POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES Post-structuralist ecologies mt is not a question of anti-humanism, but a question of whether subjectmty* produced solely by internal faculties of the soul, interpersonal relations, and mtra-farnJid complexes, or whether non-human machines such as social, cultural -™ental assemblages enter into the very production of subjectivity itself. (Goodcluld, 1996) Introduction In the preceding pages, we have charted a course across the rocky terrain of post-structuralist geography. We have taken in landscapes of fluidity and instability, as well as landscapes of permanence and solidity. We have encountered spaces of discipline and confinement, as well as spaces of movement and trans-formation. We have analysed heterogeneous associations, as well as the spatial imaginaries that animate such associations.We have reviewed the metaphorical terms used by post-structuralists to describe space and place and, in so doing, we have engaged with processes of network building, processes of emergence, processes of stabilization, processes of division, processes of o__j_i „._r^„. ^„„i„j4„„ mm„?Aw nrar-hrps nf ritizenshir). consists of'devel- - POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES (Guattari, 2000: 34). Social ecology effectively means re-establishing the social bond, but in ways that are sensitive to ecological requirements. 3. Machinic ecology stimulates a reconsideration of nature. No longer is environmental action predicated on the simple defence of nature; now a more dynamic, evolutionary approach is required. This approach would be concerned not with discrete natural entities but with the complex assemblages in which these entities are inevitably situated. Thus, Guattari (2000: 66) suggests 'we might just name environmental ecology machinic ecology'. These three aspects of eco-subjectivity give us some insight into a post-structuralist ethos for environmental action.We can see that such action must be conducted in three registers simultaneously: in the arena of concepts and visualizations (as in Chapter 6 above on planning); in the arena of social relations and political mobilization (as in Chapter 7 above on food); and in the arena of environmental action and the harnessing of dynamic ecological processes (as in Chapter 5 above on urban—rural distinctions). Guattari's eco-subject must also develop an acute spatial sensibility through these three registers. This sensibility must be strongly relational and strongly affectual; it must aim not at the controlling or closure of space, but rather at the artful steering of dynamic socio-spatial processes: By definition, the'art of the eco'is process itself. A practice based on openness constitutes the very essence of an art of the science of ecology that goes through all existing ways of domesticating existential territories, modes of being, the body, the environment, the contextual assemblages of ethnic groups, including general rights of humanity. Vertical hierarchical power assemblages (pouvoir) are replaced by horizontal, spatial assemblages (puissances) that enable social change. (Conley, 1997: 103) Guattari gives us, then, a forceful characterization of the eco-subject, the post-structuralist political ecologist working in new ways to challenge the ecologically damaging trajectory of contemporary capitalism. However, Guattari himself admits that his concern for 'subjectivity' may strike some (post-structuralist) readers as rather odd. As he says: in tlie name of the primacy of infrastructures, of structures or systems, subjectivity still gets a bad press, and those who deal with it, in practice or theory, will generally only approach it at arms length, with infinite precautions, taking care never to move too far away from pseudo-scientific paradigms, preferably borrowed from the hard sciences: thermodynamics, topology, information theory systems theory, linguistics etc. It is as though a scientistic superego demands diat psychic entities are reified and insists that they are only understood by means of extrinsic coordinates. Under such conditions, it is no surprise that the human and social sciences have condemned themselves to missing the intrinsically progressive, creative and auto-positioning dimensions of processes of subjectificatiou. (2000: 36) ISO POST-STRUCTURALIST GEOGRAPHY human and social sciences. As we have seen in previous chapters, topology, systems theory, information theory, linguistics have all fed into post-structuralism in one way or another, and all have generated a great deal of valuable work on relationality and the composition of space. However, as Guattari indicates, this literature has also struggled with subjectivity and in arguing for his 'three ecologies' he feels the need to reinstate the notion of the (eco-)subject.Thus, the question is raised as to whether this reinstatement moves us out of post-structuralism's traditional anti-humanism back into a humanistic frame of reference. Relationality and reflexivity The various post-structuralist contributions to ecological thinking presented above all propose forms of relational thinking as the most appropriate way to capture ecosystem dynamics. Claude Lévi-Strauss stresses the way culture is embedded in nature; Michel Serres sees nature as but one part of dynamic and turbulent systems, in which various entities are thrown together in unexpected and unpredictable ways; Felix Guattari describes nature in terms of territories of emergence and becoming, in which multiple processes flow both together and apart, thereby generating further rounds of complexity. Interestingly, despite their post-structuralist predilections, all these authors retain a concern for human actions and knowledges (especially Lévi-Strauss and Guattari).Their theorizing is aimed at generating some form of ecological action on the part of human actors and human social groupings.This is taken furthest by Guattari, when he calls for new forms of 'eco-subjectivity' based on revised mental, social and environmental sensibilities. Here, then, post-structuralism displays an avowed political— ecological intent. The conjoined emphasis on relationalism and subjectivity means that these post-structuralist accounts emphasize the building of new connections between social and natural entities. They take an almost holistic approach to this endeavour and stress the way humans are necessarily encompassed within multiple sets of relations and multiple forms of belonging. In fact, Guattari goes so far as to argue that the 'human' is disintegrated into these relations and belongings. He says: 'rather than speak of the "subject", we should perhaps speak of components of subjec-tification, each working more or less on its own. This would lead us, necessarily, to re-examine the relation between concepts of the individual and subjectivity, and, above all, to make a clear distinction between the two. Vectors of subjectification do not necessarily pass through the individual, which in reality appears to be something like a 'terminal' for processes that involve human groups, socio-economic ensembles, data-processing machines, etc. Therefore, interiority establishes itself at the crossroads of multiple components, each relatively autonomous in relation to the other, and, if need be, in open conflict. (2000:36) POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES of 'subjectification'. This relational subject can be seen as an ecological subject — indeed, Guattari aligns the two in the notion of eco-subjectivity so that ecological action comes to be seen as a (key) form of relational action. However, if we think back for a moment to Chapter 7, it will be recalled that in the analysis of ecological action in the food sector, relationality was conjured up in concert with 'reflexivity' (these two aspects were spliced together in the rather clumsy phrase 'relational reflexivity').Thus, eco-subjectivity might be seen to have a dualistic quality. On the one hand, ecological action requires the establishment of new connections between subjects and objects so that ecological alignments (or 'partnerships') can be consolidated. On the other hand, eco-subjects must assess social and environmental relations in reflexive terms. Such reflexivity requires that a 'critical distance' is established between the subject and object so that the most appropriate course of (ecological) action can be ascertained. By combining these two aspects, we can suggest that the relational ethic provokes eco-subjects into an awareness of themselves as reflexive and knowing participants embedded within complex ecologies. We therefore arrive at a position where humans are seen as enmeshed within heterogeneous relations but also that they retain distinctive qualities as participants in such relations. Thus, while we no longer see humans as disembodied subjects, or as actors who always and everywhere retain a privileged status, we nevertheless recognize that humans hold reflexive capacities that set them apart in some way from other entities. In identifying how we might understand the role of different entities in relational contexts, we can turn to Ian Hacking's (1999a) attempt to redraw the rather crude distinction that currendy exists (in geography, as elsewhere) between 'nature' and 'society'. In so doing, he introduces the notion of different 'kinds' so as to focus our attention on differing forms of socio-ecological action. In particular, Hacking introduces a distinction between 'interactive' and 'indifferent' kinds. In his view, humans are interactive kinds because they can reflect upon their incorporation into socio-material relationships and can act upon these reflections. In particular, humans can use language-based resources to assess how they are being represented (by, for instance, other humans) or how they are being acted upon (by, for instance, heterogeneous sets of relations). Hacking uses the term 'interactive kinds' to show how forms of agency are linked to the ways in which people conceptualize themselves and how they then act upon these conceptualizations. He claims that other entities do not behave in quite this way. In illustrating this point, Hacking cites (following Pickering, 1994) the example of quarks, and he argues that, although they are quite capable of action, quarks are not aware of the classifications made about them: 'Our knowledge about quarks affects quarks, but not because they become aware of what we know, and act accordingly'. Hacking calls entities of this type 'indifferent kinds': 'the classification "quark" is indifferent in the sense that calling a auark a auark makes no difference to the auark' H999a- 1051 192 POST-STRUCTURALIST GEOGRAPHY 'interactive' is dependent upon immersion in such relations); yet, it is proposed that natural and social entities will respond in different ways to their positioning within particular relational arrangements and these differences are attributable to some stable and immutable characteristics that are not fully reducible to surrounding relations (in other words, there is a humanist residue, a trace of subjectivity). These differences hinge on the reflective abilities of humans, abilities that derive from social relations (in particular, shared languages and cultures). Therefore, (human) entities cannot always simply be thought of as potential 'allies', to be enrolled in processes of relational fabrication (as argued by Latour, 1987, for instance), for they can make conscious, reflexive responses to the act of enrollment and can thereby alter the whole functioning of the relational configuration. (Although other entities can obviously modify their various associations these modifications are not normally based on reflexive processes of deliberation). Hacking illustrates how the distinction between interactive and indifferent kinds can be brought to bear in his book, Mad Travellers (1999b), which deals with the appearance and disappearance of a mental illness known as 'fugue'. The term 'fugue' referred to a strange compulsion to wander, a compulsion that was preceded by insomnia, migraine and amnesia. It was initially diagnosed in 1887, but it remained a recognized medical condition for only twenty years. Hacking thus calls fugue a 'transient mental illness': it is a social phenomenon that emerges from a particular set of'ecological conditions'; once these conditions changed then the phenomenon disappeared. In this case, the ecology that allowed the illness to flourish included the following: systems of detection, notably identity-card checks on travellers; a taxonomy that recognized certain behaviours as illnesses; a cultural polarity that valorized certain forms of behaviour and disapproved of others; and the apparent need on the part of a number of individuals to engage in behaviours commensurate with the condition. This last aspect draws our attention to the interactive nature of transient mental illnesses: Hacking explains that, during the early stages of fugue development, patients and doctors together elaborated a set of symptoms that came to distinguish the illness. Hacking emphasizes the interaction of doctor and patient and explains that each was very accommodating to the expectations of the other. In the process of interaction the condition known as 'fugue' began to take shape such that it came to be seen as a discrete phenomenon. This account of'fugue' shows how the illness was nested in a complex ecology. But what made this a transient mental illness was its reliance on the social aspects of this ecology, and when those aspects changed so did the illness. The ecology of fugue can be compared to the conditions that surround a non-transient mental illness, for instance, schizophrenia. Here we find a condition that appears not only as a result of social causes but also physical factors such as 1 ' —^ff^" rlie^acp. IC.rirhtnn. 2000VThe ecology of POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES ts3 analysis of systems of classification and doctor/patient relations, understanding the causes of schizophrenia requires some attention to the interaction between natural and social entities. Hacking emphasizes that processes of ecological symbiosis involve entities of different types, and in order to distinguish these types he reinstates a division between humans and nonhumans in the distinction between interactive and indifferent kinds. In comparing fugue and schizophrenia, he draws attention to the central role of reflective action in the former and the diminished significance of such action in the latter.Thus, Hacking asserts a need to attend to the particular forms of reflexive calculation that are associated with human behaviour. However, he still emphasizes that human behaviour is embedded within complex ecologies. Hacking also believes that ecologies are heterogeneously composed. But he emphasizes that we can only make sense of ecology-dependent action if we retain a fundamental distinction: humans are (often?) 'interactive' and (most?) nonhumans are 'indifferent'. This distinction is fundamental because it remains potentially salient even when set within heterogeneous sets of (ecological) relations. It implies that different entities retain the potential for differing behaviours, despite the precise configuration of any particular ecology. Ecological action therefore needs to be attentive to the 'mix' of entities so that ecological strategies are tailored appropriately, that is, where ecological conditions stem from the actions of interactive kinds, a rather different approach is required to conditions that depend on indifferent kinds. Thus, the components of subjectivity identified by Guattari will vary according to the ecological contexts in which subjects emerge. Ecosubjectivity and spatial strategy Hacking's ecological approach allows us to accompany post-structuralism into relational space, so that we can describe the heterogeneous relations that comprise complex ecosystems. At the same time, however, it insists we take note of a fundamental distinction between natural and social actors, one that is based upon their differing abilities to reflect upon, and thus change, the social arrangements in which they are enmeshed. As Hacking (1999a: 32) says: 'people are aware of what is said about them, thought about them, done to them', and they act on the basis of such awareness. And, as this awareness extends to what is done to others, including nonhumans, it provides a moral and ethical dimension to human action (Hacking, 1999c: 13). For Hacking, people have the potential to become moral agents — morality is 'firmly rooted in human values and the potential for self-awareness' (Hacking, 1999a: 59) — and this is not something that applies to indifferent kinds. It is no surprise that some of those most concerned with the nursuit of an 134 POST-STRUCTURALIST GEOGRAPHY POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES 195 responsibility for the fate of nonhumans. As Kate Soper argues, there can be no ethical prescription that does not presuppose some kind of demarcation between humans and nature: Unless human beings are differentiated from other organic and inorganic forms of being, they can be made no more liable for the effects of their occupancy of the ecosystem than can any other species, and it would make no more sense to call upon them to desist from destroying nature than to call upon cats to stop killing birds. (1995:160) In other words, the need to act 'ecologically' is a human need, one that is given voice within human languages and cultures. However, following the insights of post-structuralist geography, we need to consider how human relations are woven into heterogeneous ecologies. By attending to the (spatial) zone where nature and society 'meet', we might begin to elaborate an ecological approach that displays the full ecological consequences of human action. It may also enable us to situate the components of subjectification (identified by Guattari) in spaces of multiplicity and affect (McCormack, 2003). This approach perhaps give rise to a form of 'relational ethics', one which emphasizes 'the situatedness of ethical agency and the extralinguistic connectivities of the ethical community' (Whatmore, 1997:44). Such an ethics will require attention to the heterogeneous composition of human action, the nonhumans that lend themselves to this action and the ecosystem in which it unfolds. It also implies a very human sense of responsibility towards both nonhumans and ecosystems as subjects are composed from relations that extend into ecological contexts (Murdoch, 2001). In such circumstances it seems obviously beneficial for humans to be 'extended into' rich and diverse, as opposed to simple and denuded, ecological surroundings. The relational ethic described by Whatmore (1997) can be seen not only as an'ecological ethic' (Conley, 1997) but also more generally as a 'spatial ethic'. In previous chapters, it has been shown that space is relational in nature and that spatial 'permanences' (to return to Harvey's, 1996, term) are carved out of complex and dynamic processes of change. The turn to more overdy ethical questions leads us to consider the kinds of permanences that should be provided and supported. The principles of ecology are of some help in providing an answer as they propose that permanences should consist of alignments or partnerships between natural and social entities (Merchant, 2003). This brings us back to Latour's (2004) proposals for political ecology outlined in Chapter 6. Latour argues that the aim of political ecology is not to root politics in nature; rather it is to 'convoke a single collective' (2004: 29) made up of'associations of humans and non-humans', associations in which humans and nonhumans 'exchange properties' (2004: 61). All that matters, in this approach 'is the production of a common world, one that [...] is offered to the rest of the collective as an occasion to unite' (2004:141). Permanences should therefore aim to embrace a range .,11 core of geography as lying in the study of nature-society relations: to repeat, 'geography looks at how society shapes, alters and increasingly transforms the natural environment, creating humanised forms from stretches of pristine nature, and then sedimenting layers of socialisation, one within the other, one on top of the other, until a complex natural-social landscape results'. Given this focus, clearly geography should be able to contribute its extensive reserves of knowledge to new processes of ecological 'world-building'. And yet, there is some doubt about geography's abilities in this regard. For instance, Noel Castree (2003: 207) observes that 'it is a peculiar fact that a discipline [geography] which, in part, defines itself as the study of society-environment relations has conspicuously failed to engage with questions on the political status of the non-human'.Thus, Castree goes on to suggest that geography needs to: • Abandon the idea that political rights and entitlements only apply to people. • Confront the problem of defining political subjects in a world where the boundaries between humans and nonhumans are hard to discern. • Expand political reasoning to include nonhumans 'without resorting to the idea that the latter exist "in themselves'" (Castree, 2003: 208). Castree encourages geographical work that thinks through the significance of the 'relational turn' in order to develop a new geographical vocabulary. This vocabulary should be capable of describing and assessing the heterogeneous complexities that now animate relational spaces. However, he also emphasizes that this vocabulary must be accompanied by 'substantive political concepts that ground new forms of practice (2003: 208). This brings its back once again to the 'reflexive subject'. It has been suggested above that a geographical engagement with political ecology must be predicated on the assertion of new forms of'eco-subjectivity'. If we return to Guattari's description of the 'three ecologies', we can perhaps see a little more clearly how geographical subjectivities might be re-composed: 1. Mental ecology, which would include the relationship between geography as an intellectual discipline and the 'external' geographical world. Geography plays an important role in 'performing' the world, of bringing it into being through representational and non-representational practices. In the new political—ecological context, geography needs to ensure it plays this role in ways that enable the building of new, virtual worlds which 'trace new lines of flight, new diagrams' (Conley, 1997: 99). As previous chapters have argued, these new diagrams will need to sketch out some alignment between topographical and topological spaces — that is, between spatial locations and snatial relations- in wavs that hrilsf^t- prrvl^o-iral inf-^o-rit-u- 136 POST-STRUCTURALIST GEOGRAPHY with which human geography is most familiar. As shown in Chapter 1, post-structuralist geography has spent a great deal of time looking at social inclusions and exclusions. It has acted to open out the geographical enterprise so that it can embrace previously excluded groups and identities. However, this concern for 'otherness' and 'marginality' might be turned more explicitly towards a concern for nonhuman 'others', to those natural entities that have to yet to be brought within social collectives. 3. Machinic ecology specifies that any incorporation of nonhumans into the geographical collective should be predicated not upon the simple defence of discrete entities and their associated spaces but on a concern for dynamic and complex systems of heterogeneous relations. As Guattari (2000: 66) puts it: 'natural equilibriums will be increasingly reliant upon human intervention, and a time will come when vast programmes will need to be set up in order to regulate the relationship between oxygen, ozone, and carbon dioxide'. Geography can clearly play a key role in articulating such programmes. These three aspects of'eco-subjectivity' help to define geographical subjectivity a litde more closely. They suggest that the relational perspective now pre-eminent within human geography must be thought in the three registers simultaneously so that spatial imaginaries ('mental ecologies') are aligned with social practices ('social ecologies') and an assessment of general ecological effects ('machinic ecologies'). The discipline of geography is therefore being asked to reflexively assess how it might generate new and innovative relations between itself and the ecological world. New geo-subjectivities are proposed that embrace the mental, social, machinic ecologies identified by Guattari. "While differing 'geo-' or 'eco-' subjects will interiorize these ecologies in differing ways, all will maintain an acute sensitivity to interactions between societies and natures, humans and nonhumans, territories and relations, singularities and multiplicities, orders and disorders. These and other such (ecological) interactions define the spatial imagination of a post-structuralist, 'more-man-human' geography (Whatmore, 1999). Conclusion In this chapter, an ecological perspective on post-structuralism has been outlined in order to show that post-structuralist geography might best be positioned at the interfaces between nature and society and between human and nonhuman worlds. The suggestion has been made here that what defines geography is exactly this focus on natural and social relations. It has been claimed that 'heterogeneity', the mingling of various entities in complex assemblages, networks POST-STRUCTURALIST ECOLOGIES 13? obviously constitutes humankind s greatest challenge, but because the distinctive nature of the geographical enterprise can be discerned most clearly at the point where the 'social' becomes embedded in the 'natural' (or where the 'human' becomes immersed in the 'nonhuman'). Geography becomes, then, the study of relations, it investigates the various ways in which entities of differing kinds are connected and disconnected. But more than this, it shows that the entities themselves are relationally composed so that any coherence they achieve is only provisional and reversible, something that is carved out of dynamic, unstable, turbulent contexts and something which always threatens to dissipate into such contexts. While the relational perspective has been largely endorsed in the preceding pages, this final chapter has added one or two qualifications to the overall analysis. Yes, entities may be relational achievements, but the 'centering' of relations in subject positions can lend entities a stability that begins to look like a clear distinction between the entity and the relation. In actual fact, of course, this distinction emerges so frequendy it gets given many names — organic/ inorganic, human/nonhuman, social/natural. In the preceding discussion we added another distinction into the mix: interactional/indifferent.This suggests that some entities (usually, but not always, humans) acquire the ability to reflect upon the relations that comprise or surround them.Through processes of reflection, bodies are made to move, relations are made to change, and new classifications are made to come into existence. Given the significance of reflexive action, it has been suggested that modes of subjectivity might be thought of as 'reflexive relationalities' (or perhaps 'relational reflexivities'), so that reflections upon action can never be fully distinguished from the heterogeneous relationships thit facilitate action. Moreover, it has been argued that the modes of subjectification performed within geography should be oriented to ecological relationalities — that is, to the promotion of human-nonhuman partnerships that work to sustain biodiversity and other such ecological 'goods'. In this context, geography obviously has an important role to play: it can provide ways of analysing, understanding and promoting ecological ways of being and it can be attentive to the shifts in social and spatial arrangements that will be required if such ways of being are to be established in practice. Geography thus potentially lies at the heart of processes of'eco-subjectification' for it can help to build alignments between the mental, social and machinic ecologies that Guattari and others see as so significant at the present time. In conclusion, then, we can suggest that post-structuralism in geography is not simply a theoretical endeavour. It is a way of shifting spatial imaginaries so that new forms of geographical practice come into being. Prom a post-structuralist perspective, no longer should ceocnmhiral tmetitif . Ka ---! 198 POST-STRUCTURALIST GEOGRAPHY imperative here is not simply 'subsumption for its own sake'; it is 'subsumption with a purpose' and the purpose is a strengthening of heterogeneous associations within given ecological contexts.Thus, the aim of geographical practice becomes not some form of detached spatial 'mastery' but rather the iterative development of ecological 'steering mechanisms'. These mechanisms must necessarily be sensitive to interactions between natures and societies, humans and nonhumans, knowledges and materials, singularities and multiplicities, territories and relations. They must also comprise effective interventions in processes of spatial (deformation so that stronger alignments between all the interacting phenomena are established (in line with ecological principles). 'Steering the spatial' is perhaps not a slogan likely to inspire great enthusiasm, but it seems well-suited to an era in which complex socio-natural processes always escape geography's dominant modes of ordering. In this context, the value of post-structuralism is its simultaneous attention to processes of ordering and disordering and it has been argued that post-structuralisms demand that both sets of processes be integrated into the same spatial framework provides a useful starting point for geographical analysis. In the preceding pages this framework has been identified and investigated and it has been suggested that it be used to assist the efforts of political-ecologists, planners, food movements and all those various others who now strive to bring rich and diverse ecologies into being. In other words, geo-subjectivity should now become a core component of eco-subjectivity so that heterogeneous and relational spatialities are consolidated in both theory and practice. POST-STRUCTURAUST ECOLOGIES 19 FURTHER READING The key text on relationships between post-structuralism and erni Vera Andermatt Conlcy's (1997) book, Ecofjolitics: The EnvironmJni Poststructuratist Thought. On refationality and reflexivity h„.,' (1999) book, The Social Construction of What?, ranges widely but ta'wfS accessible. Again, Bruno Latour's (2004) Politics of Nature has g&Jmi relevance to the ideas expressed above. SUMMARY In this chapter, the parallels between post-structuralist theory and ecological thought have been identified and discussed. It was argued that a number of post-structuralist authors, notably Michel Serres and Felix Guattari have explictly addressed ecological concerns in their works. Both these theorists believe social formations should be seen as set within complex and dynamic ecological systems. They therefore emphasize the turbulent character of nature-society relations. However, both also recognize that social formations (especially in the capitalist West) are threatening nature as never before. Thus, Guattari calls for the assertion of new modes of'eco-subjectivity'. Drawing upon Hacking's work, it was suggested that 'eco-subjectivity' can be thought of in both relational and reflexive terms: it requires human subjects to acknowledge their embeddedness in ecological formations while also requiring that they consider the most appropriate forms of ecological action. This notion of relational-reflexive eco-subjectivity, it was argued, provides a model for REFERENCES References Abercrombie, P. (1933) Town and Country Planning. London: Oxford University Press. Allen, j. (1999) 'Afterwords: open geographies', in D. MasseyJ. Allen, and P. Sarre (eds), Human Geography Today. Cambridge: Polity Press, pp. 323-8. Allen, J. (2003) Lost Geographies of Power. Oxford: Blackwell. Allen J., Massey, D. and Cochrane, A. (1998) Rethinking the Region. London: Roudedge. 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