GeoJournal 0: 1­8, 2004.
 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
1
Volunteer tourism: The case of Habitat for Humanity South Africa
H. Stoddart & C.M. Rogerson
School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
(E-Mail: RogersonC@geoarc.wits.ac.za)
Key words: alternative tourism, Habitat for Humanity, South Africa, volunteer tourism
Abstract
Volunteer tourism as a subset of alternative tourism is the focus of analysis. This paper contributes to the limited writings on
volunteer tourism by investigating the activities in South Africa of Habitat for Humanity, a grassroots ecumenical Christian
organization that works in partnership with communities to eliminate poverty through the provision of shelter. A profile of
the volunteer tourist and of their tourism experience in South Africa is presented which is based largely upon the return of
123 questionnaires from volunteer tourists in South Africa working with the local branch of Habitat for Humanity.
Introduction
Over the last 15 years, research on tourism-led strategies of
economic development has found a new focus in the pos-
sibilities of `new tourism' in general (Mowforth and Munt,
1998) and around notions of alternative tourism in partic-
ular (Weaver, 1991, 1995). The concept of `new tourism'
refers to observed changes in the preferences of international
tourists away from mass packaged forms of tourism and is
interpreted as an element of post-Fordist consumption pat-
terns (Mowforth and Munt, 1998; Swarbrooke et al., 2003).
The new tourist is seen as a more experienced traveler than
the conventional mass tourist in terms of demanding unique
and enticing holiday experiences and thus responding to
many of "the problems raised by mass tourism" (Weaver,
1998, p. 31). Among the key distinguishing features of this
new tourism are a shift to smaller or individual group travel;
a move from packaged experiences to unpackaged or more
flexible travel, and, a search for more real, natural and au-
thentic forms of tourism or travel experience (Mowforth and
Munt, 1998). Overall, one of the major characteristics of
new tourists "is their need to escape from everyday routines
in a bid to achieve some form of fulfilment." (Swarbrooke
et al., 2003, p. 59).
Across the developing world, alternative tourism has
surfaced as the flagship concept for new tourism (Roger-
son, 2001). Some researchers contend that since the early
1980s, "alternative tourism has emerged as perhaps the
most important topic of contemporary tourism research"
(Weaver, 1995, p. 595). During the past decade, argues
Brohman (1996, p. 63) "the concept of alternative tourism
has emerged as one of the most widely used (and abused)
phrases in the tourism literature". Indeed, Weaver (1998,
p. 6) states that the term "alternative tourism has been used
in a number of distinct ways, with the common character-
istic of representing an alternative to mass or large-scale
tourism." The growth of alternative tourism is interpreted
partly as a response to some of the negative consequences
of the mass tourism-led model of economic development
and partly a result of wider post-Fordist shifts in tour-
ism preferences in the west (Mowforth and Munt, 1998;
Weaver, 1998). Within the broad definition of alternative
tourism are subsumed a cluster of activities, including eco-
tourism, cultural tourism, adventure tourism or trekking.
In addition, alternative tourism is linked strongly to more
general conceptualizations of `community-based' forms of
tourism (Weaver, 1998). Although disciples of alternative
tourism sometimes tend to present it as an idealized po-
lar opposite of mass tourism (see Khan, 1997), Weaver
(1998, p. 10) cautions that "such ideal types are rarely en-
countered in reality." Moreover, Cater (1993, p. 85) goes
further and warns of the dangers of romanticizing the notion
of alternative tourism.
In South Africa, the issue of alternative tourism has
attracted a number of research contributions, particularly
in terms of works concerning cultural tourism (Jansen van
Veuren, 2001, 2003) and ecotourism (Fennell, 2003) and
more broadly in terms of the project programming for Spa-
tial Development Initiatives (Rogerson, 2001). The objective
in this paper is to examine one South African case study
of a so far little researched dimension of alternative tour-
ism. More specifically, the focus here is upon exploring
an example of `volunteer tourism' in South Africa. The
term `volunteer tourism', following Wearing (2001, p. 1),
is viewed as encompassing "those tourists who, for various
reasons, volunteer in an organized way to undertake hol-
idays that might involve aiding or alleviating the material
poverty of some groups in society, the restoration of certain
environments or research into aspects of society and environ-
ment." For Scheyvens (2002, p. 102), this genre of tourism is
best described as an element of `justice tourism' as it "may
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involve individuals from Western countries paying to come to
the Third World to assist with development or conservation
work, as they desire to achieve something more meaningful
than a pleasure-filled, self-indulgent holiday." Accordingly,
for many scholars, volunteer tourism would be "located
firmly within the sphere of alternative tourism" (Wearing,
2001, p. 23). In terms of the shift away from the mass tour-
ism's three Ss ­ sun, sand and sea ­ to alternative tourism's
three Ts ­ traveling, trekking and trucking (Mowforth and
Munt, 1998), the activities of volunteer tourists are anchored
upon defining themselves as `travelers' seeking personal and
unique experiences.
In terms of this contribution to the literature on alternat-
ive tourism, two sections of discussion are presented. First,
as a context, the existing international writings that debate
volunteer tourism are reviewed. It is argued that whilst in-
ternational volunteering has a long history and is relatively
well-documented, there has been only limited attention ac-
corded by tourism scholars to the phenomenon of volunteer
tourism. Second, the focus turns to investigate the activ-
ities in South Africa of Habitat for Humanity, which is a
grassroots ecumenical Christian organization that works in
partnership with communities to eliminate poverty through
the provision of shelter (Groom, 2002). A profile of the
volunteer tourist and of their tourism experience in South
Africa is presented which is based largely upon the return of
123 questionnaires from volunteer tourists in South Africa
working with the local branch of Habitat for Humanity.
Volunteer tourism
Volunteer tourism is one of the most undeveloped themes in
the scholarship on alternative tourism. For Wearing (2001,
p. 1) it has suffered particularly from a lack of differentiation
from other forms of tourism or volunteering such that "it has
been the subject of selective pragmatism rather than a spe-
cific definition or method." Indeed, in the recent volume by
Swarbrooke et al. (2003), the activity of volunteer tourism
is incorporated as part of discussions on the global adven-
ture tourism industry. Accordingly, as compared to the rich
veins of material that have consolidated around for example
issues of ecotourism or cultural tourism, relatively few tour-
ism scholars have addressed the topic of volunteer tourism.
The most important contributions are offered in the writings
of Wearing and Neil (2000), Wearing (2001) and Scheyvens
(2002).
It has been observed that an extensive literature has
grown up concerning the development of organizational vo-
lunteering, such as with the US Peace Corps, albeit "without
it having been considered as a form of tourism" (Wearing,
2001, p. 50). None the less, some work indicates that such
volunteers do not perceive themselves as being `at leisure'
rather they are involved in a sense of "good citizenship con-
cern for the community" (Parker, 1992; Wearing, 2001). It
is argued that the most significant development that may oc-
cur in the volunteer tourist experience is that of a personal
nature, namely the greater awareness of self, the refigur-
ing of self and identity (Wearing and Neil, 2000; Wearing,
2001). As Wearing (2001, p. 3) notes: "as part of the volun-
teer tourism experience, interactions occur and the self is
enlarged or expanded, challenged renewed or reinforced."
Gard McGehee (2002) argues that involvement in volunteer
tourism increases self-efficacy and facilitates the develop-
ment of new networks such that it influences volunteers'
participation in social movements.
Taken together, the range of different institutions and
organizations that are involved in volunteer tourism "play
a role in providing tourism experiences that fall outside
the boundaries of what is generally considered to be mass
tourism" (Wearing, 2001, p. 37). Moreover, the kind of
organizations that largely fall under the rubric of the volun-
tary category of experiences commonly furnish international
support and sponsorship for a range of conservation research
projects and community development work.
A broad distinction is made in the literature on volun-
teer tourism between those volunteers engaged in volun-
teer work in conservation as opposed to development work
(Scheyvens, 2002). Nevertheless, what is crucial is that the
volunteer tourist ­ whether engaged in conservation or de-
velopment work ­ form a link to the destination area which
enables the individual to have an experience that incorpor-
ates social value into identity (Wearing, 2001, p. 14). Indeed,
the forms of voluntary work "which allow for relationships
to be built between the tourists and local people can be very
effective in highlighting justice issues" (Scheyvens, 2002,
p. 115) in the developing world.
In terms of conservation work, volunteer tourism can
involve travel to varied locations in Africa, Asia, Cent-
ral and South America including rainforests, cloud forests,
conservation areas and biological reserves (Wearing, 2001).
Illustratively, GREENFORCE is a non-profit organization
set up in 1996 and operates environmental conservation
expeditions in developing countries around the world (Swar-
brooke et al., 2003, p. 300). Volunteers support the agency's
work for the host country's National Trust or Wildlife Com-
mission by collecting data or undertaking environmental
inventories in order to assist these government organizations
in producing management plans that endeavour to protect or
rebuild endangered ecosystems (Swarbrooke et al., 2003).
Likewise, other agencies that involve volunteer tourists in
environmentally responsible travel and conservation work
include the World Wide Fund for Nature, Earthwatch Insti-
tute and Youth Challenge International (YCI), the latter the
focus of the most detailed research on volunteer tourism by
Wearing (2001). The YCI projects typically aim to be locally
identified and sustainable, while providing the participants ­
`challengers' ­ an opportunity to learn about and be involved
in conservation issues (Wearing, 2001, p. 45). Often projects
linked to conservation work are situated in enticing areas,
such as tropical rain forests, lagoons or beaches, where vo-
lunteers may be involved in supporting endangered species
by for example carrying baby turtles to the sea (Scheyvens,
2002).
Scheyvens (2002, p. 108) records that "tours which in-
volve conservation work offer a responsible `holiday with a
difference' to increasing numbers of Western travellers, who
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often pay significant sums of money for the privilege of doing
this work." Normally, the payment cost of the tours covers
the volunteer's "subsistence expenses with accommodation
standards varying from basic to luxury depending on the
particular tour they choose, plus a contribution to the con-
servation work of the organization involved" (Scheyvens,
2002, p. 108).
The second strand in the volunteer tourism literature is
comprised of debates surrounding voluntary development
work by tourists. This can range from offering medical
assistance, involvement in economic and social develop-
ment or even projects geared towards heritage and cultural
restoration (Wearing, 2001). In terms of detailed research
by tourism scholars, the focus on volunteer development
work is less prominent. In the work of Scheyvens (2002,
p. 111), however, it is observed that unlike the volunteer
tourism linked to conservation, "the locations of the various
development projects are not always scenic but as with con-
servation work, there is likely to be some free time for leisure
pursuits." Moreover, there is a considerable degree of vari-
ation in the nature and approach of organizations involved
in development work linked to volunteer tourism. At one
extreme are certain organizations which are altruistic in their
orientation and have emerged in response to a direct need for
assistance in a particular developing world context. At the
other pole are organizations that "are simply travel agencies
with a conscience, organizations which seek to open the eyes
of affluent Westerners to global problems but also, perhaps
idealistically, make these people part of the solution to these
problems" (Scheyvens, 2002, p. 113).
Overall, it is cautioned that volunteer tourism as a form
of alternative tourism should not be necessarily be seen as
ethically and morally superior to mass, conventional forms
of tourism (Mowforth and Munt, 1998). Indeed, within
volunteer tourism there are many seemingly noble or com-
munity development projects which have minimal involve-
ment of local communities or are insensitive to local needs
and interests (Scheyvens, 2002). It is against this backcloth
that attention now turns to introduce the case study of Hab-
itat for Humanity and to construct a profile of volunteer
tourists involved in its operations in South Africa. This case
study in South Africa furnishes a modest addition to the
limited existing literature concerning volunteer tourism and
development work.
An example of volunteer tourism in South Africa
As indicated, within the spectrum of research that considers
volunteer tourism, our case study falls into the category
of those organizations that link volunteer tourists to devel-
opment work. The core mission of Habitat for Humanity
involves the construction of houses for poverty-stricken
communities around the world. In this section, two profiles
are offered. The first considers the nature of the organization
that is the focus for volunteer tourism. The second is a profile
of the volunteer tourists themselves and of their experiences
in South Africa. This is based upon a short questionnaire
which was completed by 123 former volunteer tourists in
South Africa and supplemented by other source material
from the South African affiliate of Habitat for Humanity
(Groom, 2002).
Habitat for Humanity and Habitat for Humanity South
Africa
Historically, Habitat for Humanity emerged in the early
1970s out of a small Christian organization in the USA
which wanted to `make a practical difference' to local de-
velopment and reasoned that this goal could be best attained
through social development (Stoddart, 2003). By the con-
struction or renovation of the houses of the very poorest,
it was believed that Habitat for Humanity would make `a
real difference' to a local community and re-create a sense
of independence and togetherness. The Habitat organiza-
tion expanded beyond this initial geographical focus on poor
communities in the USA. During 1989 a so-termed Global
Village Work Camp programme was launched which now
(2003) allows participants to build a house in one of 87 coun-
tries and to live within the community while they do so
(Groom, 2002). Although the Habitat for Humanity organ-
ization does not require either its volunteers or beneficiaries
of houses to be of the Christian religion, it is founded upon
a Christian faith and openly is committed to Christian ethics
(Stoddart, 2003).
National organizations and local affiliates of Habitat for
Humanity work through a community development model
that values broad-based participation by helping families
living in inadequate shelter to construct and own simple, de-
cent, healthy houses. Families participate in the construction
of their own homes and the homes of four other families
through a process known as `sweat equity'. Subsequently,
they pay off the cost of materials of their homes through
a system of interest-free, non-profit but inflation adjusted
`mortgages'. Such `mortgage' repayments are paid into a
local revolving fund termed the `Fund for Humanity' which,
in turn, is applied to build more affordable houses within
the same community and thus providing for the long-term
sustainability of the project (Groom, 2002).
Habitat for Humanity International's Global Village
Work Camp programme offers opportunities for volunteers
to work with its South African affiliate. It is claimed that
"accepting the opportunity to live and work with an interna-
tional affiliate is often a life-changing experience" (Groom,
2002). Volunteers work alongside members of the local com-
munity, raising their own awareness of poverty and building
decent affordable housing. As partners in development, it
is claimed that team members as volunteers "help build a
true `global village' of love, homes, communities and hope"
(Groom, 2002). Overall, it is stated that the short-term mis-
sion programme offers trips that are designed to "provide an
educational and spiritual experience within a cross-cultural
environment." Such objectives are attained through the new
relationships that are formed by team members both with
each other and with the host community. Moreover, it is
asserted that as volunteers "learn about important principles
such as `self-help' and `sweat equity', you also learn to give
of yourself in a new and diverse global village." In addition,
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an important part of the experience is "learning about the
host community's culture, language and social practices."
Differences are emphasized with the conventional tourism
experience as it is stated that "unlike tour groups, our hosts
offer teams a `backdoor' welcome to their community and
encourage teams to visit some of their cultural and national
`treasures' available locally." Finally, in the Global Vil-
lage Work Programme it is stressed that participants form a
"once-in-a-lifetime team" which travels, lives, works, prays,
shares and eats together, albeit it is added "often in simple
settings". It is stressed as "vital" that participants remain
flexible and committed to their team leader and other team
members and that the first command for every team member
is "Be a Blessing" (Groom, 2002).
The South African affiliate and host, Habitat for Hu-
manity South Africa (HFHSA) was founded in 1987. It is
a South African NGO that is committed to the broad prin-
ciples and community development model of the US based
organization. Moreover, it "relates to sharing a particu-
lar world-view based on certain common ethical and moral
principles" (HFHSA, 2003a). In terms of its development
work, HFHSA seeks to provide a sustainable approach to the
housing needs of the poor in South Africa. Three years after
the launch of its South African operations, however, the viol-
ence that characterised the closing years of the anti-apartheid
struggle forced the organization to abandon its work in the
strife-torn low-income communities.
Two years after the democratic transition, in 1996, the
operations of HFHSA were re- established. The work of
HFHSA is made possible through partnerships forged with
many constituents in civil society ­ government, the private
sector and the non-profit sector ­ at both local and national
levels (Groom, 2002). For example, HFHSA collabor-
ates with a number of large South African companies who
provide both funding and local volunteers as part of cor-
porate team-building programmes (Stoddart, 2003). Local
organizational policies are committed to ensure the full
participation of women at all levels from decision-making
processes and in design and construction efforts. It is argued
that HFHSA's broad-based collaboration ensures a higher
level of institutional and financial sustainability. Moreover,
environmental sustainability is achieved through the applic-
ation of local appropriate technology, the use of durable
products and by community education (Groom, 2002).
In terms of its South African operations HFHSA con-
siders that it offers a method for empowering local com-
munities to address their own housing needs (HFHSA
2003b, c). Since its establishment in South Africa HFHSA
has been responsible for the construction of approximately
1000 houses. Currently, the organization builds a 49.6 square
metre house for R24 075 (January 2004 $1= R.6.50) for
occupation by families earning incomes between R 800 and
R 2500 per month. Families are selected for potential inclu-
sion in the project based upon four criteria: (1) the family
must be living in sub-standard housing; (2) they must own
the land on which the house will be built; (3) they must be
prepared to perform the required amount of `sweat equity'
and take part in a training programme; and, (4) importantly
Figure 1. The Location of HFHSA Housing Projects in South Africa.
they must have the capacity and willingness to repay the
`mortgage'. The houses consist of two bedrooms, a lounge,
full bathroom, a kitchen and include indoor plumbing and
electricity. Housing construction takes place primarily in
areas of poor settlement around South Africa's major urban
centers, Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. For ex-
ample, in Gauteng province, HFHSA currently has four
build sites active at Ivory Park, Orange Farm, Katlehong
South and Letlabile with volunteer tourists involved at each
of these sites (see Figure 1).
Beyond the construction of shelter, volunteers may also
be involved in other housing linked projects. A donation
from `friends' in Northern Ireland allowed the establish-
ment of a community gardening project at one HFHSA
project that began in 1999 and has a total of 218 completed
houses. The stated objective of this gardening project is to
train "homeowners how to plant trees and develop the aes-
thetic gardening ethic of the community" (Stoddart, 20003).
Several advantages are seen as flowing from the gardening
project, not least the potential for income generation and
self-employment opportunities and "better health and safety
for the children" (Stoddart, 2003).
The Volunteer tourists
The profile of the volunteer tourists in South Africa is clearly
both different to that of typical mass tourist or to interna-
tional tourists visiting South Africa as a whole as a whole.
The HFHSA records show that the largest number of volun-
teers are from the USA with a smaller group from Europe.
Moreover, there is an almost equal share between male and
female volunteers.
In terms of age profile, the survey of international volun-
teers at HFHSA projects disclosed that the largest segment
of participants are `early retirees' in the age group 50­
59 years. This is a group of volunteer tourists who have
the necessary disposable income and savings and who are
fit, healthy and committed to development work. Indeed,
the peak at 50­59 years indicates a group of financially
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Figure 2. Age Profile of HFHSA Volunteer Tourists (Source: Author's
Survey)
Figure 3. Occupational Profile of HFHSA Volunteer Tourists (Source:
Author's Survey)
stable people who have the means and the time to expend
on humanitarian endeavours. One early retiree stated: "I ac-
tually built one of the walls of the house, working with two
young men besides me." The next most important group are
a younger segment of `travellers' who are generally in their
early 20s and who are taking either a sabbatical from work
or a break between the completion of studies and work. A
third ­ and smaller group ­ are in their 30s and 40s some
of whom are contemplating life changes. Finally, there is
a representation of retired older persons ­ aged 60 or more
who are still healthy enough to take on the physical work of
house construction in the projects. Figure 2 shows the age
profile of the 123 participants in the survey.
In terms of profession, the participants in the HFHSA
building projects are drawn from a wide range of occu-
Figure 4. Religious Profile of HFHSA Volunteer Tourists (Source: Author's
Survey)
pations (see Figure 3). In parallel with the age profile of
participants, the largest number of volunteers are students
on organized field trips, various kinds of professional people
and those in general managerial roles and at work in office
environments. This profile is underpinned by the expressed
desires of many volunteers to appreciate both nature and
the outdoors and have an opportunity to undertake phys-
ical work outdoors, to work with their hands and learn the
practical skills of building. Overall, the group of surveyed
volunteers were not searching for an escapist tourism exper-
ience rather these are people who secure a sense of physical,
emotional and spiritual fulfillment from actual participation
in a project, no matter what their background.
As the survey participants were mainly drawn from the
USA and Ireland, there was not a wide variation in religious
grouping (see Figure 4). The largest number of volunteers
at HFHSA were Christian in one form or another. Of note
is that there is a large group of people claiming no faith
and even a few avowed atheist participants. The category
of `other' includes Buddhism, Hinduism and various smal-
ler Christian groupings. Although most volunteers were
primarily interested in the development work that they were
undertaking, there were a number of comments concerning
`bible bashing', albeit counterbalanced by others enthused
about doing `God's work'. Overall a commitment to Chris-
tian ideals affords the backdrop to the build project and
provides a common foundation for many volunteers.
Involvement in volunteer tourism through Habitat's de-
velopment work was motivated by a number of factors
(Figure 5). The prime response from the survey was of vo-
lunteer's desire to `help the poor'. This was linked also to
a strong respect for the philosophy and for the reputation
enjoyed by the international Habitat. Not surprisingly, many
of these volunteer tourists to South Africa had previous ex-
perience either of volunteer work with Habitat in the USA
or other parts of the world or alternatively of working with
another charity of service organization. In total, 90% of the
sample had taken part in previous builds in the United States
or Ireland. None the less, these builds were mainly `week-
end builds'; only 10% of participants had been involved in
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Figure 5. Reasons for Involvement of Volunteer Tourists with Habitat (Source: Author's Survey).
other international builds. The group of volunteer tourists in
South Africa had an established history of social activism.
Almost 60% had been involved in volunteer activities for
other organizations, including environmental projects, inner
city projects, orphanages, Engineers without Borders, The
Sierra Club, International Relief Teams, the Peace Corps,
youth/community missions, feeding the homeless, tutoring
children and drug missions. Several volunteers were motiv-
ated to work with Habitat by a desire to build, learn building
skills or contribute the skills they already had. Others had
joined the project because of friends or colleagues who were
already involved in Habitat. Finally, a large proportion of
people expressed the importance of their interest in meeting
and interacting with people from different cultures. Signi-
ficantly, only a small segment of the volunteer tourists were
motivated by the issue of travel opportunities.
In terms of choosing to work with the South African affil-
iate of Habitat, a number of key themes were highlighted by
survey respondents (Figure 6). The two strongest and linked
motivations were those for `adventure' in terms traveling
to the "dark continent" and experiencing African culture
`from within'. Interview responses variously spoke of "a
mystique about Africa" for tourists which is unequalled by
other continents. Moreover, it was stated that "South Africa
was particularly exciting because of its political and social
history." The desire to help the poor was another critical
factor in the choice of South Africa. Finally, the fact that dur-
ing 2002 the HFHSA build in Durban was a "Jimmy Carter
Work Project" (JCWP) was of importance to a number of
participants and a factor in their choice of South Africa. Ad-
miration for the former US President and especially for the
work projects that he runs on an annual basis was a theme
expressed by many participants. Indeed, many of the older
participants in this project have been working on JCWPs
for 15 years. Typically, these long-term volunteer tourists
travel to foreign countries on a yearly basis to participate in
a working holiday which is usually organized, as was the
Durban build, to be a "blitz build" whereby a large num-
ber of houses are completed by a large group of volunteers
in a short intense period of time and work. The intensity
of the work maximizes the whole Habitat experience and
correspondingly the pleasure of these volunteer tourists.
Although Habitat for Humanity in Cape Town has ob-
served the potential for organizing specifically targeted
working holidays and will be launching a project of this
nature in 2004, the location within South Africa of builds
of HFHSA so far have largely been pre-determined from the
volunteers point of view. Either churches or schools in the
source countries have organized the trips or in the case of
the JCWP these have been organized by Habitat for Human-
ity International. The choice of site within South Africa at
which to undertake development work was, therefore, highly
restricted. In future the Cape Town branch of Habitat is
hoping to capitalize on the city's growing international tour-
ism profile and offer volunteers the possibility of working
holidays specifically in South Africa's `Mother City'.
It is evident that whilst in South Africa this group of vo-
lunteer tourists do not pursue the typical international tourist
itinery of visits to Kruger National Park, Cape Town, and
the Garden Route (see Rogerson, 2002). For these volunteer
tourists the development work was at the core of the tour-
ism experience in South Africa. Indeed, many of the student
volunteers were only in South Africa for a short period of
time (a week ­ 10 days) limiting their opportunities to travel
outside of the immediate vicinity of the build site. Some of
the older volunteers, however, chose to extend their stay
after the work camp in terms of visiting game parks and
South Africa's other major tourism attractions. It is clear
that in their off-work time, the volunteer tourist is a strong
participant in what Scheyvens (2002) calls justice tourism in
terms of participating in organized tours of South Africa's
former black township areas, which sites of significance to
the anti-apartheid struggle as well as learning more of the
lifestyle of poor communities. During the build, activities
were organised for the evenings and these often included vis-
iting markets, orphanages, and sites of historical, cultural or
religious significance. Indeed, all the groups host a barbeque
function within a township as part of their visit. Moreover,
all participants receive a beaded badge sourced from the oc-
cupational therapy section of a tuberculosis hospital in South
Africa (Groom, 2002).
Finally, in terms of reflecting on their overall experience
in South Africa the US group of volunteers expressed the
opinion that they had contributed "not just a house to the
recipients" but other intangibles (Stoddart, 2003). For ex-
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Figure 6. Reasons for Choice of South Africa (Source: Author's Survey).
ample, several respondents highlighted the fact that they had
offered "A chance to see Americans in a different light."
Indeed, high on the priorities list of especially younger parti-
cipants was a desire to show South Africans that Americans
are caring and responsible people who do know about the
rest of the world, its problems and are prepared to help in
any way they can to alleviate these problems. This response
of volunteers was largely due to the events of September 11
and of growing awareness of America's unpopular image in
many parts of the world especially with the actions of the
administration of President George Bush. Two typical com-
ments by US volunteers were of "Building bonds especially
after September 11 with the international community" and
that "In my travels, I have noticed Americans often have
a bad reputation. I believe my actions demonstrated . . . a
better view of Americans to those who may have never met
(one)." Other respondents highlighted the importance of cul-
tural exchanges and a desire expressed by roughly half of
respondents to improve `race relations' and to participate
in the non-racial society that is being constructed in post-
apartheid South Africa. Indeed, most volunteers felt that
they had contributed to international friendship by their de-
velopment work in South Africa. On their departure many
volunteers left behind clothes and tools as donations to the
local communities. Some volunteers even sought to maintain
long term written contact with the recipients of the particular
houses that they had built (Stoddart, 2003).
Without exception, all respondents in the survey indic-
ated that they had enjoyed their volunteer work experience
in South Africa. Indeed, the fact that volunteers offered so
few negative comments of any kind underscores how per-
sonal needs were met by their South African experience.
Participants felt the build was rewarding on a level that so
few other holidays are, precisely because of the elements of
volunteering and `giving'. Indeed, volunteers expressed the
opinion that, as a result of their work, they `felt a part of
South Africa' and of its struggle towards a better future for
all its population (Stoddart, 2003).
Conclusion
Volunteer tourism, as part of alternative tourism, has so far
received only limited attention in terms of tourism schol-
arship. The South African case of the activities of Habitat
for Humanity shows clearly that volunteer tourists are `new
tourists' and searching for an experience which is beyond
that offered by mass tourism. For the groups of volunteers in-
volved in building houses in some of South Africa's poorest
urban settlements the focus was squarely upon forming a
link with local people in a manner that enables volunteers to
have a tourism experience that does incorporate social value
into identity. The development work undertaken by these
volunteers to assist the shelter needs of poor communities
is in locations which are often far removed from the scenic
and exotic locales enjoyed by volunteer tourists engaged in
conservation work. In terms of the South African tourism
economy, whilst their overall national contribution is min-
imal, their local contributions to the development of `justice
tourism' must be noted as potentially significant. Indeed,
in final analysis, South Africa provides fertile territory for
the further expansion of scholarship on issues surrounding
volunteer tourism.
Acknowledgement
Mrs Wendy Job is thanked for the preparation of the dia-
grams that accompany this paper.
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