as a generic version of the latter's seg-
ment. In some ways, these tourists are also similar to Gottlieb's (1982)
Queen (King) for a Day tourists. Their focus is Establishment heritage
(the Tattoo) and luxury hotels as part of package tours.
Cluster 5: Gallery-Goers (N=33). These tourists are disproportionately
visiting museums and galleries (51.5% the Royal Museum and 78.8%
the National Gallery). Further, 48.5% are in the upper quartile of con-
suming the tourism-historic city. However, this segment is most likely
to consider the Tattoo as unimportant (97.0%). Indeed, all members
of this segment are below average in consuming Scottish performing
arts, with 72.7% in the lowest quartile; similarly, 75.8% are below aver-
age in consuming international performing arts. It contains the lowest
proportion of those repeatedly frequenting the Festival (only 9.1% hav-
ing made over five previous visits). However, it also contains the second
highest proportion of tourists strongly intent on experimental per-
formances (45.5%).
Cluster 6: Incidental Festival-Goers (N=43). This segment has the high-
est proportion of tourists strongly motivated by combining sightseeing
with the Festival (55.8%). Of this segment, 79.1% are above average
in consuming Edinburgh as a tourism-historic city; but 72.1% are below
average in favoring international performing arts. This segment is joint
21PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
second in its proportion of overseas tourists (58.1%), and second high-
est in not having visited Scotland before (32.6%). They are the most
likely to have been influenced by newspaper articles (32.6%) and tour-
ist board brochures (20.9%).
Cluster 7: Accidental Festival-Goers (N=32). This segment is among the
highest for visiting museums and galleries, with 78.2% visiting these
attractions. It contains the greatest proportion (59.4%) of members
strongly intent on seeking to learn about Scottish cultural traditions,
although this is not paralleled in intentions towards attending any per-
forming arts. All are in the lowest quartile in consuming international
performing arts; and 53.1% are in lowest quartile in opting for Scottish
performing arts. Whereas members of this segment are above average
in consuming Edinburgh as a tourism-historic city, this cluster has the
lowest proportions of tourists strongly motivated by music or drama,
either Scottish or international. For example, only 3.1% and 6.3% are
strongly motivated by international or Scottish drama. This segment
has the highest proportion citing friends and family (76.7%) and his-
torical feature films (33.3%) as main influences for visiting. Further,
58.1% of these tourists are from outside the British Isles, mostly from
North America.
Notably absent from the descriptions of the clusters are Gottlieb's
(1982) Peasant for a Day tourist, or those seeking sincerity through
meeting local people. This implies that the small minority of tourists
intent on sincerity differ substantially in their other characteristics. In
terms of the consumption styles from which they were created, the
seven clusters in effect collectively specify a variant (a) version of Fig-
ure 1 with minimal multiple primary focus in consumption. Clusters
5, 6, and 7 are part of the "northern" circle of Figure 1, clusters 3 and
4 of the "eastern", and clusters 1 and 2 of the "western". However,
instead of three totally distinct circles in terms of the primary focus of
consumption, a model of two overlapping circles and one more distinct
is pertinent. This is shown in Figure 2, with the clusters located within
the circles.
The Festival is clearly attracting a range of arts segments, with more
than 7 out of 10 of those interviewed (73.2%) to be precise, forming
four performing arts segments (clusters 1 to 4). Of these segments,
only one (Scottish experience tourists) is essentially traditional in focus.
The Festival is being consumed by a majority of those interviewed for
contemporary performing arts of international and Scottish pro-
duction. Most of the tourists are consuming an urbane Scotland of
international, gregarious or Scottish emphasis. The second measure of
positioning effectiveness discussed above is being met. This enables
the third to be meaningfully applied.
Imagining Scotland
The logic of the analyses of Fakeye and Crompton (1991), Pizam
and Milman (1993), Andersen, Prentice and Guerin (1997), and Pren-
22 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
Figure 2. Actual Consumption Styles at Edinburgh Festival
tice and Andersen (2000) is that familiarity with a destination through
visiting or family associations enhances the complexity of the imagery
held of that place. In the present case, this implies that tourists at the
Festival are likely to hold more sophisticated images of Scotland than
other tourists there. This (the inclusion of arts in the imagery evoked
of Scotland by Festival-goers) is the third measure of re-positioning
success advanced above.
In fact, the present survey found that the tourists interviewed held
much the same generic image of Scotland as is both generally prof-
fered to, and held by, tourists (namely, one of a "landscape and heri-
tage" destination). From their unprompted reported imaginings of
Scotland, they saw it overwhelmingly as a country of Highland scenery
(essentially lochs and mountains), with 66.9% of the Festival-goers
describing such an image. Second order images in terms of frequency
were all traditional: whisky (13.6% of tourists), Highland dress
(13.2%), bagpipes (10.9%), and haggis (7.2%). Despite being at the
Festival, the Edinburgh Festival was only mentioned by 6.5%, and Edin-
burgh otherwise by only 6.2%. When asked specifically about Scottish
culture, the respondents' images were also generally of traditional
Scots (and Gaelic) culture: 23.1% mentioned Highland dress in
response to this question, 22.6% bagpipes, and 16.9% Scots or Gaelic
music. The Festival was a second order image of Scottish culture,
despite the tourists being at it. It was mentioned by only 11.4%, a fre-
quency a little greater than that of two traditional Scottish icons, Rob-
ert Burns and whisky (both at 8.9%). It would appear that the Festival
is not associated with mainstream Scottish culture, and that generally
23PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
the culture is seen as traditional rather than contemporary, even by
people who are themselves enjoying the opposite. Scotland is also
imagined as rural rather than urban by these people, despite the
location of the interviews being in its capital city.
These conclusions are confirmed by the reflexive closed-ended opi-
nion scaling also undertaken. Those interviewed were asked to rate four
aspects of Scottish culture on five point bipolar scales, in terms of it
being modern/traditional, authentic/unauthentic, international/local,
and familiar/unfamiliar. Overall, the sample thought Scottish culture to
be traditional (60.3%), authentic (79.8%), international (57.6%), and
familiar (62.0%). In all four cases, the modal frequency was the extreme
rating (1 or 5). Overseas tourists to Scotland were more likely than
others to consider the culture to be traditional and authentic. For
example, 47.9% of overseas tourists were above average in rating it as
traditional, compared to 23.1% of those from southern England and
34.4% of those from the rest of England. The comparable figures for
the rating of authenticity were 59.9%, 37.5%, and 50.4%, respectively.
Repeated experience of Scottish culture, however, changed the
impressions of authenticity and traditionalism found by the opinion
scaling. This suggests that the illusions of Scottishness proffered by
spaces such as the Royal Mile somewhat fade once other aspects of
Scottishness or other places are explored. For example, 55.6% of first
timers gave an above average rating for Scottish culture as traditional,
compared to 31.4% of repeaters (Cramer's V=0.209); and similarly,
61.1% and 47.2% concerning authenticity (V=0.116).
CONCLUSION
Certain questions can be addressed from the debates around cul-
tural tourism discussed in this article.
Is festival-going in Edinburgh primarily the consumption of difference? Over
half the tourists interviewed were from Britain, and nearly three-quar-
ters were from Europe. Most others came from Western (European-
settled) developed societies. As a European culture, it is unlikely that
substantial numbers of these tourists would find Scottish culture
unfamiliar. This was the case. Nearly two-thirds of those interviewed
at the Festival considered Scottish culture to be familiar. Many were
repeaters, and for these, Edinburgh is not an unfamiliar city. In con-
trast, the consumption of international drama was the second most
common intention cited. However, much of the international product
is Western at the Festival and thus both Scottish and the international
cultures presented may be considered familiar for many tourists. The
concentration of North Americans in segments explicitly Scottish in
consumption focus (Scots performing arts attenders, Scottish experience tour-
ists, and accidental Festival-goers) also supports the interpretation of fam-
iliarity. With migration links to Scotland, many of these tourists can
be expected to be exploring their own ethnicity at the Festival. Indeed,
5.4 million US citizens reportedly now claim Scots ancestry (Kerevan
2001). Drawing lessons from Bruner's (1996) work, such tourists are
likely to be making necessary acts of self-realization, not only to experi-
24 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
ence one of the very places their (imagined) ancestors may have
known, but also to experience a Scottish essentialism transcendent of
place. In sum, but in different ways, the Festival is the consumption
of familiarity rather than difference.
Is festival-going in Edinburgh primarily aesthetic? The popularity of com-
bining the Festival with sightseeing in Scotland could be mistaken for
support for essentially aesthetic consumption, as sightmarking and
sightseeing have generally been interpreted in this way. However, the
overwhelmingly experiential intentions of those surveyed would sug-
gest otherwise. Experience is multisensual. The Festival offers noise
and animation, as well as sights: it is more than aesthetic consumption.
The aesthetic component is the setting of the Festival in the historic
townscape of the city.
Is festival-going in Edinburgh serious consumption? The Festival offers
some partying opportunities where serious consumption is also com-
mon. Repeaters account for half of the total market. Indeed, 1 in 6
tourists have visited the Festival at least 6 times before. At least 2 of
the 7 segments identified can unequivocally be considered serious con-
sumers (namely, serious consumers of international culture and British
drama-going socializers). Together, these segments account for nearly 4
out of 10 consumers. To them can possibly be added the Scots per-
forming arts seekers and the gallery-goers. These four segments together
account for over 7 out of 10 tourists. The Festival would seem a serious
business for many tourists and the label "culture-vultures" may not be
far from the mark. If so, authenticity may be defined more as involve-
ment than as image, or, in Crang's (1996) terms, as a quest involving
the cummunitas of participation. These are Richards' (2001) cre-
ative tourists.
Is festival-going in Edinburgh multi-intentional? As with other festival
studies, intention was found to be multiple, but with socialization or
gregariousness prominent. The Festival is frequently somewhere to be
with friends, rather than somewhere to meet new people. To learn
about Scottish cultural traditions, and to be engaged by artistic per-
formances were common intentions. These tourists were consuming
something that was real to them. Part of this was Scottish culture, either
as a setting or as an insight. Among those interviewed, 8 out of 10
considered Scottish culture to be authentic. But they were intent on
consuming much more too.
Is festival-going primarily consumption of the traditional or of the contempor-
ary? Scottishness can be consumed as a historic and/or contemporary
experience. In the present analysis, this was investigated in terms of
consuming the tourism-historic city or consuming performing arts,
Scottish or international. Essentially contemporary consumers con-
siderably out-numbered the traditionalists. Traditional consumers
included accidental and incidental Festival-goers and one segment of arts
consumers, Scottish experience tourists. These tourists accounted for over
a quarter of the market. To them may be added those gallery-goers unin-
terested in experimental arts performances. Together these traditional-
ists represent at most three tenths of the market: a substantial aggre-
25PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
gated segment, but clearly a minority. The Festival is overwhelmingly
the consumption of the contemporary.
Marketing and Modeling Implications
Three tests of positioning for performing arts were outlined earlier,
and the present analysis particularly applied two. The first application
considered the extent to which the Festival is attracting non-"landscape
and heritage" segments. The Festival was found to be attracting arts
segments largely focused on contemporary performing arts, either of
an international or Scottish production. As such, it is successfully diver-
sifying the Scottish tourism product, as the more traditional product
experiences increased global competition. The implication of this for
market-based product development is that the Festival will need to con-
tinue to offer a product mix of the international and the Scottish, or
it risks losing segments. Nor should the spectacle of the Tattoo be
considered the hallmark of the Festival, despite its international pro-
minence.
The second test applied concerned the extent to which the urban
and contemporary culture of the Festival was incorporated into the
described imaginings about Scotland among participants. Successful
repositioning requires changes in imagery to make the exceptional
into the generic. The Festival has not achieved this change. Its tourists
imagine Scotland and its culture in very traditional ways, essentially
historical and rural in content. The Festival is a minor part of at least
their superficial imaginings about Scotland. An explanation is that if
the particular focus of consumption is not seen as typical of a wider
destination, familiarity with the destination will not necessarily impel
changes in how it is imagined. This impels one to refine models of
tourism imagery emphasizing familiarity. A task for VisitScotland (the
former Scottish Tourist Board) is to seek to change how tourists
imagine this destination. The present survey also suggests that this may
be possible, as repeat tourists tend to hold less nai¨ve views of Scotland.
However, this is no easy challenge, as a substantial commonality of view
also holds. Perhaps Scotland is the victim of its past success in promot-
ing a distinctive Highland product image. The analysis gives only lim-
ited support for a stance that Festival tourists move from nai¨ve verisimili-
tude to nuanced verisimilitude through the process of familiarization
either with a particular destination or staging elsewhere. Much greater
research attention is needed to understand this process and its deter-
minants, to inform both modeling and marketing.
Traditionally, repeat visitation has been used as a proxy for tourists'
loyalty to a destination (Oppermann 2000). However, despite its strong
repeat profile, the second largest segment, serious consumers of inter-
national culture, may be that most easily lost to rival festivals. The loyalty
demonstrated is likely to be to the experience of excellence in per-
forming arts, rather than to Edinburgh as a stage for the arts. If an
expansion of Scots performances in response to re-invigorated dom-
estic interest in Scottishness occurs at the expense of international
orchestral performances, the loss of this repeat market is possible. Dou-
26 FESTIVAL AS CREATIVE DESTINATION
bly so, as arts festivals have now been developed in many European
cities, and music and dance are international in the sense that they
do not depend upon language proficiency, in contrast to drama. The
Festival succeeds through its intensity, excellence and reputation, not
that it is unique. The Festival product developed by the Scottish tour-
ism industry is subject to increasing international competition.
The serious tourists attracted may be akin to Sela¨nniemi's (1994,
1997) tourists: buying time and enjoyment in an essentially placeless
world. Such a characterization needs further investigation, however,
for the Festival may be greater than its current content alone. After
Bruner (1999), it may be a "site of memories", of affective recollec-
tions. As sincerity through meeting locals as an intention is unimport-
ant, such inter-personal memories are likely to focus on other tourists
met in Edinburgh. If so, partial place-attachment (via tourist friends)
rather than placelessness is implied. However, the potential of a Sela¨nni-
emi-like interpretation also affects the largest segment, Scots performing
arts attenders. Intention to consume does not describe this group, rather
consumption of what is on offer. This segment may be mobile, as other
European cities can offer a feeling of ethnicity to tourists largely
unconcerned with where they are going so long as a desire to consume
the diversity of European culture is met. These tourists may be charac-
terized as Ooi's (2002) versatile tourists, utilizing a repertoire of social
behaviors in response to mediated consumption opportunities.
The present study has important implications for how one seeks to
measure the effectiveness of repositioning and how to conceptualize
composite product offerings. The segments derived are clearly specific
to the Edinburgh Festival at a particular stage in its development. How-
ever, they not only offer insights for similar festivals in heritage town-
scapes, particularly the relatively discrete consumption styles, but also
a methodology. The latter impels attention to multiple uses of the
same space. If locally grounded, the methodology is transferable. More
importantly, the methodology includes both expectations and engage-
ment, and thereby extends beyond engagement alone in measuring
effectiveness. In so doing, it remedies frequent weaknesses in assess-
ment focused only on engagement.
The recognition of multiple audiences potentially extends into con-
ceptualization, how one thinks of festivals. The Festival is foremost a
composite experiential product, consumed by an elite with inter-
national tastes, seeking gregariousness, excellence, and familiarity.
Interpreting attractions as sets of activity opportunities, the Festival has
acquired characteristics of a destination in its own right, in part
removed from that of the historical city other than as setting and the
offer of Scottishness. It is a polyphony of attractions, individually com-
peting, but offering opportunities for joint consumption through the
sheer range and volume of performances on offer. It may be regarded
as an "experience theater, in imaginary space into which tourists enter
and through which they negotiate a physical and conceptual path"
(Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1994:449). It is permanent in the
sense that it is recurrent, but not generally imagined even by its tourists
as part of the host country's identity or culture. Authenticity as verisi-
27PRENTICE AND ANDERSEN
militude is achieved through meeting tourists' expectations about what
a place looks and feels like. Authenticity through involvement (and
ultimately through reflexivity) requires a different product mix. If festi-
vals are considered as destinations, one needs to understand how per-
forming arts festivals (quite literally staged productions) are felt to be
real by their participants, and for marketing, by different segments.
Questions on authenticity need now to focus on who uses it, why it is
used, and what it is used for (Meethan 2001). In particular, how much
does actual location matter? For those seeking an arts essentialism, how
does the ethnicity of the location matter? For those seeking an ethnic
essentialism, how do contemporary arts affect the realization of this
search? For the latter tourists, what, if any, are the tensions between
familiarity and strangerhood? Indeed, how important is the particular
ethnicity of a destination? In marketing terms, how do the symbol-
systems of tourists differ between segments? Thinking of festivals as
destinations not only sets a research direction, it has great practical
application in defining the unique selling points of particular festi-
vals. A
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Submitted 29 February 2000. Resubmitted 13 May 2001. Resubmitted 15 October 2001.
Accepted 4 January 2002. Final version 29 January 2002. Refereed anonymously. Coordin-
ating Editor: Erik Cohen