Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 581­605, 2003
 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/03/$30.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(03)00023-9
MALTESE RESPONSES TO TOURISM
Bill Bramwell
Sheffield Hallam University, UK
Abstract: This study of residents' responses to tourism in the Maltese islands adopts a
contextual rather than tourism-centric approach, with responses related to the sociocultural
and political setting as well as to tourism development. Scattered published sources are
brought together and analyzed to develop a new research agenda. Several forms of response
among the Maltese are examined, including attitudes to tourism's general and specific
impacts, and protest action against its schemes. The study shows that after the mid-80s some
people's views about the industry became more negative. Consideration is given to likely
influences on the continuities and changes in responses since the 60s. Keywords: Malta,
contextual study, community attitudes, environmental groups, environmental policies. 
2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Résumé: La réponse maltaise au tourisme. Cette étude des réponses des habitants au tour-
isme a` l'archipel de Malte adopte une approche contextuelle pluto^t que centrée sur le tour-
isme, avec des réponses liées aux cadres socioculturel et politique aussi bien qu'au développe-
ment du tourisme. On rassemble et analyse diverses publications pour développer un
nouveau programme de recherches. On examine plusieurs sortes de réponses pa les Maltais,
y compris leurs attitudes envers les impacts généraux et spécifiques du tourisme et leurs
actes de protestation contre ses projets. L'étude montre que l'opinion publique au sujet du
tourisme est devenue plus négative a` la fin des années 80. On tient compte des influences
probables sur les continuités et les changements dans les réponses depuis les années 60. Mots-
clés: Malte, étude contextuelle, attitudes de la communauté, groups écologistes, politiques
écologistes.  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
Too much research is carried out within a tourism-centric and de-
contextualized theoretical paradigm. Hence, this paper seeks to dem-
onstrate the merits of adopting a contextual approach to the study of
community responses to tourism. The case is made by undertaking a
critical synthesis of research on the reactions to the industry among
residents of the Maltese islands. The analysis evaluates how broad soci-
oeconomic, cultural, and political processes in Malta have influenced,
and have also been affected by, these responses. Tourism is examined
as only one of many influences. Historical continuities and changes in
responses are considered since the advent of mass tourism in the
Bill Bramwell is Reader at Sheffield Hallam University (Sheffield S1 1WB, UK. Email
<w.m.bramwell@shu.ac.uk>). He has edited books on aspects of tourism and rural develop-
ment, partnerships, and sustainability in Europe. Presently he is working on a book on South-
ern European tourism. He co-founded and co-edits the Journal of Sustainable Tourism. His
research interests include relations between tourism and growth management, local com-
munities, and discourses of sustainability.
581
582 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
islands in the 60s. Within this overall setting, there is examination of
several different forms of responses among the residents. First, there
is consideration of their attitudes to the industry's overall and specific
impacts. Second, attention is paid to public concern and protest about
environmental issues partly affected by tourism. Lastly, there is dis-
cussion of the development of related environmental policies and
regulations, and of how the population has responded to them. Based
on this analysis, suggestions are made for a new agenda of questions
to consider in future research on reactions to the industry in Malta.
The microstate of Malta is 100 km south of Italy in the central Medit-
erranean. Tourism's rapid growth on these tiny islands means that it
has had substantial impacts. This analysis of Maltese responses to tour-
ism relies on secondary published sources, drawing together and inter-
rogating previous sociological and anthropological studies by native
and overseas researchers as well as surveys by national public agencies.
The use of these sources illustrates how previously published, scattered
information can have considerable relevance for research on this
theme. It is shown that such material may be evaluated using a more
holistic approach in order to ask new questions and to reinterpret pre-
vious findings. The resulting new research agenda might not have
emerged if already published material had been neglected and if the
analysis had applied tourism-centric perspectives without sensitivity to
the wider setting.
RESPONSES TO TOURISM
Some studies of local responses to tourism examine them largely in
relation to the area's progress through an assumed development cycle
(Allan, Long, Perdue and Kieselbach 1988; Smith and Krannich 1998).
They reflect Doxey's (1975) suggestion that as the industry increases,
residents' reactions become steadily more negative, moving from
euphoria to apathy, annoyance, and then antagonism. This idea has
been extended by other researchers, notably Butler (1980) who pro-
poses a resort cycle moving through five stages of discovery, involve-
ment, development and consolidation, decline, and rejuvenation or
stabilization, depending on attempts to ameliorate the adverse impacts.
It is proposed that rising number of tourists and their changing types
over the cycle can increase negative resident perceptions. While Butler
recognizes the influence of other factors, some researchers apply this
model without giving detailed attention to socioeconomic, cultural,
and political influences on local attitudes. For example, Ioannides uses
the model, together with "the experiences of various Mediterranean
insular regions", to develop a "conceptual framework for examining
the agendas of various stakeholder groups at each stage of a resort's
development". This longitudinal framework is premised on the notion
that stakeholder attitudes to tourism and sustainable development may
shift according to a destination's development stage. Hence, when
mass tourism has set in, such as on the Greek island of Cephalonia,
local reaction to its development is mixed:
583BILL BRAMWELL
Although the local residents begin to recognize certain social and
environmental problems, they are also willing to put up with tourism
in its current mass-market form because of the real and perceived
benefits it may provide. Only certain NGOs, including "fringe"
environmental activists, oppose future development (2001:64, 69­70).
This industry-focused model is useful heuristically to prompt thought
about tourism's effects on attitudes, but it could distort interpretations
if attention is not also paid to other influences (Horn and Simmons
2002:142). Yet the model's longitudinal character encourages con-
sideration of temporal changes in localities rather than describing
them as frozen in time.
Community responses to tourism are best understood when exam-
ined in relation to the varied relationships affecting them. Research
abstracting responses from their context and history may lose a fuller
understanding of processes and meanings, and this can lead to misin-
terpretation. Examinations of responses in a local context should avoid
retreating to the unique. There are reflexive and recursive intersec-
tions between localized influences and more general and even global
forces, including capital accumulation, commodification, and con-
sumerism (Britton 1991; Milne 1998). As Harvey put it: "universality
must be constructed in dialectic relation with particularity" (1996:362).
In her study of the Greek island of Mykonos, Stott argues that the
"history, social organization and cultural principles of a society will
determine the flexibility or inflexibility in response to or development
of the tourist industry" (1979:89). The contours of such responses will
be understood better when related to how residents actively construct
their identities in relation to global forces. As Black concludes from a
study of tourism in Malta, local cultures should not be
viewed as lacking an internal dynamic and become blank screens upon
which to project ideas about a "lost past" and to reflect upon the social
ills of the developed world. In the meantime, the voices of the people
upon which all these ills are supposedly working often remain com-
pletely absent (1996:116; 1990).
Southern European Context
Holistic insights can be furthered by considering local situations in
their regional context. Southern European countries are characterized
by some similarities, but also by marked diversity. While they have gen-
erally modernized more slowly than in Northern Europe, in recent
decades change has been rapid; "changes over a few generations while
in Continental Europe the changes evolved over centuries" (Sapelli
1995:13). One notable development has been the rise of consumerism
(Pridham 1994:81). Despite rapid recent change in these societies, reli-
gion, the family, and certain traditional values often remain as key
features. Since the 50s and 60s, parts of Southern Europe's littoral
have developed as a mass tourism "pleasure periphery" for Northern
Europeans. This form of tourism has often evolved historically through
a dash for quick money to solve economic problems or ambitions, both
584 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
national and familial (Pridham 1999:101; Williams 1997, 2001). The
industry has contributed to patterns of uneven development between
and within regions (Dunford 1997; Hadjimichalis 1987). The limited
research indicates that residents' responses to these changes vary
within Southern Europe, influenced by the distinct localistic cultures
and differing histories (Pridham 1994:81).
Barke's study of Spain's coastal regions offers a valuable illustration
of how specific contexts affect local responses to tourism. He identifies
circumstances in these regions from the 60s that discouraged major
explicit conflict despite the sudden and massive increase in inter-
national tourists. One circumstance was the "historical association in
the minds of many Spaniards between the growth of tourism, the over-
all growth of the national economy, and the massive increase in
material prosperity for many groups" (1999:256­7). They also tended
to feel themselves and their home area to be superior, and this self-
confidence helped them absorb change without fundamental disturb-
ance to their cultural values. Further, Barke suggests that the Spanish
had evolved mechanisms to cope with the influx of outsiders; in parti-
cular they retained, re-created, or initiated their own spaces that
reflected their individuality and are distinct from tourist spaces.
A few Southern European studies emphasize how historical changes
in a locality influence the inhabitants' reactions to tourism. For
example, Morris uses a diachronic analysis of community responses in
Spain's Costa Brava since the 50s, examining two types of adjustment:
local policies for tourism planning and the opposition to this planning
and to related developments. He identifies two indicators of early
endorsement of the industry as the pro-development plans for Lloret
de Mar and for Castelló d'Empúries, and the very limited opposition
to these plans when they were publicly exhibited. Morris concludes
that the early reception given to tourism in the Costa Brava was gener-
ally welcoming and positive. However, he depicts the responses as
evolving temporally "from receptive to critical and selective. This does
not precisely fit any tourist cycle, but follows a sequence of its own,
colored by the type of local culture and the changes which may occur
in the political structure of the country" (1996:84). Shifts in these reac-
tions are related to changes since the 50s in the scale and geographical
spread of the region's tourism and also in values and attitudes in Span-
ish society. Among the broad influences on these shifts has been
Spain's rapid urbanization and industrialization in recent decades
which has encouraged new attitudes to the land, environment, and
conservation. Hence, it is recognized that responses may evolve inde-
pendently of changes in tourism due to the contemporaneous evol-
ution of society.
Published Sources on Malta
Responses to tourism among the Maltese are examined by drawing
together three types of previously published sources in order to illus-
trate their potential value to prompt new questions and re-interpret-
ations of existing research. First, studies from various disciplines on
585BILL BRAMWELL
Malta's economy, society, environment and politics. Use is made of
work by native authors, although it is paradoxical that few focus directly
on tourism and its societal effects, despite the industry's prominence.
Such insider perspectives are important and can help to avoid over-
simplified "views from afar". Among the non-Maltese authors, Boisse-
vain's contributions stand out. He has published several articles on
Maltese experiences, although they are widely scattered and only a few
are in tourism publications. He lived on the islands between 1956­
1958 and 1992­2001, and he visited almost annually between these
periods, which has enabled him to chronicle reactions to tourism since
the 50s. His ethnographic-anthropological immersion in the local cul-
ture helped him to develop a "cultural biography" of this society, and
assisted in his attempt "to evaluate the impact of tourism in Maltese
terms rather than my own" (Boissevain 1977a:535­6; Sansone 2001:1).
His interest in all aspects of society also aided avoidance of identifying
tourism as the cause of changes that actually were affected more by
other influences (Cohen 1979:29; Nash 1996:164).
The second type of source employed is published reports on large-
scale, questionnaire-based surveys of residents' views on tourism that
were conducted by national public agencies in order to inform their
policies. Three surveys are used. The surveys in 1992 by the Secretariat
for Tourism (1993) and in 1996 by the Planning Authority (1997) used
interviewer-administered questionnaires, and the respondents were
identified from electoral registers. There were 523 respondents in 1992
and 3,508 in 1996. The third survey conducted in 2000 by the Malta
Tourism Authority resulted in 1,047 replies to a questionnaire posted
to 5,000 households. However, these used short questionnaires that
provided respondents with only restricted opportunities to explain
their opinions, and they varied in the questions asked, hindering evalu-
ation of whether opinions had evolved over time. Finally, use is made
of two English-language daily newspapers (The Times of Malta and The
Malta Independent) over a two-year period from early 2000. Both were
important vehicles for Malta's élites to discuss national issues in the
public sphere.
The Maltese Context
Economy, Society and Politics. Trends in Maltese responses to tourism
need to be considered in relation to the evolving socioeconomic, cul-
tural, and political context. The country consists of the islands of
Malta, Gozo, and Comino (Figure 1). Its land area is only 316 km2
(Mizzi 1994:2), and in this restricted space live 378,000 people, giving
it one of the highest population densities of any country. Malta has an
area of 245 km2
and a population of 348,000. Gozo is much smaller,
with about 30,000 inhabitants, while Comino has under ten permanent
residents (Schembri 2000:35). The archipelago is tied to Europe in
many ways, including through its geographical location, Catholic reli-
gion, and strong economic and sociocultural links due to centuries of
control by other European countries (Mizzi 1994:2; Pirotta 1994:103).
Malta is also engaged in negotiations to join the European Union.
586 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
Figure 1. The Maltese Islands
Nevertheless, its language has links with the Arab world and the islands
are on Europe's geographical margins, being just 290 km from Libya
(Beeley and Charlton 1994:112; Inguanez 1988:154). While most
inhabitants feel part of a European cultural region, there is often
ambivalence towards the European Union. Membership of the union
is thought to offer increased affluence, security, and "modernity", but
there is anxiety that it threatens national sovereignty, local integrity
and "tradition", and Catholic morality (Mitchell 2002:12, 242).
The islands have a long history of being run as a military fortress,
by the Knights of St. John and France, and then by Britain, from whom
the islands received their independence in 1964. Prior to the run-down
of the British bases from 1962, the economy was largely based on the
military and naval bases (Mizzi 1994:2). By 1979, these bases had closed
and a new economic structure was needed. Development options were
587BILL BRAMWELL
severely reduced by the small size of the islands, their insularity from
major markets, and their very limited natural resources, but light
manufacturing (such as textiles, clothing, and electronic components)
and tourism have become major sources of employment (King 1979;
Lockhart and Mason 1989:3).
Life and social activity still tend to revolve around the family. The
Catholic church and territorial bounds of the parish are other
important reference points in daily life. Social research in 1991 indi-
cated that generally "the Maltese have retained their traditional value
system. Just as in the eighties they still cherish marriage and the family,
the Church and religion" (Abela 1994:257). Similarly, Mizzi argued
that "religion and the family still remain the pivotal points of Maltese
society" (1994:7). But there have been numerous changes in this
society since its independence. Rising living standards have had a big
influence and, despite economic wealth being generally below that of
Northern Europe, there has still been a marked growth in con-
sumerism. Rising incomes have encouraged a preference to live out-
side the older, densely built-up urban centers. This, together with an
expanding population, has resulted in a boom in house construction
that has substantially extended the built-up area and thus reduced the
amount of already scarce open space (Beeley and Charlton 1994:112).
A high proportion of residents now own cars, and many have other
material goods that previous generations only dreamed about. Accord-
ing to Abela (1994:267), in the early 90s the population had a marked
materialist orientation, although some also had post-materialist con-
cerns, including fears about the environment. A further influence on
Maltese society has been its increasing exposure to external media,
such as satellite television with its news channels and Italian soap
operas (Inguanez 1994:351). Politics is pursued with great vigor and
it cuts into many spheres of society. There is intense rivalry between
the two main political parties, which draw strength from a culture of
patronage where patrons provide favors for their political supporters.
As elections have often been won by a small margin of votes, elected
governments have sometimes found it difficult to pass and enforce laws
that they otherwise might favor because this might cost them crucial
votes in the next election (Boswell 1995:290; King 1979).
Tourism Development. One influence on dispositions to tourism has
been the industry's development path. From the early 60s, the govern-
ment gave this industry a high priority in its attempts to "replace the
gap in the economy left by the run-down of the military strategic base"
(Italconsult 1965:preface). Malta's tourism is socially constructed prim-
arily as a sea and sun product, and it is characterized by mass tourism
infrastructure. The general tourism trend has been of upward growth,
but latterly at a decreased rate (Planning Authority 2000:14). In 1959,
the islands attracted only 12,583 international tourists, but by 1970 this
had risen to 170,853 (Malta Tourism Authority 2000b:72). By the mid-
70s, the annual influx already exceeded the local population, and the
landmark of one million tourists was reached in 1992, representing
just over 12 million guest nights. This was a major presence on a small
island with a population of only about a third of a million. By 1998,
588 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
arrivals had further increased to 1,182,240, but guest nights had fallen
to 11,325,000 (Malta Tourism Authority 2000b:72). In that year, esti-
mated international tourists peaked at 55,269 each day in August
(Planning Authority 2000:31). According to the Malta Tourism Auth-
ority, almost one-fourth of the economy and slightly more than one-
fourth of full-time equivalent jobs in 2000 depended on tourism
(Ministry of Tourism 2000:12). However, the industry relies heavily on
a small number of overseas tour operators and a few source markets,
notably Britain, and this dependence means that tour operators can
depress the prices paid to local hotels.
Mass tourism's economic imperatives have encouraged a marked
spatial polarization. Much of the infrastructure is concentrated in the
resorts of Sliema and St. Julian's in the main conurbation, and in Bug˙-
ibba, a previously thinly populated coastal area. Other accommodation
sprung up in small settlements, such as St Paul's Bay and Marsaskala
on Malta and Marsalforn on the island of Gozo (Figure 1). The latter
island's double insularity restricted the expansion. Prior to the estab-
lishment of planning controls, much development occurred haphaz-
ardly and had disfigured the landscape. There have also been
deficiencies in the provision of water supplies, sewerage systems, and
road upgrading and maintenance (Lockhart 1997). While many hotels
and self-catering apartments built before 1988 are of a low standard,
after that date government policy has been to approve new hotels only
of 4- or 5-star quality (Cleverdon 2000:95; Horwath and Horwath
1989:148). Since the early 90s new construction was regulated by a new
Planning Authority and a land-use Structure Plan, although there have
been problems of enforcement (Briguglio and Briguglio 1996:177;
Ministry for Environment 1998). Nevertheless, planning controls have
helped to concentrate development in the main resorts: between 1989
and 1998 the share of tourist accommodation in Bug˙ibba/St. Paul's
Bay rose from 30.4% to 33.7%, and in St. Julian's from 13.2% to 16.8%
(Planning Authority 2000:19).
Attitudes to Tourism's Overall Impact
Attention now turns to responses to tourism's overall impact in the
context of the sociocultural and political influences and the develop-
ment patterns that have been outlined. Some influences have tended
to encourage a more positive outlook. According to Black, the popu-
lation's ability to cope with tourism has been enhanced by their resili-
ence and adaptability, as they
have neither simply absorbed the behavior and consumption patterns
of their guests, nor have they taken to "mirroring" what is expected
of them. They feel, and indeed seem to be, well-equipped to negotiate
their relationship with foreigners and to exercise some choice and
control as to where the lines of influence become drawn (1996:133).
Language provides one means by which they have created a social dis-
tance. While most residents are multilingual, speaking English, Italian,
and Maltese, they often use the latter when they wish to exclude foreig-
589BILL BRAMWELL
ners: "In a situation where the country is over-run by tourists for much
of the year, it achieves a kind of closure from the rest of the world,
allowing the Maltese to speak among themselves, without being heard"
(Mitchell 2002:63). In coastal Spain, Barke (1999) similarly identifies
the inhabitants' adaptability as a major influence on their overall
response to tourism.
Acceptance of the industry may also have been encouraged by the
long history of foreign rulers, notably the fairly recent and reasonably
friendly relations with the British. Inguanez observes that "Maltese cul-
ture was formed by the constant interaction with foreigners. This is
one of the principal reasons why interaction with tourists did not have
a great `culture shock'" (1988:157). The long British presence meant
that the populace had learnt to deal with service relations: "The tran-
sition from serving military to serving tourists is one of degree, not of
category. The Maltese maintain their independence, even as waiters
and chambermaids" (Boissevain 1977a:536; 1989:153). According to
Inguanez: "Malta's traditional contacts with foreigners during its long
history of dependent existence has engendered in the Maltese culture
a strong element of brokerage skills even in the social and cultural
spheres. These skills, and consequent attitudes, have served as a shield
against a massive culture shock" (1994:351). The British association
further means that most inhabitants have a good working knowledge
of English, and this market has remained the largest source of tourists.
Nevertheless, there have also been ambiguities in the responses. Black
argues that:
When tourism was first developing many Maltese held rather ambiva-
lent attitudes towards foreigners; particularly towards the British and
the Italians. While feeling some resentment and suspicion towards out-
siders due to centuries of external domination, many people,
especially those among the elite, also made constant claims of identi-
fication with the cultures of more powerful outsiders (1996:121).
Other influences have had particularly complex and perhaps contra-
dictory effects on people's overall responses. For instance, it has been
suggested that the high population density meant the residents had
"acquired the social skills necessary to cope" with the large tourist
influx (Boissevain 1977a:536). But, at the same time, this high popu-
lation density may have encouraged a less positive reaction, because
it intensifies the tourist presence and demonstrates more amply the
industry's negative impacts. Baldacchino highlights the importance of
"smallness" for Maltese society, although he warns against portraying
this "smallness" as a purely physical phenomenon: "Population size,
land area or any other factor are conditions, not attributes. They only
influence contours; they are not themselves elements of causation"
(1997:64). He contends that small islands tend to be characterized by
social visibility and intimacy, a close proximity of politicians and
government to their electorate, and intense political rivalries, all of
which are likely to affect their residents' overall reaction to tourism.
From the 60s to the mid-80s, many residents appear to have tolerated
mass tourism's unwanted effects because of their perception of its sub-
590 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
stantial economic benefits. For example, Boissevain suggested in the
mid-70s that "the average Maltese, when he thinks about it, considers
that tourists are in part responsible for the increase in his standard of
living", and also that they "see tourists as beneficial to their notions of
progress and development" (1977a:532, 537; 1977b). Such supportive
views up to the mid-80s were also encouraged by many people being
able to recall the island's colonial period, the presence of the British
military, and the struggle to find jobs to replace those in the earlier
fortress economy and to avoid having to emigrate (Busuttil 1994; Ingu-
anez 1988:156; Mallia 2000:16). Further, in this earlier period, the
scope for friction with tourists based on envy was perhaps reduced by
the standard of living being higher than in some other Mediterranean
countries, so that "the contrast between the life style of tourists and
Maltese was not particularly striking" (Boissevain 1977a:536; Lockhart
and Mason 1989:3). Boissevain concluded in the mid-70s that the
populace considered "they are in control and can cope with the effects
to their way of life that their temporary guests are having or are likely
to have in the foreseeable future" (1977a:537; Vella 1994).
While there have been significant continuities in residents' attitudes
to tourism into the 90s, Boissevain and Theuma contend that from the
mid-80s these attitudes changed for some people. They explain that
"Until the mid-1980s, most Maltese unreservedly welcomed tourists.
They accepted that maximizing tourist arrivals and the resulting over-
crowding, discomfort, rampant building and environmental destruc-
tion was necessary for economic development". However, "In the
1990s, as tourist arrivals topped one million annually, the Maltese
began to feel oppressed by the effects of this laissez-faire pressure on the
social and physical environment", and the resulting increased physical
congestion became less acceptable, with pressure on public transport,
extra traffic, and more crowded beaches (1998:97).
In explaining the shifting attitudes after the mid-80s, Boissevain and
Theuma highlight growing concern about the industry's contribution
to the loss of scarce open space and other natural resources. There
was growing unease about the consequences of government policies
from the late-80s that gave a new priority to "quality tourism" (Horwath
and Horwath 1989; Markwick 1999). One result of these policies was
the development of large-scale, luxury facilities involving marked losses
of natural resources. Boissevain and Theuma argue that
quality tourism's infrastructural requirements include luxury hotels,
golf courses and marinas. These consume more natural resources than
mass sun, sand, and sea tourism for which the infrastructure was
already in place. Recent public protest about threats to Malta's
environment have all concerned new projects aimed at attracting up-
market tourists (1998:98­99).
Boissevain also describes how the encouragement of "quality" after the
mid-80s had adversely affected attitudes to the industry through
additional promotion of cultural tourism that added to pressures at
some historic and cultural sites (1994a, b; 1996a, b). These pressures
were already growing due to a general rise in tourist interest in heritage
591BILL BRAMWELL
and culture (Ioannides and Holcomb 2001). Expanding arrivals in the
historic town of Mdina meant that some residents became increasingly
dissatisfied during the 90s. "The constant exposure to increasing num-
bers of tourists and the effects this has on their lives and surroundings
is creating a hostile attitude to tourism among a growing segment of
Mdina's residents" (Boissevain 1996b:227). Boissevain and Theuma
also suggest that the large, up-market developments and growing inter-
est in the islands' cultural, heritage, and rural features had hastened
a decline in space for the population's leisure pursuits. Hence, during
the 90s, residents "are experiencing what amounts to a sense of loss.
Their leisure space is being taken away, again, as it was under the
British colonial establishment which withdrew large areas of choice
countryside from the public" (1998:114­115).
Attitudes to Specific Tourism Impacts
Maltese attitudes to specific tourism impacts have been affected by
diverse sociocultural and other influences. These views are discussed
in some research studies and are also examined in surveys in 1992 by
the Secretariat for Tourism (1993) and in 2000 by the Malta Tourism
Authority. The latter included two questions: "What are the benefits
to Malta and the Maltese society arising from tourism activity?" and
"What are the problems created by tourism in Malta?" Responses were
unprompted, with blank spaces for comments. In the 1992 survey,
respondents indicated whether they considered tourism's effects to be
"good", "bad", or of "no effect" for each of ten identified aspects of
Malta's heritage and society (Table 1). As these two surveys employ
different approaches, they are not used to assess historical trends.
When the 2000 survey asked respondents to name any specific tour-
ism benefits, easily the most frequently mentioned were economic
gains (85% mentioning it) and increases in jobs (50%). The
Table 1. Perceived Effect of Tourism on Maltese Heritage and Societya
Perceived Effect (%)
Aspect Good Effect Bad Effect No Effect Don't Know
Archaeological Sites 91.0 1.1 2.9 5.0
Entertainment 83.0 2.3 8.2 6.5
Local Crafts 81.6 1.1 10.3 6.9
Maltese Culture 80.5 5.2 5.7 8.6
Maltese Cooking 73.2 5.9 14.1 6.7
Traditional Customs 68.3 11.7 14.0 6.1
Recreational Pursuits 61.8 10.9 18.9 8.4
Public Decency 17.8 51.1 27.9 3.3
Family Cohesion 15.7 21.2 56.2 6.9
Morality 14.3 23.9 51.1 10.7
a
Source: Secretariat for Tourism (1993).
592 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
unprompted emphasis on economic returns was probably influenced
by the country's reliance on tourism and its precarious economic con-
dition at independence. Employment is a persuasive benefit in a coun-
try where there are vivid memories of widespread unemployment
(Mitchell 2002:158). The next most cited benefits were the effects on
cultural exchange (28% mentioning it), followed by national recog-
nition abroad (13%). Their importance reflects the country's small
size, related interest in the world outside, and its search for identity
as an independent state after long colonial rule. In 1979 Boissevain
and Inglott suggested that it was a source of some pride and self-confi-
dence for the population that outsiders visited their country and
admired surroundings and customs that they themselves sometimes
took for granted. They also argued that "The genuine admiration of
tourists has helped the Maltese appreciate their own cultural heritage
and added another dimension to their search for a national identity".
More particularly, tourism "has obliged the Maltese to formulate more
clearly for themselves what they are and what they stand for--to think
more consistently about their own culture instead of merely taking
it for granted or imitating foreign tastes" (1979:281, 277; Boissevain
1979:132). When the 1992 survey asked if tourism had improved the
national identity, as many as 72.1% replied "very much", 13.6% "not
so much", and only 5.5% thought it had "hindered" it.
In 1979, Boissevain and Inglott presented tourism as a factor con-
tributing to a "renaissance of Maltese culture" (1979:277). It was sug-
gested that "The way foreigners have genuinely admired Maltese
monuments, arts, craft, music, and even rural parish feasts, has caused
many citizens to view these in a new light" (Boissevain 1977a:534).
More recently, it was argued that tourist interest in the rituals and
pageantry of local parish celebrations or "festas" had been one influ-
ence making these events more acceptable to the island's middle-class
elite, who had previously tended to look down on them (Boissevain
1993:159; 1996a:114­5). Many respondents in the 1992 survey also con-
sidered that the industry was beneficial for their heritage and tra-
ditions. Table 1 shows that high proportions felt that it had a "good"
effect on the islands' archaeological sites (91%), local crafts (81.6%),
"culture" (80.5%), cooking (73.2%), and "traditional customs"
(68.3%). Here it should be noted that the indigenous term for "cul-
ture" (kultura) refers to things from the past that endure in the
present--such as heritage, arts, and national patrimony (Mitchell
1996:209). This notion is somewhat distinct from contemporary
societal change, with the Maltese being less positive about tourism's
effects on aspects of these recent changes. Of course, people's opinions
on their heritage and traditions are more complex and nuanced than
indicated in this brief survey, just as tourism's actual impacts on them
have been variable (Bonanno 1994). For example, Markwick's recent
assessment of Maltese hand lace-making suggests that while tourism
has contributed to the industry's revival, it has also debased certain
product characteristics and had some adverse socioeconomic impacts
on the producers and their communities. She concludes that "The
evolution of handicrafts in Malta in response to the tourist market is
593BILL BRAMWELL
therefore a complex, multilinear, and bidirectional process" (2001:48­
9, 44­5).
When the 2000 survey asked respondents to name specific problems
resulting from tourism, the largest proportion (21.6%) mentioned
pressure on Malta's infrastructure. In practice the industry has
stretched the provision of public utilities. For example, increased
demand for scarce water has had to be met through reverse osmosis
plants that use costly energy, although tourism is estimated to account
for only 8% of water consumption and 8% of energy use (Ministry
for Environment 1998; Ministry of Tourism 2000:9). Growth in tourist
numbers, especially in the resorts in summer, also puts pressure on an
old sewerage system with limited capacity, and occasionally this results
in sewage leaks.
Several problems mentioned in the 2000 survey are linked to conges-
tion resulting from this growth. For example, 15.1% of respondents
commented on "overcrowding" due to tourism. Increased traffic and
parking difficulties were mentioned by 17.8%, and 5.1% commented
on pressure on the roads. Perceptions that congestion was exacerbated
by tourists are also seen in comments concerning heightened pressure
on public transport (13.3% of respondents) and also beach problems,
which often relate to crowded beaches (12%). According to the Minis-
try of Tourism, "Summer volumes exert increased demand on public
transport with the result that queues are more evident (particularly for
routes to tourist destinations), causing social discomfort" (2000:23).
The Planning Authority also claims that "local residents are finding
beaches somewhat crowded" (2000:42). However, in a study of Mel-
lieha in the north of Malta, Black (1996) suggests that residents do
not usually clash with tourists over beach space, partly because they
prefer swimming off rocks rather than in the few sandy bays and
because some use boats to reach more remote swimming areas. Figure
1 shows the swimming areas used largely by the Maltese and others
used by international tourists and locals, based on a Planning Authority
survey (1991).
In the 1992 survey, residents commented on tourism's effects on ten
listed aspects of Maltese heritage and society. Table 1 shows that the
aspects most frequently seen as adversely affected relate directly to con-
temporary ways of life rather than to heritage, with these being public
decency (51.1% felt the effect was "bad"), morality (23.9%), and family
cohesion (21.2%). Hence, moral standards and family life were ident-
ified as the worst affected, probably reflecting the values of a society
where the family and church are prominent. These responses accord
with Mitchell's suggestion that there was much preoccupation in the
early 90s with "an apparent `crisis' at the centre of Maltese life", due
to erosion of the family and of "traditional" morality (2002:89). He
also indicates that tourists "are regarded as good for business, but their
presence is seen by many as morally problematic, as particularly the
younger tourists introduce Maltese to `modern' ways" (2002:89, 63).
The 1992 survey suggests that many Maltese felt that certain social
problems were worse due to tourism, but it does not indicate how
much they attributed these problems to this industry compared to
594 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
other influences, such as rising affluence, television and films, chang-
ing attitudes to religion, and expanded education. For example, there
was a view in the early 90s that "By watching Italian television, they
were exposed to its overt sexuality and again to images of eroded and
immoral family life" (Mitchell 2002:115).
Environmental Concern and Policies
The development of tourism has been one influence on Maltese
attitudes to the environment, with these attitudes in turn having conse-
quences for the industry's development. The connections between this
industry and environmental concern are often indirect and are always
mediated by the interplay of socioeconomic, cultural, and political pro-
cesses in society. Thus, it is important to consider public concern about
environmental issues particularly relevant to tourism, and whether pro-
test activity has emerged related to this concern. It is also important
to examine the development of environmental policies affecting tour-
ism and how residents have reacted to them.
Environmental Concern. The emergence of environmental concern
among the Maltese is generally quite recent. Writing in the mid-90s,
Borg stressed that interest in such matters "is a recent phenomenon
and it only now seems to be gaining ground" (1995:120). Mizzi also
argued then that awareness of these issues "is still not widely prevalent
amongst the Maltese" (1994:7), and Abela concluded that it "is still in
its early stages" (1994:262).
The many changes in Maltese society help to explain why by the mid-
90s there had been some increase in pro-environment beliefs. Borg
mentioned the effects of growing affluence, reduced unemployment,
more widespread education, and a calmer political climate. He also
identified a shift from "traditional" to "modern" environmental atti-
tudes. "Traditional" views are depicted as having been shaped by the
hard toil of the farming community, and being based on the premise
that nature has to be worked by humans before it has real value. From
this perspective, man-made features signify hard toil, and thus they are
of value and are respected, while natural ones are not. There are few
qualms about completely altering the face of nature to produce or
extract something of perceived value. For Borg, the "nonchalance
towards appropriating for oneself anything which nature occasionally
makes available" was reflected in the popularity of bird hunting and
trapping and the frequent dumping of refuse in the countryside (Borg
1995:120­121, 115­117; 1997). He also suggested that the emergence
of "modern" environmental values had been encouraged by the
islands' advancing urbanization, which had distanced people from agr-
arian life and from attitudes to nature fostered through the hardships
of gaining a living from the land. Thus, sections of the population
increasingly valued nature in the "modern" terms of its aesthetic and
heritage qualities. However, while the Maltese themselves use the dis-
courses of "tradition" and "modern", there is a danger that such ter-
minology can be a mode of symbolic domination by which "tradition"
595BILL BRAMWELL
is discarded as somehow "backward" and holding back the historical
trajectory of "the West" (Mitchell 2002:13­15).
Another influence on the emergence of environmental concern has
been the growing consumption of land and other natural resources
due to building development. The Maltese may more easily accept the
loss of these resources for the construction of housing rather than
for tourism facilities if they consider that the former has more direct
community benefits. However, new housing has contributed much
more to the reduction of open space on these small islands than has
new tourism development (Planning Authority 2001; Ministry of Tour-
ism 1999). But it is difficult for residents to gauge tourism's relative
contribution to the loss of land, partly due to complexities in property
use, with some new apartments and houses being used by international
tourists and returning emigrants, and by Maltese as a second home.
Despite this difficulty, this industry has been an additional cause of
concern about rampant encroachment by new construction on the
islands' limited open space.
The large size of the recent, up-market tourism projects has parti-
cularly emphasized the role of tourism in the depletion of natural
resources. As already described, it has been contended that in recent
years all substantial public protest about environmental threats has
involved these major projects. The large, new luxury hotel schemes
have gained an increased profile as they are often conspicuously
located in prominent coastal sites (Ioannides and Holcomb 2001). Golf
course proposals have also struck a cord with long-standing fears about
a scarcity of fresh water, due to the demands of these courses for water.
It was argued by their opponents that golf courses would change rural
landscapes and ecology, reduce public access to open countryside, and
take away farming land (Markwick 2000:518­519). Ioannides and Hol-
comb speculate at a social bias behind some concerns about prestige
tourism schemes. Tourists using other facilities are
not unlike...its residents; most visitors are middle- and working-class
people who appreciate local facilities and services and may indeed be
envious of Maltese social cohesion and family supports
but if more up-market tourists are attracted then residents might
learn to be more obsequious and, in what has been called the demon-
stration effect, may desire the trappings and lifestyle of affluent foreig-
ners (2001:246).
Protest about the Environment. Mizzi talks of "the more active role of
environmental pressure groups which have been `sprouting' like mush-
rooms since the late 1980s" (1994:12). These organizations had been
active in clashes during the 90s with developers, business, and govern-
ment over a number of the new, large-scale projects involving luxury
facilities. For example, Markwick (2000) describes how opposition to
a proposed golf course and refurbished five-star hotel at Rabat involved
an alliance including the Society for the Study and Conservation of
Nature (now called Nature Trust) and Birdlife Malta. At the same time,
such groups have sometimes sought wider legitimacy and support for
596 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
their case for environmental protection by arguing it will enhance the
islands'. A local representative of Friends of the Earth contended: "I
don't see any use in having five-star hotels and then having a zero-star
environment. The environment is very important since tourists want
to have open spaces, fresh clean air and good roads" (The Malta Inde-
pendent 2001a; Xuereb 2001). The needs of tourism have also been
used by these environmental organizations to help justify their oppo-
sition to major projects. For example, the President of Nature Trust
criticized golf course proposals on the grounds that "If we continue
to destroy our natural Mediterranean habitat we will end up with
nothing to sell to the tourist" (Schembri 2002). Despite the continuing
damage inflicted by tourism, some tourism association leaders have
also argued the case for environmental "upgrading" and even limits
on the amount of new accommodation, usually on the basis that this
is needed to improve the industry's profitability (De Barro 2002; Times
of Malta 2001a, 2002).
The activities of pressure groups may have helped to raise environ-
mental awareness among the population. It is suggested that "The
NGOs have contributed to a new awareness of surroundings previously
taken for granted and subordinated to the requirements of economic
development"; and that the "heightened confrontation between the
NGOs and tourist developers both followed from and stimulated
deeper thinking about the impacts of tourism" (Boissevain and
Theuma 1998:114). Further, Mizzi argues that "It is beyond doubt that
the role of environmental pressure groups in Malta is becoming more
important in environmental policymaking" (1994:14). One reason why
they have gained more influence over policymakers is that some
government ministries and agencies lack technical expertise about eco-
logical issues (Mallia 1994:686).
The pattern of pro-environmental values and activism has emerged
only quite recently, and this is similar to trends elsewhere in Southern
Europe (Pridham 2001; Weale et al 2000). Yet there may be influences
on this timing that are very distinctive to Malta. For example, Sultana
(1994:171) argues that the difficult economic transition from a fortress
economy helps to explain why postmaterialist values--including inter-
est in environmental issues--were not more prominent by the early
90s. It has also been suggested that the islands' long history of colonial
dependence, where many of the economic and political conditions
affecting the populace were outside their own influence, had fostered
a sense of "national powerlessness". This legacy of "powerlessness in
attacking their own problems" might possibly help to explain why the
populace has not responded sooner to the islands' environmental
problems (Zammit 1984:16, 31­39).
Environmental Policies and Regulations. Environmental issues have fea-
tured more regularly in political debates and in government policies
since the mid-80s, and in turn these policies have affected the tourism
industry. Mallia argues that until the mid-80s the environment was not
really on the political agenda. Election manifestos in the 60s and 70s
had largely ignored it, but "All the 1987 election manifestos had promi-
nent sections dealing with the environment" (1994:693, 696). In 1988,
597BILL BRAMWELL
an Act was passed which included the intention to create a plan provid-
ing strategic direction for land-use decisions, including decisions about
tourism developments, and this Structure Plan and the Planning Auth-
ority to enforce it were finally in place in 1992. The 1991 Environment
Protection Act enabled protective regulations to be enacted and it
required an Environmental Impact Assessment for developments,
including tourism schemes, likely to have "substantial" ecological
impacts (Briguglio and Briguglio 1996:176; Mizzi 1994:10-11). Alternat-
tiva Demokratika (the "Green" political party) began as a coalition of
environmentalists, former members of the Malta Labor Party and
others, and it first contested elections in 1992. Although it has failed
to win any parliamentary seats, it actively lobbies and uses the media
in order to keep environmental issues on the political agenda (Mizzi
1994:12; The Malta Independent 2001b).
There are now numerous environmental and land-use controls
affecting tourism, and in some respects they have made a substantial
difference. For example, while the building of tourist accommodation
continues apace, it has largely been kept within the Structure Plan's
development zones (Planning Authority 2000:9). However, the popu-
lation does not always respond positively to these controls, with a "great
amount of time and energy...devoted to finding ways and means of
evading them" (Mallia 1994:698). According to Briguglio and Brigug-
lio, "enforcement problems are now probably the main reason why
environmental degradation still takes place at what to many is an unac-
ceptable level" (1996:177). Thus, even in the 90s some hotels and other
tourism facilities had been constructed or extended without the
required approvals. There are still many "temporary" structures on the
coast that are used for domestic tourism and leisure purposes built
without planning permission, often on public land. These "boath-
ouses" are constructed using varied materials and they are used as
stores for fishing equipment, beach huts or even holiday homes
(Planning Authority 2000, 2001). Their owners are caught in a clash
between their own long-established leisure patterns, some increasingly
influential aesthetic values, and governmental land-use regulations.
When the Planning Authority has occasionally sought to demolish
some of these structures, there has been considerable resistance, not
least because it has been felt they are a soft target compared to other
buildings constructed with dubious legality but which are owned by
people who are better connected. A spokesperson for the occupants
of some illegal "boathouses", who were due to be evicted, "accused the
Planning Authority of using two weights and two measures with the
small and big fry, by regularizing only the position of the big fry who
built on state-owned land without a permit, as, he argued, it did in
the case of the Hotel Solemar" (Deidun 2002; Times of Malta 2001b).
Difficulties in enforcing such regulations are also sometimes due to
inertia or poor coordination between government departments, insuf-
ficient officials for enforcement, drawn-out legal proceedings against
offenders, and derisory fines for those prosecuted (Mallia 1994:698;
Mizzi 1994:22).
One key obstacle to implementing planning controls on tourism is
598 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
the political culture whereby there are ties between individuals and
politicians involving obligations to grant favors and support, with these
ties cemented through the collective memory (Manduca 2001; Mitchell
2002:151; Tabone 1994:236). These clientelistic relations may work to
assist some individuals to by-pass planning controls. Because of this
system of patronage, the official policies "may end up as a tattered
patchwork of conflicting client demands" (Mallia 1994:700). But care
needs to be taken not to judge these clientelistic practices simplist-
ically, based on a prevailing model of "modern", "rational" state devel-
opment. A further obstacle to environmental policies has been that
when they affect a significant group of people they may not be pursued
vigorously by either main political party. For this might cost them votes,
and previous elections have been won by a small electoral margin
(Boswell 1995:290; Vella 1994:55).
A notable influence behind the stricter environmental policies and
related bureaucratic reforms in the 90s has been the Nationalist Party's
attempts to strengthen the case for European Union membership, with
this party being in government for much of the period (Markwick
2000:523; Mitchell 2002:156). The question of whether to join this
union has been the single most important political issue over the past
decade, with the Malta Labor Party broadly sceptical about its benefits.
The centrality of this issue has meant that pro-environment policies
can be opposed by some because they associate them with preparations
for European Union membership. The policies may thus be rejected
as they are perceived as "imposed" by foreign influences, as reflecting
a new form of colonialism, or as suggesting that the nation lacks confi-
dence to develop its own approach (Vassallo 2002).
CONCLUSION
The study has used a contextual as opposed to a tourism-centric
approach to assess continuities and changes in Maltese responses to
tourism since the 60s. It was considered most unwise to assume that
residents' attitudes were influenced largely by the area's progress
through an assumed tourism development cycle (Horn and Simmons
2002). Consequently, the population's reactions were examined in
relation to the industry's development, but also to their experiences,
beliefs, and practices that substantially mediated how they responded.
The influences on these responses included "traditional" beliefs in
moral standards and family life, an ambivalence towards European
"modernity", the legacy of British colonial rule and the search for
national identity, the economic difficulties of the recent past, rising
living standards, and a developing awareness of environmental issues.
Such influences were examined for several forms of residents' response
to the industry, including attitudes to its overall impact and its more
specific impacts, and public concern and protest about environmental
issues most relevant to tourism.
The study evaluated scattered, previously published sources in order
to illustrate the potential value of such material in enabling researchers
to ask new questions and to reinterpret previous findings. Based on
599BILL BRAMWELL
these sources, and by using a more holistic approach, a new agenda
is outlined here for future research on Maltese reactions to tourism.
This agenda may be used for subsequent studies based on primary
fieldwork, including in-depth ethnographic and anthropological exam-
inations of the webs of local economic, sociocultural, and political
relations. Specifically, six issues could helpfully be explored sub-
sequently.
First, research is needed into the extent to which views among the
populace on differing specific impacts of tourism have affected their
broader outlook on the industry. There is evidence that the residents
were often receptive and supportive about tourism's general impact
due in particular to its economic benefits. But recent research indi-
cates that from the mid-80s there were attitudinal changes for some
related to more intense tourism pressures, notably because of a loss of
open space and natural resources and due to activity impinging more
directly on their own activities. There has also been much concern
among the population about the erosion of some "traditional" values
through the potentially morally-corrupting processes of "modernity",
of which tourism could be part. But it is not fully clear how much
these views about tourism's more specific impacts might have been
reflected in altered general dispositions to the industry. The present
study focused on connections between tourism and environmental
concern, but this should not be taken to imply that the environment
is the key issue shaping overall attitudes to the industry. Instead, more
research is required to evaluate its relative importance.
Second, there is a need for better understanding of the degree to
which the inhabitants' increasing environmental awareness can be
attributed to the effects of tourism pressures. For example, it is not
clear whether the Maltese consider this industry to be a major cause
or a secondary influence on the loss of open space and reduction in
other scarce natural resources. Further, do most residents share similar
concerns to those held by the members and activists in environmental
groups in relation to the large-scale, up-market tourism schemes?
Third, attention should be paid to attitudes to protecting environmen-
tal and heritage resources in order to enhance the islands' touristic
appeal. How do residents feel about the competing claims of poli-
ticians, tourism industry leaders, environmentalists, and other groups
about the custodianship, protection, and presentation of these
resources? (Sant Cassia 1999:258). How do they respond to the intro-
duction of environmental protection and "enhancement" in relation
to a "modern" visual aesthetic, introduced partly because of tourism?
It would also be useful to know how their responses differ when these
measures adversely affect "traditional" valuations, beliefs, and practices,
such as by restricting bird hunting and trapping and the use of "boath-
ouses"? Still more, do they feel that these measures will benefit all the
populace equally? Fourth, while the "late" timing of the growth of pro-
environment attitudes in Malta is not dissimilar to that of some other
Southern European countries, it is unclear the extent to which there
have been more distinctive influences at work. For example, it would
be useful to examine whether this timing was influenced by a sense of
600 RESPONSES TO TOURISM
post-colonial "national powerlessness", as well as how views about new
environmental regulations have been incorporated within divergent
opinions and political conflicts about the gains and losses from joining
the European Union.
Furthermore, it will be helpful to examine Maltese reactions to dif-
ferent forms of tourism, including major resorts, up-market and large-
scale development schemes, at historic monuments or in historic urban
centers, in the countryside and also domestic tourism. These forms are
developing in different ways and at different rates in the country, they
have complex and often ambiguous impacts, and the responses to each
may vary greatly. Finally, it is recognized that there has been no dis-
cussion of the differing perspectives among the Maltese by gender,
age, social stratification, neighborhood, and other characteristics. It is
important to examine these differences in order to understand more
fully the varied aspects of residents' responses to tourism. A
Acknowledgements--This paper has benefited from discussion with Tony Ellul, Bernard
Lane, Marie-Louise Mangion, Mike Robinson, Gianfranco Selvaggi, Nadia Theuma, Alan
Vella, Karmenu Vella and Leslie Vella, although the views expressed are those of the
author. Thanks are due to these people, to the library staff at the University of Malta
and the Malta Planning Authority, and to Joan Butt for cartographic assistance.
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sevain