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The Journal of Modem African Studies, 33, 3 (1995), pp. 359-379
Copyright  1995 Cambridge University Press
Civil Society and Democratisation
in Francophone Africa
by CELESTIN MONGA*
WHEN analysing the implosion of political space and the rupture of
social stability which has characterised the course of African history in
recent years, there has too often been a tendency to focus attention on
institutions, structures, and politicans. Whilst these are obviously
important, such an approach tends to obscure the groundswell of
new and yet barely understood social changes. Yet given that the
'politicians' seem unable to advance the process in which so many
people have invested so much, many observers feel the need to explore
alternative sources of dynamism. This is largely the reason for the
current interest in the notion of 'civil society' which has recently
become fashionable in the often cloistered world of African studies.
One of the first difficulties with such new terminology is determining
exactly what it means. Whilst there is evidently a need to examine the
nature and sphere of political activities in Africa, any attempt to define
the forces rather hastily grouped together under the label 'civil society'
appears problematic and doomed to failure. This is principally due to
the diversity of political situations, and the inherent inadequacy of
using tools designed for understanding the workings of western
democracies to analyse the situation elsewhere in the world. This raises
the general problem arising from the transfer of sociological concepts
across space and time.1
Yet an attempt to define civil society is essential if our study of
recent political movements in Africa is to be more than a superficial
* Cameroonian economist, currently Research Fellow at the Sloan School of Management,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, and Visiting Professor at Boston University.
This article is an updated version of a chapter in Celestin Monga, Anthropologie de la colire: socie'te
civile et democratic en Afrique noire (Paris, 1994), and has benefited from papers to the conference on
'European-African Relations in the 1990s', Ebenhausen, Germany, 1992, and at the Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University.
1
The difficuties experienced in using the term 'civil society' in applied research are not
restricted to Africanists. The history of the concept is littered with queries and scepticisms as
confirmed by the following useful surveys: Adam Ferguson, Essai sur Fhistoire de la socie'te civile
(Paris, 1992), translated from the English version (Edinburgh, 1986), and John Keane (ed.), Civil
Society and the State: new European perspectives (London, 1988). See also the philosophic synthesis of
H. Gourdon, 'Trois comptines a propos de la socie'te' civile', in Michel Camau (ed.), Changements
politiques au Maghreb (Paris, 1991), pp. 191--205.
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commentary. We are now witnessing a complete transformation of the
conditions in which politics emerge, not least because new popular
ambitions have created an upsurge in the aspirations and dreams
cherished by Africans. This has manifested itself in the movements of
social protest which appear to have been amplified by the huge
challenges posed by thisJin de siecle. Africans sense these opportunities
all the more acutely as they have fewer economic resources than others
with which to assure the survival of their species in the emerging world
order. New social frontiers are being traced, new networks of solidarity
established, new mentalities are taking shape. Values believed to be lost
have reappeared, supplanting and replacing the ideologies whose limits
have been exposed by 30 years of single-party rule. In this flux we are
witnessing a diversification of political activities: pressure groups
emerge from the shadows, lobbies suddenly spring into broad daylight,
without anyone really knowing either the main actors or their
ambitions, let alone their scope for action.
INFORMAL POLITICAL MARKETS
An empirical examination of the socio-political situation of the bulk
of the countries caught up in this democratic vortex reveals the
emergence of new social mechanisms, and the discovery of what might
properly be called 'public opinion'. People are becoming more and
more aware of belonging to specific, defined groups, and increasingly
express the desire that their interests should be organised in both civil
and political arenas. From political courtiers to financial marabouts,
from unemployed youths of the suburbs to the intellectual and religious
elites, right across the political spectrum there is hardly a social group
which has not felt the need for its members to communally articulate
their daily concerns.
For example, in both public and private companies the void due to
the absence of structures of collective organisation - notably unions,
works committees, employers associations - is being filled by a
multiplicity of increasingly dynamic informal groupings, even if these
are often established along Weberian lines of sex, age, kinship, and
religion. For Africans this is a way of reclaiming the right of selfexpression,
all too long confiscated by the official institutions of power.
In establishing themselves as full participants in the so-called 'political
game', these groups expand the arena of association, stealthily
influencing the ongoing multi-faceted transformation. Through their
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 361
ability to blur the rules of the game they represent a disruptive force in
the socio-political environment, what Ilya Prigogine would call a
structure dissipative.2
This upsurge of informal groupings has the potential to overturn not
just the existing political system, but also the surrounding moral order
- always assuming that such a thing exists. The emergence of such
dominant players on the national stage brings both virtues and the risk
of distortions. Their strength lies in the fact that their collective
conscience is greater and sharper than the simple sum of the citizens
who participate. Many ofthe new organisations are rooted in a popular
base, supporters are recruited from the lower classes, they are flexible
in their operations, and efficient in their lobbying. The impact of their
presence means that suddenly the political game has become even more
complex.
CENTRIFUGAL FORCES AND PROCESSES OF EXCLUSION
Whilst obviously welcoming the fact that more of the population are
speaking out on major issues, a close look at the behaviour of the
principal actors raises a series of worrying questions. Beyond the
obvious risks inherent in new movements, such as leaders rapidly
stagnating and/or settling into hierarchical systems, one must ask how
these social structures, until recently unknown, will fit into the
'national project' of each country, and whether both their ideas and
actions will draw them into, or distance them from, the official
discourse. Are they centrifugal forces which will stimulate and enhance
the construction of the state, or will they be swept into the centralising
tendency and simply squabble over the remains of the ruined state? Are
they aiming to embody the earnest proclamations of democracy, or to
establish alternative spiritual values and impose radically different
modes of social exclusion and violence? In addition, one must ask if
their tendency to refer to 'tradition' has any substance.
Researchers face difficulties when confronted by so many changes.
The numerous reforms undertaken in the name of political and
economic adjustment, the fresh and diverse modes of producing
!
See Ilya Prigogine and Isabelle Stengers, Entre le temps et Veternite (Paris, 1988), and Ilya
Prigogine and Gregoire Nicolis, Exploring Complexity: an introduction (New York, 1989). Also worth
mentioning is the retrospective ofjames Gleick, La Theoriedu chaos (Paris, 1989), which synthesises
the numerous attempts to use the methodology and theories of physical sciences in the social
sciences.
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362 CELESTIN MONGA
freedom,3
and the intense social creativity, have generated new cultural
phenomena and the ballooning of the informal economy. Analysts thus
have first to grapple with the problem ofprecisely defining civil society,
second to interpret the significance of the diverse groups that have
emerged, and above all to offer a reading of the changes which will help
to identify and evaluate the scale of the current dynamic for
democratisation.4
Here I present some elements of a study based on the premise that
most political authorities in Africa do not really have a grip on the
actual mechanisms of society. I suggest that rather than historical,
institutional, or economic factors, it is above all the psychological and
emotional aspects of everyday life which determined the main social
phenomena that are continuing to be experienced. Needless-to-say,
the work of others has long demonstrated the importance of the
subconscious in the psychology of social groups in general.8
My own
findings highlight the emotional dimensions of the protest movements
which have been - and, often, still are - shaking Africa's political stage.
I believe that these cannot be understood unless seen within the
perspective ofwhat might be termed a form of anthropology of anger'.
This article is therefore a reflection of cumulative frustrations as well as
an analysis of collective modes of expression and discontent, including
the informal attempts made to use them as vehicles for political action.
HOW TO DEFINE A PHANTOM CONCEPT
There is little doubt that African civil society cannot be fully
comprehended let alone assessed by the classic instruments of analysis.
Most institutions which make up society cannot be compared to those
which we see working in Europe, where elected local, regional, and
national bodies meet regularly to decide policy and choose leaders. In
the African case the leadership, membership, and functioning of such
structures are often shrouded in mystery.
Of course, most associations have a constitution that provides, inter
alia, information about their aims, membership, finance, and internal
3
See Celestin Monga, 'L'Emergence de nouveaux modes de production democratique en
Africa noire', in Afrique 2000: revue africaine de la politique intemationale (Geneva), 7, OctoberDecember
1990, pp. 111--25.
4
The notion of 'dynamism' is taken from the theory which tries to analyse psychological
principles of change. See Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts (New York, 1948), as well as G. N.
Fischer, La Dynamique du social: violence, pouvoir, changement (Paris, 1993).
5
See, for example, Gustave Le Bon, La Psychologic desJoules (1895; Paris, 1963), and Gabriel
Tarde, L'Opinion et lajoule (Paris, 1901).
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 363
rules. In reality the officers are not infrequently changed to suit the
circumstances, particularly as there are often no selection procedures.
Although the decisions taken can have a decisive effect on society, the
most important meetings happen only irregularly, they have no formal
agenda, and are held in closed sessions, frequently in secret locations.
The fact is that we cannot define a specific African civil society without
reference to either its peculiarities or the context in which it has
emerged.
1. Inflation of Politics and the Civic 'Deficit'
Thirty years of authoritarian rule have forged a concept of
indiscipline as a method of popular resistance. In order to survive and
resist laws and rulesjudged to be antiquated, people have had to resort
to the treasury of their imagination. Given that life is one long fight
against the state, inventiveness has gradually conspired to craftily defy
everything which symbolises public authority. Once politics has been
'opened up', any collective recalcitrance could only lead to a profound
civic deficit. Decrees cannot change overnight patterns of behaviour
patiently refined during many decades of quasi-dictatorship.
That the existing structures of social management are inefficient is
obvious to all observers; in general, it was not political parties which
initiated the protests currently being heard across the continent. With
very few exceptions, trade unions, often the most easily organised of
mass movements, did not play a determining role in the course of
events.6
Although those content to act as a mouth-piece for the ruling
single party were hardly likely to oppose the status quo, violent social
disturbances frequently forced the established authorities to climb
down and triggered a process of democratisation. This is proof that,
despite apathy from opposition parties and unions, African societies
were able to generate their own networks of communication and
forums for discussion within which it was possible to express collective
fears and dreams. For me the term 'civil society' refers to those
birthplaces where the ambitions of social groups have created the
means of generating additional freedom and justice.
* This is not true for the countries of North Africa, where unions have always been very active.
They also played a key role in the evolution of politics in the Congo and Southern Africa between
1989 and 1990, but have had virtually no presence in Cameroon, Central African Republic, or
Mali.
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364 CELESTIN MONGA
2. Geographic Variables
Any definition of civil society is likely to be different on opposing
sides of the Sahara since from a political point of view the problems are
not identical. Sociologists in the Maghreb, for example, include only
' the parties and associations which, despite their divergences ofopinion
on many issues, share the same values of human rights and individual
freedoms'.7
Such a definition excludes movements laying claim to
fundamentalist Islam, even if they have a dominant role in the sociopolitical
plan.
South of the Sahara things are rather different. The Mullahs do not,
at least for the moment, have a determining role on the course ofevents,
although this statement needs qualifying. The mobilising potential of
religious communities is clear in Nigeria, where the smallest clash
between their members may result in hundreds of deaths. The chaotic
and violent history of building a mosque in Cameroon during 1991
revealed the existence of a well established 'Muslim force' in the
capital. In Senegal the chief of the Mouride community has for many
years dominated the country's business affairs.8
Nevertheless, religious
organisations capable of influencing politics as much as the Islamic
movements in Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, or Morocco do not yet exist in
Nigeria, Cameroon, or Senegal.
This is why my definition of civil society in sub-Saharan Africa
incorporates the churches and religious movements which, up until
now, have contributed in their own way to the birth of democratic
power in their countries. It includes all organisations and individuals
whose actions have helped to amplify the affirmations of social identity
and the rights of citizenship, often in opposition to those in power
whose natural tendency is to repress such identities and rights. It
obviously does not exclude the interactions that take place between the
state, the political parties, and leading personalities. In a nutshell, civil
society in Africa is formed by all those who are able to manage and steer
communal anger.
I am well aware that I shall not escape the criticism of those who
reject the notion of civil society in states which are not 'democratic' in
the western sense of that term, like the Tunisian sociologist Mohammed
7
A. Zghal,' Le Concept de socie'te' civile et la transition vers le multipartisme', in Camau (ed.),
op. cit. p. 211. For a good understanding of the fears of Maghrebian intellectuals on this issue, see
the lively pamphlet by the Algerian Rachid Mimouni, De la Barbane en general et de I'integrisme en
particulier (Paris, 1992), as well as Rachid Boudjedra, FIS de la haine (Paris, 1992).
8
See Moriba Magassouba, VIslam au Senegal: demain les mollahs? (Paris, 1985).
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 365
Kerrou.9
Whilst my formulation of the concept differs significantly
from the eighteenth-century European definition, it has the advantage
of clearly emphasising the significance of historicity, the capacity of
African societies to evolve within their own, unique trajectory.10
PREPONDERANT ROLE, MYSTERIOUS ORGANISATION
The opening up of politics in Africa has prompted a quasi-anarchic
multiplication of parties. Yet in almost all countries the new leaders
have almost immediately revealed their limitations. Thus, to avoid
running the risk of being deprived of'their' democratisation, society
has had to invent alternative structures to manage and express its
dissatisfaction.
1. The Discrepancy between Political Demand and Supply
The weakening of authoritarian regimes has triggered an implosion
of politics and an extraordinary inflation of individuals claiming to be
the leaders ofso many new parties: 19 were legalised in the space ofjust
a few months in the Central African Republic, 27 in Gabon, 70 in
Cameroon, over 200 in Zaire. This turmoil is simply a response to the
growing demand for representation in each country. But these parties
generally have neither a clearly defined programme, nor any effective
organisation. Their capacity to make an impact on the political stage
and to promote democratic change seems still limited. The multiplication
of parties has not increased the civil rights of ordinary
citizens. Public discourse is still uni-dimensional because too many
leaders are content just to proclaim slogans and pledges of faith during
the meetings to which peopleflockin the hope of hearing real solutions
to their daily hardships.11
Most embryonic organisations are almost inevitably characterised
by a lack of trained cadres and strategies. Faced with many grievances
* Mohammed Kerrou, 'A Propos de la notion de societe civile', in Outrouhat (Tunis), 15, 1989,
pp. 26-9.
10
Here I mean 'historicity' in the sense that the ideas of civil society were used by Antonio
Gramsci to analyse the specificity of the totalitarian parties of Western Europe after World War
I and the victory of the Russian Communist Party.
11
This partially explains the fact that whilst the demonstrations organised by opposition
parties in Abidjan and Douala in 1990 and iggi attracted hundreds of thousands, they were
attended by only tens of thousands in 1992. Such indications, although still provisional, suggest
real disenchantment.
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366 CELESTIN MONGA
and demands from poor social groups, the supply of ideas from political
leaders has remained limited. This is the source of the widespread
disillusionment with politics, and the inversely proportional eruption of
alternative groupings through which large segments of the population
try to express their views and demands.
2. Reappropriating Symbolic Goods
Given the prevailing circumstances it is not surprising that public
discontent manifests itself in terms of anger. The proliferation of
privately owned newspapers and magazines, and especially efforts to
create independent trade unions, co-operatives, professional bodies,
youth organisations, and academic groups, all serve to promote the
demand for rights that conventional organs and institutions seem
unable to understand or satisfy.
Everywhere, the emerging civil society thus tends to be selfmanaging
as its leaders attempt to re-kindle social consciences. Four
influential groups have emerged in this role: (i) the students in all
countries, who have been at the forefront of protest; (ii) the clergy
(notably in Benin, Gabon, Mali, and Zaire); (iii) the lawyers (Algeria,
Cameroon, Central African Republic, Mali, Togo, and Tunisia); and
(iv) the intellectuals andjournalists (Cameroon, Cote d'lvoire, Kenya,
and Zambia). Their commitment to the democratic struggle has served
as a catalyst to amplify the collective dream.12
It is clear from what is
said and done that one of their principal demands concerns the
symbolic 'commodities' of recognition and dignity.
The leaders of these new social groups are motivated by a thirst to
express themselves, to participate and be represented in the crucial
cabals in order to influence the choices made by the politicians. Once
achieved, they demand their share of the 'national cake', although this
is not always their main aim. Occasionally, their links with elements of
the political class cast suspicion on their position, and hence in the
minds of some they are simply assimilated into the opposition
movements, lending a partisan connotation to their struggle to reestablish
certain values. In Mali, Togo, and Cameroon, the decision by
human rights organisations to join anti-government alliances means
that their leaders have become simply frustrated politicians.
12
Personalities such as Monsignori Ernest Kombo (Congo), Laurent Mossengo (Zaire),
Christian Tumi (Cameroon), barristers Demba Diallo (Mali), Nicolas Tiangaye (Central African
Republic), Bernard Muna and Charles Tchougang (Cameroon) have all become familiar to those
who follow political news from Africa.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 367
It is difficult to make categorical judgements about what is
happening in Africa. Does an association designed to defend human
rights compromise its critical stance by supporting one or more
opposition parties in the struggle against an authoritarian power?
Should it remain always 'neutral' to conserve its impartiality? A
similar question applies to the private press. On the pretext of
'objectivity', should rulers whose illegitimacy is well established be
treated in the same manner as opponents who are struggling to change
their country?
3. The Discovery of New Means of Communication
In practice the leaders of the most active elements of civil society
could not afford to dither too long over such existentialist questions.
Having decided not to wait for international public opinion to come to
their rescue, they set themselves up in opposition in each country,
establishing informal channels of information to get their message
across to the people.
In fact they did not really have a choice. Access to public media in
Africa always was, and still is, denied to any group challenging the
existing authorities. Professional associations and student groups, for
example, knew that it would be dangerous to criticise those in power,
if not impossible in state-owned TV, radio, and publications. In most
countries the press laws either implicitly or explicitly allow censorship
- perhaps by a paragraph surreptitiously introduced into the legislation
adopted by the national assembly, or by a pro-regime committee
installed in the offices of those printing newspapers. Necessity is the
mother ofinvention, and thus 'killing two birds with one stone' became
a preoccupation for those who simultaneously wished to earn money
whilst discreedy undermining the authorities that they at best halfheartedly
support.13
The re-establishment of oral communication in the political arena
should be noted, whether by word of mouth and/or radio trottoir.
Numerous organisations in Senegal, Burkina Faso, and Cameroon, for
example, have used the permanent ebb and flow of people between
13
In francophone Africa a popular newspaper normally sold at 200 CFA francs may fetch
500-2,000 on the black market. Hence the clear temptation, not least in any country where the
average monthly pay of a policeman is around 70,000 CFA francs, to make ends meet at the end
of the month by organising the illegal sales of certain publications, especially if no record has been
kept of the number seized.
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368 C^LESTIN MONGA
large towns and villages as a means of effectively distributing their
critical views and messages. Orders for strikes have been transmitted
from one area to another by family visits and day trips to the rural
areas. Word of mouth can be distinguished from rumour by the fact
that the information is generally precise and of an unusual specificness.
Such modes of expression, therefore, have an authority which allows
the emerging civil society to free itself from the shackles of official
propaganda and to define the image of its own evolution.
IS CIVIL SOCIETY CIVILISED?
Many countries have witnessed both the intensity of popular wrath
in Africa during recent years, as well as the desire of emerging social
institutions to actively direct the sense of public frustration. Their
absence of fear and growing dynamism has established them as forces
with whom the public authorities are obliged to talk, rendering
obsolete the remarks ofJohn Dunn in the late 1970s that there is
good reason to see the degree of internal dominance of the state power as a
product of the relative insubstantiality of civil society in these [West African]
countries, the limited degree of viable and enduring institutionalization of
local social forces outside the sphere of the state.14
The aim of the new stakeholders is to assume control of the collective
anger in order to intensify the momentum for political change. This
poses numerous problems, notably that the more 'voluntarist' view of
the relationship between fragile or even moribund states and their
societies encourages the emergence of rival factions and rebellious
leaders. One can also question the efficiency and goals of new
groupings whose actions are still unclear. Having abruptly established
themselves as the driving force behind democratisation they suddenly
find themselves centre stage. In the process, they have altered the
structures of civil society, changing the sociological space in a manner
which means that each organisation requires further study. Other
issues worth investigating are the perverse effects of the extraordinarily
large scope for action that various groups have created for themselves.
On what basis do they form alliances and promote solidarity, and how
do they determine their objectives?
14
John Dunn, 'Comparing West African States', in Dunn (ed.), West African States:failure and
promise. A Study in Comparative Politics (Cambridge, 1978), p. 15. For a more nuanced analysis, see
Peter Lewis, ' Political Transition and the Dilemma of Civil Society in Africa', in Journal of
International Affairs (New York), 27, 1, Summer 1992, pp. 31-54.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 369
1. The Standards of Solidarity
What is the best way to analyse the civil society that is developing in
Africa? Antonio Gramsci suggested a method of evaluating three
distinct dimensions: (i) the organisation, (ii) the normative space, and
(iii) the 'private' nature of the groups involved in the process.15
(i) The organisation
Whether it be trade unionists, journalists, intellectuals, students, or
the unemployed, many in Africa today are no longer content to simply
wear the labels of social origins, tribe, or age. Rather, they increasingly
choose to adhere to a particular social group according to individual
ideas of solidarity based in religious, philosophical, or spiritual criteria.
It is in this way that numerous popular religious organisations, active
notably amongst urban youth, are now able to recruit members from
throughout society and not just from one segment or tribe, as was the
case two or three decades ago. However, it must be admitted that this
is a slow process, as well as not being true everywhere. Nor does it
necessarily yet represent a radical change in the way in which Africans
themselves participate in associations, since many still act in accordance
with ' traditional' forms of solidarity.
(ii) The normative space
Whereas socio-professional bodies tend to disregard the primary
affiliations of their members, even within each social class, these are
reinforced by organisations with an ethnic or regional basis. Nevertheless,
they all attempt to inculcate a sense of communal solidarity in
place of individual identity, which hitherto seems to have been the
guiding principle for the majority of citizens. Some associations appear
to view membership of' tribes' and/or parties as aiding the creation
of conditions for their more effective role in society. This tendency is
worrying, particularly for those who agree with Jiirgen Habermas that
the democratic process is linked to the ability to free ourselves from the
dictatorship of groups, be they family, ethnic, or religiously based, and
that access to freedom is proportionally linked to the affirmation of a
certain form of individualism, because ' the new conflicts do not arise
15
Antonio Gramsci, Gramsci dans le texte (Paris, 1977), pp. 606-7.
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37O CELESTIN MONGA
from problems of redistribution but from questions which are linked to
the very grammar of forms of life'.16
One can question the validity of the 'moral' which governs the
ambition of the formers of opinion in the new social groups. In many
countries powerful associations affirm openly their tribalist affiliations
in the name of ethnic groups, which they claim have been marginalised
in the distribution of the 'national cake'.17
(iii) The private nature of civil society
The drive to create voluntary organisations does not stem from the
so-called 'crisis' in the African state, notably the latter's inability to
manage society, as some scholars have suggested.18
Quite the opposite,
the popular will to create freedom ofspace for new groups is an attempt
to fill the social void which the absence of the state represents for so
many of the inhabitants.
2. Choosing a Framework of Analysis
Apart from looking at the operation ofcivil society in Africa, we need
to analyse the way in which opinions and decisions are made within this
emerging entity. The motivations underlying the choice of a particular
set of beliefs and references follow a fairly subtle evolution. Collective
social representations -- the way in which most Africans re-appropriate
daily events by translating them into common sense terms - transcend
individual subjectivity, and are imposed on each member of the
community as an inescapable constraint. This occurs all the more easily
for populations in revolt because of the injustices which they have
experienced, and strengthens the tendency to return to the 'tribe' as a
point of reference, which naturally benefits from the situation by deemphasising
the role of the individual.
Impatient observers may feel that tribalism is simultaneously both
an imperative of civil society and a key to its understanding. In reality,
most men and women interpret issues in daily life in diverse ways. The
18
Jlirgen Habermas, The'orie de I'agir communicationnel, Vol. 2, Pour une critique de la ration
fonctionnaliste (Paris, 1987), p. 432.
17
A highly instructive survey is given in the collection Le Cameroun eclate? Une Anthologie des
rcvendicatimu ethniques (Yaounde^ 1992), edited by the research group known as the CollecttfChanger
le Cameroon.
18
Noably J.-Y. Theriault, 'La Societe civile est-elle democratique?', in Gerard Boismenu,
Pierre Hamel, and Georges Labica (eds.), Les Formes modemes de la democratic (Paris and Montreal,
1992), p. 69. See also, Alberto Melucci, 'The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements',
in Social Research (New York), 52, 4, 1985, pp. 789-816.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 371
'success' of the constraints operating within sub-Saharan social
organisations can be explained by the fact that representations have
both a psychic and a cognitive structure having been theorised by the
leading personalities of each group. Evidently this is true even if the a
priori logic rests on a purely imaginary base.
This does not mean to say that the choice of a cognitive framework
is necessarily an act imposed by the groups to which people belong.
Like anywhere else, their fundamental motivation in Africa is the
expansion of individual interests. The ideas articulated by pressure
groups have the possibility of taking root in the collective imagination
if they obey this imperative.19
Citizens take decisions on the basis of the
quality of their information and ability to manage anxiety. They will
either follow or disobey the orders of their social group according to the
intensity of their anger. Where tribalism and xenophobia became the
official ideologies of certain factions, their fear of others will lead to
troops being mobilised, whether they want to carve out an electoral
domain, to govern, or to maintain themselves in power. The structures
of civil society are particularly receptive to leaders who adopt slogans
in line with populist illusions. In Africa, the misery for so long suffered
by ordinary citizens tends to increase society's receptiveness to such
ideas.
All the above observations raise legitimate concerns. Is the form of
civil society currently being constructed in Africa democratic? Are its
leaders motivated by ethical ambitions or by a desire for revenge
against the state and those elements ofsociety accused of not taking into
account the interests they represent? Do they know how to adapt their
demands to the socio-economic issues and imperatives of the market
economy? Will they abide by the rules of the political game if these
legitimate their marginalisation and appear ' unfavourable' to certain
groups ?
HOW TO DEAL WITH THE PROCESS OF SOCIAL
FRAGMENTATION
The theoretical issues raised by the on-going socio-political
adjustments are of a similar magnitude to the threats to the future
stability and viability of each African state posed by the anarchic
emergence of an ill-defined civil society. Faced with the weakening of
19
These processes, termed by some as 'objectivisation' or 'anchoring', are well described by
Verena Aebischer and D. Oberle, Le Groupe en psychologic sociale (Paris, 1990).
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372 CELESTIN MONGA
law and order and a decaying state, the fragmentation of society due
to the rise of tribalism and regionalism, and the absence of politicians
with clear plans, African populations tend to react by rejecting all
forms of authority. After decades of resistance to the brutalities of
power, people's behaviour has come to be inspired primarily by their
personal interests. This autistic tendency, which marks the end of
unanimity, is simultaneously welcomed and worrying; although it frees
the citizen from group discipline which we know can be detestable, it
legitimises a private universe as the principal reference point for each
and every social leader.20
How should this problem be studied? The risk of barbarism, which
African civil society carries as a parasite, could interfere negatively in
the on-going reappropriation of freedom. On this precise point, how
can the West assist the process of democratic construction in Africa?
i. Issues of Conceptualisation
In order to react positively to current political developments we have
first to decipher the notion of civil duty, or socialite. Hence the need to
presuppose that civil society is sufficiently strong to contain and
channel its collective anger, and that it is desirable to steer the
socialisation of the state towards some kind of optimal equilibrium.
This means taking a closer look into the issues raised by the way civil
society works in Africa today, notably the extent to which many policymakers
now tend to adjust their decisions according to the degree of
legitimacy enjoyed by certain groups in each country.21
Larry Diamond has suggested an interesting framework for assessing
what he calls the ten democratic functions of civil society.22
The
theoretical considerations emphasised in his analysis include the
educational virtues ofa dynamic civil society, the numerous advantages
of social mobilisation and participation, the adoption of transparent
rules in the 'political game', and the recognition and institutionalisation
of 'lobbies', which means the emergence of a new type of
80
Authors who have examined this issue, which in Europe is one of the traits of post-modernity,
include Pierre Rosanvallon, La Crist de VEtat-providence (Paris, 1981); Gerard Mendel, Cinquanttquatre
millions tfindividus sans appurtenance (Paris, 1983); and Gilles Lipovestky, L'Ere du vide (Paris,
1983). For a synthesis of such ideas, see Lizette Jalbert, 'L'Etat ancre ou les frontieres de la
democratic', in Boismenu, Hamel, and Labica (eds.), op. cit.
21
See Celestin Monga, 'La Problematique de la legitimite collective an Afrique noire',
Conference on 'Droits de la personne et droit des groupes', Universite d'Avignon, France,
November 1994.
22
Larry Diamond, 'Rethinking Civil Society: toward democratic consolidation', in Journal of
Democracy (Baltimore), 5, 3, July 1994, pp. 4-17.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 373
political culture focusing on co-operation, bargaining, and accommodation,
rather than conflict and violence.
However, in order to fully comprehend the significance and
implications of the emergence of civil society in Africa, we must also
study a number of disturbing developments. The first is the cult of
nihilism and cynicism which is a feature of many religious and civic
groups: indeed, in countries where their protagonists are primarily
animated with revenge and anger, the dissemination of despair and
violence seems to be the main feature of informal political markets. In
Senegal, Mali, and Cameroon, for example, some of the most popular
slogans used by the new social leaders have to do with organising public
trials of those who were in charge of the country since independence
- in other words, they are promoting retaliation, punishment, and
various witch-hunts, or chasse aux sorcieres. Such discourse sets a negative
tone for the political debate, not least by limiting the type of issues
which are brought to the forefront.
The second major threat stems from the informalisation of the
political markets. Indeed, it is clear that some of the most vocal trade
unionists and civil rights activists in francophone Africa have taken
advantage of the relative freedom which they have as 'social leaders'
to engage in subtle strategies of political entrepreneurship. Given the
inflexible structures of government and administration in most of these
countries, as well as the fact that political parties are increasingly
mistrusted by the general public, many mysterious associations have
been created by people who are really running for office. Their leaders
simply argue that they have found a way of circumventing the current
renewal of authoritarianism since those in power are much less willing
to crack down on a 'human rights league' than on a political party.
A third issue has to do with the political role assigned to international
non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In Senegal, for instance,
Oxfam has become so powerful in many areas that one cannot dismiss
the need for its approach to be closely scrutinised, regardless of the level
ofthe staffs commitment to ethics. I do not pretend that there is always
a hidden agenda behind their actions; but it would be naive to believe
that there is no political price to be paid for the 'charity business' in
Africa.
2. Policy Recommendations
For any given country, the policy recommendations emerging from
my analysis can be classified as follows:
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374 CELESTIN MONGA
(i) Restoring the idea of a common destiny
The need to restore hope and the sense of a common destiny in the
heart of people who hardly believe in the relevance of any kind of
public authority is obvious. The aim must be to try to convert what
currently appears as violent collective anger against the state into a
source of energy for a more dynamic process of social engineering. The
veritable 'uprising' of civil society as the key political event of the past
five years has been due to the failure ofgovernments to provide a moral
foundation for the principle of'togetherness'. While disillusion about
the goals of the nation-state is not an issue per se, it is necessary to
emphasise the very basic idea that people are bound to live together,
and that any policy which ignores that premise is likely to lead to a ' no
win-win' situation, and possible bloodshed. So, it is urgent to reinforce
the basic message that the members of all groupings in any given
country share the same destiny, regardless of their tribe, status, or
religion. It may sound obvious, but past and on-going tragedies in
Africa remind us of the necessity to insist on some banal truths.
Concretely, this can be done through very well-designed communication
strategies.
(ii) Building a better leadership
There is an urgent need for new leaders committed to pursuing
ethical values who are strong, responsible, and unselfish. Their paucity,
so apparent in recent events throughout the continent, requires that we
look beyond the elites that recycle the same old tactics, using ethnicity
and violence as their main political tools. To paraphrase Cornel West,
Africa needs leaders who can situate themselves within the larger
historical narrative of the continent, grasp the complex dynamics of its
peoplehood, and imagine a future grounded in the best of its past,
yet who are attuned to the frightening obstacles ahead.23
'Quality
leadership is neither the product of one great individual nor the result
of odd historical events. Rather, it comes from deeply bred traditions
and communities that shape and mold talented and gifted persons.'24
The new leaders must place their trust in today's grass-roots initiatives
and traditional African philosophy that highlights democratic
accountability, and perceives negotiation as a fair and honourable way
of making decisions.
23
Cornel West, Race Matters (Boston, 1993), p. 7. 24
Ibid. p. 37.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 375
(iii) Expanding social capital beyond geographic borders
The literature on African civil society usually emphasises the
necessity of strengthening civic communities by supporting NGOs, and
by providing them with various forms of aid. But one must go beyond
such requests. A much more powerful way of tackling the pervasive
issue ofurban nihilism, for example, and of encouraging the feeling and
reality of 'brotherhood', would be to build links not only within but
also among various social groups, and across countries. The term
'social capital' has been used by some authors when referring to
'features of social organization, such as trust, norms, and networks,
that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated
actions'.28
In fact, in the case of most African countries, there is little
or no lack of such social capital. The problem is its limited scope in the
absence of formal or informal links between the various components of
civil society. Expanding the network of existing groups beyond their
geographic and regional limits means that more people with similar
interests and concerns can be connected, not least so that they can
perceive how similar are their fears and dreams.
(iv) Linking civil society and the legislature
It is essential that the marginalised social groups - from which the
new organisations are currently attracting support -- be gradually
eased out oftheir ghettos. The equilibrium necessary for the functioning
of political institutions cannot be maintained unless full democratic
citizenship is restored to all those who feel marginalised. This raises the
problem of the linkages between economics, politics, and society.26
Social stability cannot be established as long as political gains are not
accompanied by parallel economic improvements. In particular, these
must meet the basic needs of the poorest sections of society who often
form the majority. New bodies may need to be created to inculcate a
moral ethos into the leadership of the nascent social groups.
A new political apparatus must limit the potential for conflict
between the diverse groups of civil society, and constructive links need
85
Robert D. Putnam, Robert Leonardi, and Raftaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work:
civil traditions in modern Italy (Princeton, 1993), p. 167. The concept of 'social capital' was
presented by Glenn Loury, 'A Dynamic Theory of Racial Income Differences', in P. A. Wallace
and A. Le Mund (eds.), Women, Minorities, and Employment Discrimination (Lexington, MA, 1977).
*ˇ Researchers have increasingly agreed about the significance of such tripartite linkages. See
Claude Lefort, L'Invention democratiqtu (Paris, 1981), and Donald Rothchild and Naomi Chazan
(eds.), The Precarious Balance: state and society in Africa (Boulder and London, 1988).
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376 CELESTIN MONGA
to be established with the legislature. There are numerousjudicial ways
in which this might be achieved. The most influential socio-political
organisations could, for example, be directly represented in parliament.
Even those societies that operate secretly in the streets could be given
opportunities to express their views about laws and rules drafted by the
regime in power. This would be sensitive given the determinant role
which such groups have always played, notably during the resistance
to all forms of colonialism, as well as during the struggle to create the
state in Africa.27
(v) Adopting a new scale of interests
The rupture ofsocial bonds currently underway is likely to continue.
Everyone's heightened awareness of their own personal interests could
hasten the erosion of the primary family, ethnic, and regional ties
which have been dominant until now. Already in some places one can
see what has been called 'the paradigm of anticipated socialization',
according to which individuals tend to assume the values and behaviour
of the groups to which they aspire to belong, rather than those to which
they are assumed to belong.28
The shift in the scale of values against
which Africans measure their interests implies the demolition of the
powerful myth of the ' tribe' or ' ethnic group' as the dominant social
fact.29
Numerous studies have demonstrated that the nature of the bonds
between state and society, what some writers have called ' penetrative
interdependence', is one of the key characteristics of democratic
countries.30
A number of analyses have established the existence of a
correlation between the phenomenon of the state's penetration of
society and the proportion of the state budget allocated to social
spending. Yet this observation is of little or no use in Africa, where
macro-economic aggregates do not have the same meaning and social
problems are very different. Although the scale of public spending
allocated to 'social needs' might increase substantially, the state
27
Marc Auge, Genie dupagamsme (Paris, 1982), especially ch. 7,'Signes du corps, sens du social:
sorcier imaginaire, sorcellerie symboliques', pp. 211-80, and Elikia M'Bokolo, 'Resistance et
messianismes: PAfrique centrale au XlXeme siecle', in ACCT/Presence africaine (Paris), 1990.
28
Robert K . Merton, Elements de the'orie et de methode sociologique (Paris, 1965).
** Although we still need to question the authority of these terms, Jean-Loup Amselle and
Elikia M'Bokolo began such a task in their excellent Au Coeur de I'e'thnie (Paris, 1985).
30
The term comes from Keith Banting,' Points de vue sur l'Etat contemporain: introduction',
in Banting (ed.), L'Etat et la societe: le Canada dans une optique comparative (Ottawa, 1986), Etudes de
la Commission royale, Vol. 31, p. 14.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 377
simultaneously refuses to root itself in the society it is ostensibly
representing.
It is small wonder that may African communities aim to ' take their
revenge' on the state, and to establish only a symbolic relationship with
public authorities. After having been at the mercy of the latter for so
long, society now seeks a radical shift in the balance of power. This
ambition is expressed in the operation of the growing number of
informal groupings, and the multiple strategies of resistance to public
authorities, including infiltration into areas of responsibility habitually
reserved as the domain of the state. It is this which explains the fact that
people in some villages and towns in Africa have never waited for
governmental subsidies to build schools, roads, and other public works.
Studies of social dynamics must look beneath the violent disturbances
in each country, and analyse the issues which have created such
collective anger.
Evidently the problem is to find an optimal equilibrium point in this
process of 'socialising the state'; namely, defining limits to where
society takes its revenge without completely repudiating the state, or
totally stripping it of any legitimacy, as is too often the case at present.
By appropriating territory normally under the control of the public
authorities, civil society is locked in a struggle which, eventually, can
only weaken all concerned. Take for example the fact that in virtually
all countries in Africa the collection of taxes is falling because of the
widespread perception of their nature. For most citizens, not paying
taxes is an act of civil defiance, a way of reducing the amount of
national wealth which has been corruptly salted away in Swiss banks.
SOME CONCLUSIONS
How can a reciprocal contract between the state and civil society be
defined so that democratic governance in Africa is more likely? How
can communal anger be steered so as to avoid its degeneration into an
anarchic cacophony behind the masks of an amorphous civil society?
How can the credibility of the state be re-established, providing firmer
foundations for 'private' society whilst simultaneously achieving a
better 'rate of democratic citizenship per person'? How can we ensure
that the social rights won from the state through the struggle of nongovernmental
organisations and groups correspond to new political
obligations for the electorate?
My hypothesis is that civil society will only acquire ethical objectives
through a better educated middle class since its members are in the
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378 CELESTIN MONGA
forefront of those fighting for political space. Of course, their
associations are still young and vary from one region to another, yet
they represent those segments of the population that are most engaged
in the struggle for change, and that have the greatest influence with the
poorest urban and peasant households. Better information and training
among targeted groups could be designed for much wider transmission,
and might be the most efficient way of spreading a message of hope for
all social classes.
Obviously, the efficient regulation of informal political markets
cannot be resolved by theoretical analysis. Hence the need for practical
suggestions aimed at reinforcing the components of civil society in
Africa. It is my belief that it is not the lack of material resources which
is the biggest obstacle to democratisation. Far more important than
money, the sub-Saharan states need to benefit from the knowledge,
experience, and savoir-faire of others, particularly as regards social
engineering and political management. By this I mean that all the
mechanisms, rules, and institutions should be dedicated to the best
possible regulation of relations between the state, the market, and the
community.
The social fabric ofAfrica has to be strengthened in a variety ofways,
not least by helping the independent mass media to play a more
effective role along the lines suggested in May 1991 by the UN/Unesco
seminar for African journalists held in Windhoek.31
Before the end of
the cold war in Europe, when the Polish trade union 'Solidarity' was
fighting to free the nation from the dictatorship of General Wojciech
Jaruzelski, the French publishers of Le Monde (Paris) donated their old
printing machines and associated equipment to Lech Walesa's
organisation. This soon proved to be one of the most significant acts of
western assistance, and the private press in a number of African
countries would greatly benefit from this kind of imaginative support.
Campaigns of communication on the theme of civil rights and
duties need to be arranged, with adequate funds for TV and radio
programmes, as well as supporting books, pamphlets, cartoons, and
advertisements. As for thejournalists themselves, they would obviously
gain from seminars, conferences, and courses organised by leading
practitioners, both from Africa and elsewhere, who want to share their
expertise and experiences.
The multiplication of human rights groups in Africa has not
31
See Robert Martin, 'Building Independent Mass Media in Africa', in The Journal ofModem
African Studies (Cambridge), 30, 2, June 1992, pp. 331-40.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN FRANCOPHONE AFRICA 379
necessarily meant a better cataloguing of violations and abuses. The
assorted organisations created often appear to be structures of power in
the hands of certain individuals who are more concerned with personal
advancement than public investigation. None of them have published
precise, verified information on the violent incidents which have shaken
their countries during recent years.32
Yet in Europe there are many
associations which have the necessary competence to train African
human rights observers in this kind of essential task.
Other possibilities should be explored if we do not want to see the
political inflation accompanying current social upheavals transformed
into a deeper communal disenchantment with a wholesale loss of civil
values.33
There is no question oftransferring ready-made solutions in the
North to the South, but the leaders of African civil society need to be
offered the means of avoiding the errors, delays, and catastrophes
which have marked the democratic process in the West.
32
See Celestin Monga, 'Computing a Democratization Index for Africa', J. F. Kennedy
School Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1993-
33
On political passions in Africa and risks of disenchantment, see Achille Mbembe, Afriques
indociles: Christianisme, pouvoir et Etat en societe post-coloniale (Paris, 1988).